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     SEMI-FINISHED DRAFT - EUSEBIUS' ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

       (Covering the First Three Centuries Of Christianity)
        
       Translated by Arthur Cushman McGiffert, 1890
             This draft is in the Public Domain
               "Free To Copy, Free To Use"



 This classic book, written by a scholar friend of Emperor Constantine,
 provides the best available history of the first three centuries of
 Christianity. It is filled with the answers to many questions the
 serious Christian may have asked about the early Church.

 After only the Bible itself, this book is perhaps the most important
 book for a Christian to read and understand. 



 NOTE: This draft is offered "as is." There are several known
 typographical errors, and the HTML additions have not yet
 been made. Nevertheless, I am making it available at this time
 because it is very useful, even in its present form.

 
               Rev. Bill McGinnis, Director
                  LoveAllpeople.org

	
PROLEGOMENA.

THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF

EUSEBIUS OF C'SAREA.

CHAPTER I.

THE LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.

§ 1. Sources and Literature.

Accents, the pupil and successor of Eusebius in 
the bishopric of C'sarea, wrote a life of the 
latter (Socr. H. E. II. 4) which is unfortunately 
lost. He was a man of ability (Sozomen H. E. III. 
2, IV. 23) and had exceptional opportunities for 
producing a full and accurate account of Eusebius' 
life; the disappearance of his work is therefore 
deeply to be regretted.
Numerous notices of Eusebius are found in the 
works of Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Athanasius, 
Jerome, and other writers of his own and 
subsequent ages, to many of which references will 
be made in the following pages. A collection of 
these notices, made by Valesius, is found in 
English translation on p. 57 sq. of this volume. 
The chief source for a knowledge of Eusebius' life 
and character is to be found in his own works. 
These will be discussed below, on p. 26 sq. Of the 
numerous modern works which treat at greater or 
less length of the life of Eusebius I shall 
mention here only those which I have found most 
valuable.
VALESIUS: De vita scriptisque Eusebii Diatribe (in 
his edition of Eusebius' Histaria Eccles.; English 
version in Cruse's translation of the same work). 
CAVE: Lives of the Fathers, II. 95-144 (ed. H. 
Cary, Oxf. 1840).
TILLEMONT: Hist. Eccles. VII. pp. 39-75 (compare 
also his account of the Arians in vol, VI.). 
STROTH: Leben and Schriften des Eusebius (in his 
German translation of the Hist. Eccles.). CLOSS: 
Leben and Schriflen des Eusebius (in his 
translation of the same work).
DANZ: De Eusebio C'sariensi, Historion of the sam' 
Eccles. Scriptore, ejusque fide historica recte 
rians in vol, VI.).and most val'stimanda, Cap. 
II.: de rebus ad Eusebii vitam pertinentibus (pp. 
33-75).
STEIN: Eusebius Bischof von C'sarea. Nach seinem 
Leben, seinen Schriften, and seinem dogmatischen 
Charakter dargestellt (Wurzburg, 1859; full and 
valuable). BRIGHT, in the introduction to his 
edition of Burton's text of the Hist. Eccles. 
(excellent).
LIGHTFOOT (Bishop of Durham): Eusebius of Cesarea, 
in Smith and Wace's Dictionary of Christian 
Biography, vol. II. pp. 308-348. Lightfoot's 
article is a magnificent monument of patristic 
scholarship and contains the best and most 
exhaustive treatment of the life and writings of 
Eusebius that has been written.
The student may be referred finally to all the 
larger histories of the Church (e.g. Schaff, vol. 
III. 871 sqq. and 1034 sq.), which contain more or 
less extended accounts of Eusebius. § 2. Eusebius' 
Birth and Training. His Life in Ca'sarea until the 
Outbreak of the Persecution.
Our author was commonly known among the ancients 
as Eusebius of C'sarea or Eusebius Pamphili. The 
former designation arose from the fact that he was 
bishop of the church in C'sarea for many years; 
the latter from the fact that he was the intimate 
friend and devoted admirer of Pamphilus, a 
presbyter of C'sarea and a martyr. Some such 
specific appellation was

4

necessary to distinguish him from others of the 
same name. Smith and Wace's Dictionary of 
Christian Biography mentions 137 men of the first 
eight centuries who bore the name Eusebius, and of 
these at least forty were contemporaries of our 
author. The best known among them were Eusebius of 
Nicomedia (called by Arius the brother of Eusebius 
of C'sarea), Eusebius of Emesa, and Eusebius of 
Samosata.
The exact date of our author's birth is unknown to 
us, but his Ecclesiastical History contains 
notices which enable us to fix it approximately. 
In H. E. V. 28 he reports that Paul of Samosata 
attempted to revive again in his day 
(<greek>kaq</greek> <greek>hmas</greek>)  the 
heresy of Artemon. But Paul of Samosata was 
deposed from the episcopate of Antioch in 272, and 
was condemned as a heretic at least as early as 
268, so that Eusebius must have been born before 
the latter date, if his words are to be strictly 
interpreted. Again, according to H. E. III. 28, 
Dionysius was bishop of Alexandria in Eusebius' 
time (<greek>kaq</greek> <greek>hmas</greek>). But 
Dionysius was bishop from 247 or 248 to 265, and 
therefore if Eusebius' words are to be interpreted 
strictly here as in the former case, he must have 
been born before 265. On the other hand, inasmuch 
as his death occurred about 340, we cannot throw 
his birth much earlier than 260. It is true that 
the references to Paul and to Dionysius do not 
prove conclusively that Eusebius was alive in 
their day, for his words may have been used in a 
loose sense. But in H. E. VII. 26, just before 
proceeding to give an account of Paul of Samosata, 
he draws the line between his own and the 
preceding generation, declaring that he is now 
about to relate the events of his own age 
(<greek>thn</greek> <greek>kaq</greek> 
<greek>hmas</greek>). This still further confirms 
the other indications, and we shall consequently 
be safe in concluding that Eusebius was born not 
far from the year 260 A.D. His birthplace cannot 
be determined with certainty. The fact that he is 
called "Eusebius the Palestinian" by Marcellus 
(Euseb. lib. adv. Marcell. I. 4), Bash (Lib. ad. 
Amphil. de Spir. Sancto, c. 29), and others, does 
not prove that he was a Palestinian by birth; for 
the epithet may be used to indicate merely his 
place of residence (he was bishop of C'sarea in 
Palestine for many years). Moreover, the argument 
urged by Stein and Lightfoot in support of his 
Palestinian birth, namely, that it was customary 
to elect to the episcopate of any church a native 
of the city in preference to a native of some 
other place, does not count for much. All that 
seems to have been demanded was that a man should 
have been already a member of the particular 
church over which he was to be made bishop, and 
even this rule was not universal (see Bingham's 
Antiquities, II 10, 2 and 3). The fact that he was 
bishop of C'sarea therefore would at most warrant 
us in concluding only that he had made his 
residence in C'sarea for some time previous to his 
election to that office. Nevertheless, although 
neither of these arguments proves his Palestinian 
birth, it is very probable that he was a native of 
that country, or at least of that section. He was 
acquainted with Syriac as well as with Greek, 
which circumstance taken in connection with his 
ignorance of Latin (see below, p. 47) points to 
the region of Syria as his birthplace. Moreover, 
we learn from his own testimony that he was in 
C'sarea while still a youth (Vita Canstantini, I. 
19), and in his epistle to the church of C'sarea 
(see below, p. 16) he says that he was taught the 
creed of the C'sarean church in his childhood (or 
at least at the beginning of his Christian life: 
<greek>en</greek> <greek>th</greek> 
<greek>kathkhsei</greek>), and that he accepted it 
at baptism. It would seem therefore that he must 
have lived while still a child either in C'sarea 
itself, or in the neighborhood, where its creed 
was in use. Although no one therefore (except 
Theodorus Metochita of the fourteenth century, in 
his Cap. Miscell. 17; Migne, Patr. Lat. CXLTV. 
949) directly states that Eusebius was a 
Palestinian by birth, we have every reason to 
suppose him such. His parents are entirely 
unknown. Nicephorus Callistus (H. E. VI. 37) 
reports that his mother was a sister of Pamphilus. 
He does not mention his authority for this 
statement, and it is extremely unlikely, in the 
face of the silence of Eusebius himself and of all 
other writers, that it is true. It is far more 
probable that the relationship was later assumed 
to account for the close intimacy of the two men. 
Arius, in an epistle addressed to Eusebius of 
Nicomedia (contained in Theodoret's Hist. Eccles. 
I. 5), calls Eusebius of C'sarea the latter's 
brother. It is objected to this that Eusebius of 
Nicomedia refers to Eusebius of C'sarea on one 
occasion as his

5

"master" (<greek>tou</greek> 
<greek>despotou</greek>, in his epistle to 
Paulinus contained in Theodoret's Hist. Eccles. I. 
6), and that on the other hand Eusebius of C'sarea 
calls Eusebius of Nicomedia, "the great Eusebius" 
(Euseb. lib. adv. Marcell. I. 4), both of which 
expressions seem inconsistent with brotherhood. 
Lightfoot justly remarks that neither the argument 
itself nor the objections carry much weight. The 
term <greek>adelFos</greek> may well have been 
used to indicate merely theological or 
ecclesiastical association, while on the other 
hand, brotherhood would not exclude the form of 
expression employed by each in speaking of the 
other. Of more weight is the fact that neither 
Eusebius himself nor any historian of that period 
refers to such a relationship, and also the 
unlikelihood that two members of one family should 
bear the same name.
From Eusebius' works we gather that he must have 
received an extensive education both in secular 
philosophy and in Biblical and theological 
science. Although his immense erudition was 
doubtless the result of wide and varied reading 
continued throughout life, it is highly probable 
that he acquired the taste for such reading in his 
youth. Who his early instructors were we do not 
know, and therefore cannot estimate the degree of 
their influence over him. As he was a man, 
however, who cherished deep admiration for those 
whom he regarded as great and good men, and as he 
possessed an unusually acquisitive mind and a 
pliant disposition, we should naturally suppose 
that his instructors must have possessed 
considerable influence over him, and that his 
methods of study in later years must have been 
largely molded by their example and precept. We 
see this exemplified in a remarkable degree in the 
influence exerted over him by Pamphilus, his 
dearest friend, and at the same time the 
preceptor, as it were, of his early manhood. 
Certainly this great bibliopholist must have done 
much to strengthen Eusebius' natural taste for 
omnivorous reading, and the opportunities afforded 
by his grand library for the cultivation of such a 
taste were not lost. To the influence of 
Pamphilus, the devoted admirer and enthusiastic 
champion of Origen, was doubtless due also in 
large measure the deep respect which Eusebius 
showed for that illustrious Father, a respect to 
which we owe one of the most delightful sections 
of his Church History, his long account of Origen 
in the sixth book, and to which in part antiquity 
was indebted for the elaborate Defense of Origen, 
composed by Pamphilus and himself, but 
unfortunately no longer extant. Eusebius certainly 
owed much to the companionship of that eager 
student and noble Christian hero, and he always 
recognized with deep gratitude his indebtedness to 
him. (Compare the account of Pamphilus given below 
in Bk. VII. chap. 32, § 25 sq.) The names of his 
earlier instructors, who were eminently 
successful, at least in fostering his thirst for 
knowledge, are quite unknown to us. His abiding 
admiration for Plato, whom he always placed at the 
head of all philosophers (see Stein, p. 6), would 
lead us to think that he received at least a part 
of his secular training from some ardent 
Platonist, while his intense interest in 
apologetics, which lasted throughout his life, and 
which affected all his works, seems to indicate 
the peculiar bent of his early Christian 
education. Trithemius concluded from a passage in 
his History (VII. 32) that Eusebius was a pupil of 
the learned Dorotheus of Antioch, and Valesius, 
Lightfoot and others are apparently inclined to 
accept his conclusion. But, as Stroth remarks 
(Eusebii Kirchengeschichte, p. xix), all that 
Eusebius says is that he had heard Dorotheus 
expound the Scriptures in the church 
(<greek>toutou</greek> <greek>metriws</greek> 
<greek>tas</greek> <greek>UraFas</greek> 
<greek>eps</greek> <greek>epi</greek> 
<greek>ths</greek> <greek>ekklhsias</greek> 
<greek>dihUoumenou</greek> 
<greek>kathkousamen</greek>), that is, that he had 
heard him preach. To conclude from this statement 
that he was a pupil of Dorotheus is certainly 
quite unwarranted.
Stroth's suggestion that he probably enjoyed the 
instruction of Meletius for seven years during the 
persecution rests upon no good ground, for the 
passage which he relies upon to sustain his 
opinion (E. E. VII. 32. 28) says only that 
Eusebius "observed Meletius well" 
(<greek>katenohsamen</greek>) during those seven 
years.
In C'sarea Eusebius was at one time a presbyter of 
the church, as we may gather from his words in the 
epistle to that church already referred to, where, 
in speaking of the creed, he says, "As we believed 
and taught in the presbytery and in the episcopate 
itself." But the attempt to fix the date of his 
ordination to that office is quite vain. It is 
commonly assumed that he

6

became presbyter while Agapius was bishop of 
C'sarea, and this is not unlikely, though we 
possess no proof of it (upon Agapius see below, H. 
E. VII. 32, note 39). In his Vita Constantini, I. 
19, Eusebius reports that he saw Constantine for 
the first time in C'sarea in the train of the 
Emperor Diocletian. In his Chron. Eusebius reports 
that Diocletian made an expedition against Egypt, 
which had risen in rebellion in the year 296 A.D., 
and Theophanes, in his Chron., says that 
Constantine accompanied him. It is probable 
therefore that it was at this time that Eusebius 
first saw Constantine in C'sarea, when he was 
either on his way to Egypt, or on his way back 
(see Tillemont's Hist. des Emp., IV. p. 34).
During these years of quiet, before the great 
persecution of Diocletian, which broke out in 303 
A.D., Eusebius' life must have been a very 
pleasant one. Pamphilus' house seems to have been 
a sort of rendezvous for Christian scholars, 
perhaps a regular divinity school; for we learn 
from Eusebius' Martyrs in Palestine (Cureton's 
edition, pp. 13 and 14) that he and a number of 
others, including the martyr Apphianus, were 
living together in one house at the time of the 
persecution, and that the latter was instructed in 
the Scriptures by Pamphilus and acquired from him 
virtuous habits and conduct. The great library of 
Pamphilus would make his house a natural center 
for theological study, and the immense amount of 
work which was done by him, or under his 
direction, in the reproduction of copies of the 
Holy Scriptures, of Origen's works (see Jerome's 
de vir. ill. 75 and 8r, and contra Ruf. I. 9), and 
in other literary employments of the same kind, 
makes it probable that he had gathered about him a 
large circle of friends and students who assisted 
him in his labors and profited by his counsel and 
instruction. Amidst these associations Eusebius 
passed his early manhood, and the intellectual 
stimulus thus given him doubtless had much to do 
with his future career. He was above all a 
literary man, and remained such to the end of his 
life. The pleasant companionships of these days, 
and the mutual interest and sympathy which must 
have bound those fellow-students and 
fellow-disciples of Pamphilus very close together, 
perhaps had much to do with that broad-minded 
spirit of sympathy and tolerance which so 
characterized Eusebius in later years. He was 
always as far as possible from the character of a 
recluse. He seems ever to have been bound by very 
strong ties to the world itself and to his 
fellow-men. Had his earlier days been filled with 
trials and hardships, with the bitterness of 
disappointed hopes and unfulfilled ambitions, with 
harsh experiences of others' selfishness and 
treachery, who shall say that the whole course of 
his life might not have been changed, and his 
writings have exhibited au entirely different 
spirit from that which is now one of their 
greatest charms? Certainly he had during these 
early years in C'sarea large opportunities for 
cultivating that natural trait of admiration for 
other men, which was often so strong as to blind 
him even to their faults, and that natural 
kindness which led him to see good wherever it 
existed in his Christian brethren. At the same 
time these associations must have had considerable 
influence in fostering the apologetic temper. The 
pursuits of the little circle were apparently 
exclusively Christian, and in that day when 
Christianity stood always on its defense, it would 
naturally become to them a sacred duty to 
contribute to that defense and to employ all their 
energies in the task. It has been remarked that 
the apologetic temper is very noticeable in 
Eusebius' writings. It is more than that; we may 
say indeed in general terms that everything he 
wrote was an apology for the faith. His History 
was written avowedly with an apologetic purpose, 
his Chronicle was composed with the same end in 
view. Even when pronouncing a eulogy upon a 
deceased emperor he seized ever), possible 
opportunity to draw from that emperor's career, 
and from the circumstances of his reign, arguments 
for the truth and grandeur of the Christian 
religion. His natural temper of mind and his early 
training may have had much to do with this habit 
of thought, but certainly those years with 
Pamphilus and his friends in C'sarea must have 
emphasized and developed it.
Another characteristic which Pamphilus and the 
circle that surrounded him doubtless did something 
to develop in our author was a certain superiority 
to the trammels of mere traditionalism, or we 
might perhaps better say that they in some measure 
checked the opposite tendency of

7

slavishness to the traditional which seems to have 
been natural to him. Pamphilus' deep reverence for 
Origen proclaims him at once superior to that kind 
of narrow conservatism which led many men as 
learned and doubtless as conscientious as himself 
to pass severe and unconditional condemnation upon 
Origen and all his teaching. The effect of 
championing his cause must have fostered in this 
little circle, which was a very hotbed of 
Origenism, a contempt for the narrow and unfair 
judgments of mere traditionalists, and must have 
led them to seek in some degree the truth solely 
for its own sake, and to become in a measure 
careless of its relation to the views of any 
school or church. It could hardly be otherwise 
than that the free and fearless spirit of Origen 
should leave its impress through his writings upon 
a circle of followers so devoted to him as were 
these C'sarean students. Upon the impressionable 
Eusebius these influences necessarily operated. 
And yet he brought to them no keen speculative 
powers, no deep originality such as Origen himself 
possessed. His was essentially an acquisitive, not 
a productive mind, and hence it was out of the 
question that he should become a second Origen. It 
was quite certain that Origen's influence over him 
would weaken somewhat his confidence in the 
traditional as such,-a confidence which is 
naturally great in such minds as his,-- but at the 
same time would do little to lessen the real power 
of the past over him. He continued to get his 
truth from others, from the great men of the past 
with whom he had lived and upon whose thought he 
had feasted. All that he believed he had drawn 
from them; he produced nothing new for himself, 
and his creed was a traditional creed. And yet he 
had at the same time imbibed from his surroundings 
the habit of questioning and even criticising the 
past, and, in spite of his abiding respect for it, 
had learned to feel that the voice of the many is 
not always the voice of truth, and that the widely 
and anciently accepted is sometimes to be 
corrected by the clearer sight of a single man. 
Though he therefore depended for all he believed 
so completely upon the past, his associations had 
helped to free him from a slavish adherence to all 
that a particular school had accepted, and had 
made him in some small measure an eclectic in his 
relations to doctrines and opinions of earlier 
generations. A notable instance of this 
eclecticism on his part is seen in his treatment 
of the Apocalypse of John. He felt the force of an 
almost universal tradition in favor of its 
apostolic origin, and yet in the face of that he 
could listen to the doubts of Dionysius, and could 
be led by his example, in a case where his own 
dissatisfaction with the book acted as an 
incentive, almost, if not quite, to reject it and 
to ascribe it to another John. Instances of a 
similar mode of conduct on his part are quite 
numerous. While he is always a staunch apologist 
for Christianity, he seldom, if ever, degenerates 
into a mere partisan of any particular school or 
sect.
One thing in fact which is particularly noticeable 
in Eusebius' works is the comparatively small 
amount of time and space which he devotes to 
heretics. With his wide and varied learning and 
his extensive acquaintance with the past, he had 
opportunities for successful heresy hunting such 
as few possessed, and yet he never was a heresy 
hunter in any sense. This is surprising when we 
remember what a fascination this employment had 
for so many scholars of his own age, and when we 
realize that his historical tastes and talents 
would seem to mark him out as just the man for 
that kind of work. May it not be that the lofty 
spirit of Origen, animating that C'sarean school, 
had something to do with the happy fact that he 
became an apologist instead of a mere polemic, 
that he chose the honorable task of writing a 
history of the Church. instead of anticipating 
Epiphanius' Panarium?
It was not that he was not alive to the evils of 
heresy. He shared with nearly all good church-men 
of his age an intense aversion for those who, as 
he believed, had corrupted the true Gospel of 
Christ. Like them he ascribed heresy to the agency 
of the evil one, and was no more able than they to 
see any good in a man whom he looked upon as a 
real heretic, or to do justice in any degree to 
the error which he taught. His condemnations of 
heretics in his Church History are most severe. 
Language is hardly strong enough to express his 
aversion for them. And yet, although he is thus 
most thoroughly the child of his age, the 
difference between him and most of his 
contemporaries is very apparent. He mentions these 
heretics only to dismiss them with dis-

8

approval or condemnation. He seldom, if ever, 
discusses and refutes their views. His interests 
lie evidently in other directions; he is concerned 
with higher things. A still more strongly marked 
difference between himself and many churchmen of 
his age lies in his large liberality towards those 
of his own day who differed with him in minor 
points of faith, and his comparative indifference 
to the divergence of views between the various 
parties in the Church. In all this we believe is 
to be seen not simply the inherent nature of the 
man, but that nature as trained in the school of 
Pamphilus, the disciple of Origen.

§ 3. The Persecution of Diocletian.

In this delightful circle and engaged in such 
congenial tasks, the time must have passed very 
happily for Eusebius, until, in 303, the terrible 
persecution of Diocletian broke upon the Church 
almost like a thunderbolt out of a clear sky. The 
causes of the sudden change of policy on 
Diocletian's part, and the terrible havoc wrought 
in the Church, it is not my intention to discuss 
here (see below, Bk. VIII. chap. 2, note 3 sq.). 
We are concerned with the persecution only in so 
far as it bears upon the present subject. In the 
first year of the persecution Procopius, the first 
martyr of Palestine, was put to death at C'sarea 
(Eusebius' Martyrs of Palestine, Cureton's ed. p. 
4), and from that time on that city, which was an 
important Christian center, was the scene of a 
tempest which raged with greater or less violence, 
and with occasional cessations, for seven years. 
Eusebius himself was an eyewitness of many 
martyrdoms there, of which he gives us an account 
in his Martyrs of Palestine. The little circle 
which surrounded Pamphilus did not escape. In the 
third year of the persecution (Mart. of Pal. p. 12 
sq.) a youth named Apphianus, or Epiphanius (the 
former is given in the Greek text, the latter in 
the Syriac), who "resided in the same house with 
us, confirming himself in godly doctrine, and 
being instructed by that perfect martyr, 
Pamphilus" (as Eusebius says), committed an act of 
fanatical daring which caused his arrest and 
martyrdom. It seems that without the knowledge of 
his friends, concealing his design even from those 
who dwelt in the same house with him, he laid hold 
of the hand of the governor, Arbanus, who was upon 
the point of sacrificing, and endeavored to 
dissuade him from offering to "lifeless idols and 
wicked devils." His arrest was of course the 
natural consequence, and he had the glory of 
witnessing a good profession and suffering a 
triumphant death. Although Eusebius speaks with 
such admiration of his conduct, it is quite 
significant of the attitude of himself, and of 
most of the circle of which he was one, that 
Apphianus felt obliged to conceal his purpose from 
them. He doubtless feared that they would not 
permit him to perform the rash act which he 
meditated, and we may conclude from that, that the 
circle in the main was governed by the precepts of 
good common sense, and avoided that fanaticism 
which so frequently led men, as in the present 
case it led Apphianus, to expose themselves 
needlessly, and even to court martyrdom. It is 
plain enough from what we know of Eusebius' 
general character that he himself was too sensible 
to act in that way. It is true that he speaks with 
admiration of Apphianus' conduct, and in H. E. 
VIII. 5, of the equally rash procedure of a 
Nicomedian Christian; but that does not imply that 
he considered their course the wisest one, and 
that he would not rather recommend the employment 
of all proper and honorable precautions for the 
preservation of life. Indeed, in H. E. IV. 15, he 
speaks with evident approval of the prudent course 
pursued by Polycarp in preserving his life so long 
as he could without violating his Christian 
profession, and with manifest disapproval of the 
rash act of the Phrygian Quintus, who 
presumptuously courted martyrdom, only to fail 
when the test itself came. Pamphilus also 
possessed too much sound Christian sense to 
advocate any such fanaticism, or to practice it 
himself, as is plain enough from the fact that he 
was not arrested until the fifth year of the 
persecution. This unhealthy temper of mind in the 
midst of persecution was indeed almost universally 
condemned by the wisest men of the Church, and yet 
the boldness and the very rashness of those who 
thus voluntarily and needlessly threw their lives 
away excited widespread admiration and too often a 
degree

9

of commendation which served only to promote a 
wider growth of the same unhealthy sentiment.
In the fifth year of the persecution Pamphilus was 
arrested and thrown into prison, where he remained 
for two years, when he finally, in the seventh 
year of the persecution, suffered martyrdom with 
eleven others, some of whom were his disciples and 
members of his own household. (Pal. Mart. 
Cureton's ed. p. 36 sq.; H. E. App. chap. 11.) 
During the two years of Pamphilus' imprisonment 
Eusebius spent a great deal of time with him, and 
the two together composed five books of an Apology 
for Origen, to which Eusebius afterward added a 
sixth (see below, p. 36). Danz (p. 37) assumes 
that Eusebius was imprisoned with Pamphilus, which 
is not an unnatural supposition when we consider 
how much they must have been together to compose 
the Apology as they did. There is, however, no 
other evidence that he was thus imprisoned, and in 
the face of Eusebius' own silence it is safer 
perhaps to assume (with most historians) that he 
simply visited Pamphilus in his prison. How it 
happened that Pamphilus and so many of his 
followers were imprisoned and martyred, while 
Eusebius escaped, we cannot tell. In his Martyrs 
of Palestine, chap. 11, he states that Pamphilus 
was the only one of the company of twelve martyrs 
that was a presbyter of the C'sarean church; and 
from the fact that he nowhere mentions the 
martyrdom of others of the presbyters, we may 
conclude that they all escaped. It is not 
surprising, therefore, that Eusebius should have 
done the same. Nevertheless, it is somewhat 
difficult to understand how he could come and go 
so frequently without being arrested and condemned 
to a like fate with the others. It is possible 
that he possessed friends among the authorities 
whose influence procured his safety. This 
supposition finds some support in the fact that he 
had made the acquaintance of Constantine (the 
Greek in Vita Const. I. 19 has 
<greek>egnwmen</greek>, which implies, as Danz 
remarks, that he not only saw, but that he became 
acquainted with Constantine) some years before in 
C'sarea. He could hardly have made his 
acquaintance unless he had some friend among the 
high officials of the city. Influential family 
connections may account in part also for the 
position of prominence which he later acquired at 
the imperial court of Constantine. If he had 
friends in authority in C'sarea during the 
persecution his exemption from arrest is 
satisfactorily accounted for. It has been supposed 
by some that Eusebius denied the faith during the 
terrible persecution, or that he committed some 
other questionable and compromising act of 
concession, and thus escaped martyrdom. In support 
of this is urged the fact that in 335, at the 
council of Tyre, Potamo, bishop of Heraclea, in 
Egypt, addressed Eusebius in the following words: 
"Dost thou sit as judge, O Eusebius; and is 
Athanasius, innocent as he is, judged by thee? Who 
can bear such things? Pray tell me, wast thou not 
with me in prison during the persecution? And I 
lost an eye in behalf of the truth, but thou 
appearest to have received no bodily injury, 
neither hast thou suffered martyrdom, but thou 
hast remained alive with no mutilation. How wast 
thou released from prison unless thou didst 
promise those that put upon us the pressure of 
persecution to do that which is unlawful, or didst 
actually do it?" Eusebius, it seems, did not deny 
the charge, but simply rose in anger and dismissed 
the council with the words, "If ye come hither and 
make such accusations against us, then do your 
accusers speak the truth. For if ye tyrannize 
here, much more do ye in your own country" 
(Epiphan. Har. LXVIII. 8). It must be noticed, 
however, that Potamo does not directly charge 
Eusebius with dishonorable conduct, he simply 
conjectures that he must have acted dishonorably 
in order to escape punishment; as if every one who 
was imprisoned with Potamo must have suffered as 
he did! As Stroth suggests, it is quite possible 
that his peculiarly excitable and violent 
temperament was one of the causes of his own loss. 
He evidently in any case had no knowledge of 
unworthy conduct on Eusebius' part, nor had any 
one else so far as we can judge. For in that age 
of bitter controversy, when men's characters were 
drawn by their opponents in the blackest lines, 
Eusebius must have suffered at the hands of the 
Athanasian party if it had been known that he had 
acted a cowardly part in the persecution. 
Athanasius himself refers to this incident (Contra 
Arian. VIII. 1), but he only says that Eusebius 
was "accused of sacrificing," he does

10

not venture to affirm that he did sacrifice; and 
thus it is evident that he knew nothing of such an 
act. Moreover, he never calls Eusebius "the 
sacrificer," as he does Asterius, and as he would 
have been sure to do had he possessed evidence 
which warranted him in making the accusation (cf. 
Lightfoot, p. 311). Still further, Eusebius' 
subsequent election to the episcopate of C'sarea, 
where his character and his conduct during the 
persecution must have been well known, and his 
appointment in later life to the important see of 
Antioch, forbid the supposition that he had ever 
acted a cowardly part in time of persecution. And 
finally, it is psychologically impossible that 
Eusebius could have written works so full of 
comfort for, and sympathy with, the suffering 
confessors, and could have spoken so openly and in 
such strong terms of condemnation of the numerous 
defections that occurred during the persecution, 
if he. was conscious of his own guilt. It is quite 
possible, as remarked above, that influential 
friends. protected him without any act of 
compromise on his part; or, supposing him to have 
been imprisoned with Potamo, it may be, as 
Lightfoot suggests, that the close of the 
persecution brought him his release as it did so 
many others. For it would seem natural to refer 
that imprisonment to the latter part of the 
persecution, when in all probability he visited 
Egypt, which was the home of Potamo. We must in 
any case vindicate Eusebius from the unfounded 
charge of cowardice and apostasy; and we ask, with 
Cave, "If every accusation against any man at any 
time were to be believed, who would be guiltless?"
From his History and his Martyrs in Palestine we 
learn that Eusebius was for much of the time in 
the very thick of the fight, and was an eyewitness 
of numerous martyrdoms not only in Palestine, but 
also in Tyre and in Egypt.
The date of his visits to the latter places (H. E. 
VIII. 7, 9) cannot be determined with exactness. 
They are described in connection with what seem to 
be the earlier events of the persecution, and yet 
it is by no means certain that chronological order 
has been observed in the narratives. The 
mutilation of prisoners--such as Potamo 
suffered--seems to have become common only in the 
year 308 and thereafter (see Mason's Persecution 
of Diocletian, p. 281), and hence if Eusebius was 
imprisoned with Potamo during his visit to Egypt, 
as seems most probable, there would be some reason 
for assigning that visit to the later years of the 
persecution. In confirmation of this might be 
urged the improbability that he would leave 
C'sarea while Pamphilus was still alive, either 
before or after the latter's imprisonment, and 
still further his own statement in H. E. VII. 32, 
that he had observed Meletius escaping the fury of 
the persecution for seven years in Palestine. It 
is therefore likely that Eusebius did not make his 
journey to Egypt, which must have occupied some 
time, until toward the very end of the 
persecution, when it raged there with exceeding 
fierceness during the brief outburst of the 
infamous Maximin.

§ 4. Eusebius' Accession to the Bishopric of 
C'sarea.

Not long after the close of the persecution, 
Eusebius became bishop of C'sarea in Palestine, 
his own home, and held the position until his 
death. The exact date of his accession cannot be 
ascertained, indeed we cannot say that it did not 
take place even before the close of the 
persecution, but that is hardly probable; in fact, 
we know of no historian who places it earlier than 
313. His immediate predecessor in the episcopate 
was Agapius, whom he mentions in terms of praise 
in H. E. VII. 32. Some writers have interpolated a 
bishop Agricolaus between Agopins and Eusebius 
(see e.g. Tillemont, Hist. Ecceles. VII. 42), on 
the ground that his name appears in one of the 
lists of those present at the Council of Ancyra 
(c. 314), as bishop of C'sarea in Palestine (see 
Labbei el Cossartii Conc. I. 1475). But, as Hefele 
shows (Conciliengesch. I. 220), this list is of 
late date and not to be relied upon. On the other 
hand, as Lightfoot points out, in the Zibellus 
Synadicus (Conc. I. 1480), where Agricolaus is 
said to have been present at the Council of 
Ancyra, he is called bishop of C'sarea in 
Cappadocia; and this statement is confirmed by a 
Syriac list given in Cowper's Miscellanies, p. 41. 
Though perhaps no great reliance is to be

11

placed upon the correctness of any of these lists, 
the last two may at any rate be set over against 
the first, and we may conclude that there exists 
no ground for assuming that Agapius, who is the 
last C'sarean bishop mentioned by Eusebius, was 
not the latter's immediate predecessor. At what 
time Agapius died we do not know. That he suffered 
martyrdom is hardly likely, in view of Eusebius' 
silence on the subject. It would seem more likely 
that he outlived the persecution. However that may 
be, Eusebius was already bishop at the time of the 
dedication of a new and elegant Church at Tyre 
under the direction of his friend Paulinus, bishop 
of that city. Upon this occasion he delivered an 
address of considerable length, which he has 
inserted in his Ecclesiastical History, Bk. X. 
chap. 4. He does not name himself as its author, 
but the way in which he introduces it, and the 
very fact that he records the whole speech without 
giving the name of the man who delivered it, make 
its origin perfectly plain. Moreover, the last 
sentence of the preceding chapter makes it evident 
that the speaker was a bishop: "Every one of the 
rulers (<greek>arkontwn</greek>) present delivered 
panegyric discourses." The date of the dedication 
of this church is a matter of dispute, though it 
is commonly put in the year 315. It is plain from 
Eusebius' speech that it was uttered before 
Licinius had begun to persecute the Christians, 
and also, as G"rres remarks, at a lime when 
Constantine and Licinius were at least outwardly 
at peace with each other. In the year 314 the two 
emperors went to war, and consequently, if the 
persecution of Licinius began soon after that 
event, as it is commonly supposed to have done, 
the address must have been delivered before 
hostilities opened; that is, at least as early as 
314, and this is the year in which G"rres places 
it (Kritische Untersuchungen ueber die 
licinianische Christenverfolgung, p. 8). But if 
G"rres' date (319 A.D.) for the commencement of 
the persecution be accepted (and though he can 
hardly be said to have proved it, he has urged 
some strong grounds in support of it), then the 
address may have been delivered at almost any time 
between 315 and 319, for, as G"rres himself shows, 
Licinius and Constantine were outwardly at peace 
during the greater part of that time (ib. p. 14, 
sq.). There is nothing in the speech itself which 
prevents this later date, nor is it intrinsically 
improbable that the great basilica reached 
completion only in 315 or later. In fact, it must 
be admitted that Eusebius may have become bishop 
at any time between about 311 and 318.
The persecution of Licinius, which continued until 
his defeat by Constantine, in 323, was but local, 
and seems never to have been very severe. Indeed, 
it did not bear the character of a bloody 
persecution, though a few bishops appear to have 
met their death on one ground or another. 
Palestine and Egypt seem not to have suffered to 
any great extent (see G"rres, ib. p. 32 sq.).
§ 5. The Outbreak of the Arian Controversy. The 
Attitude of Eusebius.
About the year 318, while Alexander was bishop of 
Alexandria, the Arian controversy broke out in 
that city, and the whole Eastern Church was soon 
involved in the strife. We cannot enter here into 
a discussion of Arius' views; but in order to 
understand the rapidity with which the Arian party 
grew, and the strong hold which it possessed from 
the very start in Syria and Asia Minor, we must 
remember that Arius was not himself the author of 
that system which we know as Arianism, but that he 
learned the essentials of it from his instructor 
Lucian. The latter was one of the most learned men 
of his age in the Oriental Church, and rounded an 
exegetico-theological school in Antioch, which for 
a number of years stood outside of the communion 
of the orthodox Church in that city, but shortly 
before the martyrdom of Lucian himself (which took 
place in 311 or 312) made its peace with the 
Church, and was recognized by it. He was held in 
the highest reverence by his disciples, and 
exerted a great influence over them even after his 
death. Among them were such men as Arius, Eusebius 
of Nicomedia, Asterius, and others who were 
afterward known as staunch Arianists. According to 
Harnack the chief points in the system of Lucian 
and his disciples were the creation of the Son, 
the denial of his co-eternity with the Father, and 
his immutability acquired by persistent progress 
and steadfastness. His doctrine, which differed

12

from that of Paul of Samosata chiefly in the fact 
that it was not a man but a created heavenly being 
who became "Lord," was evidently the result of a 
combination of the teaching of Paul and of Origen. 
It will be seen that we have here, at least in 
germ, all the essential elements of Arianism 
proper: the creation of the Son out of nothing, 
and consequently the conclusion that there was a 
time when he was not; the distinction of his 
essence from that of the Father, but at the same 
time the emphasis upon the fact that he "was not 
created as the other creatures," and is therefore 
to be sharply distinguished from them. There was 
little for Arius to do but to combine the elements 
given by Lucian in a more complete and 
well-ordered system, and then to bring that system 
forward clearly and publicly, and endeavor to make 
it the faith of the Church at large. His 
christology was essentially opposed to the 
Alexandrian, and it was natural that he should 
soon come into conflict with that church, of which 
he was a presbyter (upon Lucian's teaching and its 
relation to Arianism, see Harnack's 
Dogmengeschichte, II. p. 183 sq.).
Socrates (H. E. I. 5 sq.), Sozomen (H. E. I. 15) 
and Theodoret (H. E. I. 2 sq.), all of whom give 
accounts of the rise of Arianism, differ as to the 
immediate occasion of the controversy, but agree 
that Arius was excommunicated by a council 
convened at Alexandria, and that both he and the 
bishop Alexander sent letters to other churches, 
the latter defending his own course, the former 
complaining of his harsh treatment, and 
endeavoring to secure adherents to his doctrine. 
Eusebius of Nicomedia at once became his firm 
supporter, and was one of the leading figures on 
the Arian side throughout the entire controversy. 
His influential position as bishop of Nicomedia, 
the imperial residence, and later of 
Constantinople, was of great advantage to the 
Arian cause, especially toward the close of 
Constantine's reign. From a letter addressed by 
this Eusebius to Paulinus of Tyre (Theodoret, H. 
E. I. 6) we learn that Eusebius of C'sarea was 
quite zealous in behalf of the Arian cause. The 
exact date of the letter we do not know, but it 
must have been written at an early stage of the 
controversy. Arius himself, in an epistle 
addressed to Eusebius of Nicomedia (Theodoret, H. 
E. I. 5), claims Eusebius of C'sarea among others 
as accepting at least one of his fundamental 
doctrines ("And since Eusebius, your brother in 
C'sarea, and Theodotus, and Paulinus, and 
Athanasius, and Gregory, and 'tius, and all the 
bishops of the East say that God existed before 
the Son, they have been condemned," etc.). More 
than this, Sozomen (H. E. I. 15 ) informs us that 
Eusebius of C'sarea and two other bishops, having 
been appealed to by Arius for "permission for 
himself and his adherents, as he had already 
attained the rank of presbyter, to form the people 
who were with them into a church," concurred with 
others "who were assembled in Palestine," in 
granting the petition of Arius, and permitting him 
to assemble the people as before; but they 
"enjoined submission to Alexander, and commanded 
Arius to strive incessantly to be restored to 
peace and communion with him." The addition of the 
last sentence is noticeable, as showing that they 
did not care to support a presbyter in open and 
persistent rebellion against his bishop. A 
fragment of a letter written by our Eusebius to 
Alexander is still extant, and is preserved in the 
proceedings of the Second Council of Nic'a, Act. 
VI. Tom. V. (Labbei et Cossartii Conc. VII. col. 
497). In this epistle Eusebius strongly 
remonstrates with Alexander for having 
misrepresented the views of Arius. Still further, 
in his epistle to Alexander of Constantinople, 
Alexander of Alexandria (Theodoret, H. E. I. 4) 
complains of three Syrian bishops "who side with 
them [i.e. the Arians] and excite them to plunge 
deeper and deeper into iniquity." The reference 
here is commonly supposed to be to Eusebius of 
C'sarean, and his two friends Paulinus of Tyre and 
Theodotus of Laodicea, who are known to have shown 
favor to Arius. It is probable, though not 
certain, that our Eusebius is one of the persons 
meant. Finally, many of the Fathers (above all 
Jerome and Photius), and in addition to them the 
Second Council of Nic'a, directly accuse Eusebius 
of holding the Arian heresy, as may be seen by 
examining the testimonies quoted below on p. 67 
sq. In agreement with these early Fathers, many 
modern historians have attacked Eusebius with 
great severity, and have endeavored to show that 
the opinion that he was an Arian is supported by 
his own writings. Among those who have judged him 
most harshly are Baronins (ad ann. 340, c. 38 
sq.), Petavius

13

(Dogm. Theol. de Trin. I. c. 11 sq.), Scaliger (In 
Elencho Trih'resii, c. 27, and De emendatione 
temporum, Bk. VI. c. 1), Mosheim (Ecclesiastical 
History, Murdock's translation, I. p. 287 sq.), 
Montfaucon (Pr'lim. in Comment. ad Psalm. c. VI.), 
and Tillemont (H. E. VII. p. 67 sq. 2d ed.).
On the other hand, as may be seen from the 
testimonies in Eusebius' favor, quoted below on, 
p. 57 sq., many of the Fathers, who were 
themselves orthodox, looked upon Eusebius as 
likewise sound on the subject of the Trinity. He 
has been defended in modern times against the 
charge of Arianism by a great many prominent 
scholars; among others by Valesius in his Life 
Eusebius, by Bull (Def. Fid. Nic. II. 9. 20, III. 
9. 3, 11), Cave (Lives of the Fathers, II. p. 135 
sq.), Fabricius (Bibl. Gr'c. VI. p. 32 sq.), Dupin 
(Bibl. Eccles. IL p. 7 sq.), and most fully and 
carefully by Lee in his prolegomena to his edition 
of Eusebius' Theaphania, p. xxiv. sq. Lightfoot 
also defends him against the charge of heresy, as 
do a great many other writers whom it is not 
necessary to mention here. Confronted with such 
diversity of opinion, both ancient and modern, 
what are we to conclude? It is useless to 
endeavor, as Lee does, to clear Eusebius of all 
sympathy with and leaning toward Arianism. It is 
impossible to explain such widespread and 
continued condemnation of him by acknowledging 
only that there are many expressions in his works 
which are in themselves perfectly orthodox but 
capable of being wrested in such a way as to 
produce a suspicion of possible Arianistic 
tendencies, for there are such expressions in the 
works of multitudes of ancient writers whose 
orthodoxy has never been questioned. Nor can the 
widespread belief that he was an Arian be 
explained by admitting that he was for a time the 
personal friend of Arius, but denying that he 
accepted, or in any way sympathized with his views 
(cf. Newman's Arians, p. 262). There are in fact 
certain fragments of epistles extant, which are, 
to say the least, decidedly Arianistic in their 
modes of expression, and these must be reckoned 
with in forming an opinion of Eusebius' views; for 
there is no reason to deny, as Lee does, that they 
are from Eusebius' own hand. On the other hand, to 
maintain, with some of the Fathers and many of the 
moderns, that Eusebius was and continued through 
life a genuine Arian, will not do in the face of 
the facts that contemporary and later Fathers were 
divided as to his orthodoxy, that he was honored 
highly by the Church of subsequent centuries, 
except at certain periods, and was even canonized 
(see Lightfoot's article, p. 348), that he 
solemnly signed the Nicene Creed, which contained 
an express condemnation of the distinctive 
doctrines of Arius, and finally that at least in 
his later works he is thoroughly orthodox in his 
expressions, and is explicit in his rejection of 
the two main theses of the Arians,--that there was 
a time when the Son of God was not, and that he 
was produced out of nothing. It is impossible to 
enter here into a detailed discussion of such 
passages in Eusebius' works as bear upon the 
subject under dispute. Lee has considered many of 
them at great length, and the reader may be 
referred to him for further information.
A careful examination of them will, I believe, 
serve to convince the candid student that there is 
a distinction to be drawn between those works 
written before the rise of Arius, those written 
between that time and the Council of Nic'a, and 
those written after the latter. It has been very 
common to draw a distinction between those works 
written before and those written after the 
Council, but no one, so far as I know, has 
distinguished those productions of Eusebius' pen 
which appeared between 318 and 325, and which were 
caused by the controversy itself, from all his 
other writings. And yet such a distinction seems 
to furnish the key to the problem. Eusebius' 
opponents have drawn their strongest arguments 
from the epistles which Eusebius wrote to 
Alexander and to Euphration; his defenders have 
drawn their arguments chiefly from the works which 
he produced subsequent to the year 325; while the 
exact bearing of the expressions used in his works 
produced before the controversy broke out has 
always been a matter of sharp dispute. Lee has 
abundantly shown his Contra Marcel., his De Eccl. 
Theol., his Thephania (which was written after the 
Council of Nic'a, and not, as Lee supposes, before 
it), and other later works, to be thoroughly 
orthodox and to contain nothing which a 
trinitarian might not have written. In his Hist. 
Eccl., Pr'paratio Evang., Demanstratio Evang., and 
other earlier works,

14

although we find some expressions employed which 
it would not have been possible for an orthodox 
trinitarian to use after the Council of Nic'a, at 
least without careful limitation to guard against 
misapprehension, there is nothing even in these 
works which requires us to believe that he 
accepted the doctrines of Arius' predecessor, 
Lucian of Antioch; that is, there is nothing 
distinctly and positively Arianistic about them, 
although there are occasional expressions which 
might lead the reader to expect that the writer 
would become an Arian if he ever learned of Arius' 
doctrines. But if there is seen to be a lack of 
emphasis upon the divinity of the Son, or rather a 
lack of clearness in the conception of the nature 
of that divinity, it must be remembered that there 
was at this time no especial reason for 
emphasizing and defining it, but there was on the 
contrary very good reason for laying particular 
stress upon the subordination of the Son over 
against Sabellianism, which was so widely 
prevalent during the third century, and which was 
exerting an influence even over many orthodox 
theologians who did not consciously accept 
Sabellianistic tenets. That Eusebius was a decided 
subordinationist must be plain to every one that 
reads his works with care, especially his earlier 
ones. It would be surprising if he had not been, 
for he was born at a time when Sabellianism 
(monarchianism) was felt to be the greatest danger 
to which orthodox christology was exposed, and he 
was trained under the influence of the followers 
of Origen, who had made it one of his chief aims 
to emphasize the subordination of the Son over 
against that very monarchianism. [1] The same 
subordinationism may be clearly seen in the 
writings of Dionysius of Alexandria and of Gregory 
Thaumaturgus, two of Origen's greatest disciples. 
It must not be forgotten that at the beginning of 
the fourth century the problem of how to preserve 
the Godhood of Christ and at the same time his 
subordination to the Father (in opposition to the 
monarchianists) had not been solved. Eusebius in 
his earlier writings shows that he holds both (he 
cannot be convicted of denying Christ's divinity), 
but that he is as far from a solution of the 
problem, and is just as uncertain in regard to the 
exact relation of Father and Son, as Tertullian, 
Hippolytus, Origen, Dionysius, and Gregory 
Thaumaturgus were; is just as inconsistent in his 
modes of expression as they, and yet no more so 
(see Harnack's Dogmengeschichte, I. pp. 628 sq. 
and 634 sq., for an exposition of the opinions of 
these other Fathers on the subject). Eusebius, 
with the same immature and undeveloped views which 
were held all through the third century, wrote 
those earlier works which have given rise to so 
much dispute between those who accuse him of 
Arianism and those who defend him against the 
charge. When he wrote them he was neither Arian 
nor Athanasian, and for that reason passages may 
be found in them which if written after the 
Council of Nicaea might prove him an Arian, and 
other passages which might as truly prove him an 
Athanasian, just as in the writings of Origen were 
found by both parties passages to support their 
views, and in Gregory Thaumaturgus passages 
apparently teaching Arianism, and others teaching 
its opposite, Sabellianism (see Harnack, ib. p. 
646).
Let us suppose now that Eusebius, holding fast to 
the divinity of Christ, and yet convinced just as 
firmly of his subordination to the Father, becomes 
acquainted through Arius, or other like-minded 
disciples of Lucian of Antioch, with a doctrine 
which seems to preserve the Godhood, while at the 
same time emphasizing strongly the subordination 
of the Son, and which formulates the relation of 
Father and Son in a clear and rational manner. 
That he should accept such a doctrine eagerly is 
just what we should expect, and just what we find 
him doing. In his epistles to Alexander and 
Euphration, he shows himself an Arian, and Arius 
and his followers were quite

15

right in claiming him as a supporter. There is 
that in the epistles which is to be found nowhere 
in his previous writings, and which distinctly 
separates him from the orthodox party. How then 
are we to explain the fact that a few years later 
he signed the Nicene creed and anathematized the 
doctrines of Arius? Before we can understand his 
conduct, it is necessary to examine carefully the 
two epistles in question. Such an examination will 
show us that what Eusebius is defending in them is 
not genuine Arianism. He evidently thinks that it 
is, evidently supposes that he and Arius are in 
complete agreement upon the subjects under 
discussion; but he is mistaken. The extant 
fragments of the two epistles are given below on 
p. 70. It will be seen that Eusebius in them 
defends the Arian doctrine that there was a time 
when the Son of God was not. It will be seen also 
that he finds fault with Alexander for 
representing the Arians as teaching that the "Son 
of God was made out of nothing, like all 
creatures," and contends that Arius teaches that 
the Son of God was begotten, and that he was not 
produced like all creatures. We know that the 
Arians very commonly applied the word "begotten" 
to Christ, using it in such cases as synonymous 
with "created," and thus not implying, as the 
Athanasians did when they used the word, that he 
was of one substance with the Father (compare, for 
instance, the explanation of the meaning of the 
term given by Eusebius of Nicomedia in his epistle 
to Paulinns; Theod. H. E. I. 6). It is evident 
that the use of this word had deceived our 
Eusebius, and that he was led by it to think that 
they taught that the Son was of the Father in a 
peculiar sense, and did in reality partake in some 
way of essential Godhood. And indeed it is not at 
all surprising that the words of Arius, in his 
epistle to Alexander of Alexandria (see Athan. Ep. 
de conc. Arim. et Seleuc., chap. II. § 3; Oxford 
edition of Athanasius' Tracts against Arianism, P. 
97), quoted by Eusebius in his epistle to the same 
Alexander, should give Eusebius that impression. 
The words are as follows: "The God of the law, and 
of the prophets, and of the New Testament before 
eternal ages begat an only-begotten Son, through 
whom also He made the ages and the universe. And 
He begat him not in appearance, but in truth, and 
subjected him to his own will, unchangeable and 
immutable, a perfect creature of God, but not as 
one of the creatures." Arius' use here of the word 
"begat," and his qualification of the word 
"creature" by the adjective "perfect," and by the 
statement that he was "not as one of the 
creatures" naturally tended to make Eusebius 
think. that Arius acknowledged a real divinity of 
the Son, and that appeared to him to be all that 
was necessary. Meanwhile Alexander in his epistle 
to Alexander of Constantinople (Theod. H. E. I. 4) 
had, as Eusebius says, misstated Arius' opinion, 
or at least had attributed to him the belief that 
Christ was "made like all other men that have ever 
been born," whereas Arius expressly disclaims such 
a belief. Alexander undoubtedly thought that that 
was the legitimate result to which the other views 
of Arius must lead; but Eusebius did not think so, 
and felt himself called upon to remonstrate with 
Alexander for what seemed to him the latter's 
unfairness in the matter.
When we examine the C'sarean creed[1] which 
Eusebius presented to the Council as a fair 
statement of his belief, we find nothing in it 
inconsistent with the acceptance of the kind of 
Arianism which he defends in his epistle to 
Alexander, and which he evidently supposed to be 
practically the Arianism of Arius himself. In his 
epistle to Euphration, however, Eusebius seems at 
first glance to go further and to give up the real 
divinity of the Son. His words are, "Since the Son 
is himself God, but not true God." But we have no 
right to interpret these words, torn as they are 
from the context which might make their meaning 
perfectly plain, without due regard to Eusebius' 
belief expressed elsewhere in this epistle, and in 
his epistle to Alexander which was evidently 
written about the same time. In the epistle to 
Alexander he clearly reveals a belief in the real 
divinity of the Son, while in the other fragment 
of his epistle to Euphration he dwells upon the 
subordination of the Son and approves the Arian 
opinion, which he had defended also in the other 
epistle, that the "Father was before the Son." The 
expression, "not true God" (a very common Arian 
expression; see Athan. Orat. c. Arian. I. 6) seems 
therefore to have been

16

used by Eusebius to express a belief, not that the 
Son did not possess real divinity (as the genuine 
Arians used it), but that he was not equal to the 
Father, who, to Eusebius' thought, was "true God." 
He indeed expressly calls the Son 
<greek>qeos</greek>, which shows -- when the sense 
in which he elsewhere uses the word is considered 
-- that he certainly did believe him to partake of 
Godhood, though, in some mysterious way, in a 
smaller degree, or in a less complete manner than 
the Father. That Eusebius misunderstood Arius, and 
did not perceive that he actually denied all real 
deity to the Son, was due doubtless in part to his 
lack of theological insight (Eusebius was never a 
great theologian), in part to his habitual dread 
of Sabellianism (of which Arius had accused 
Alexander, and toward which Eusebius evidently 
thought that the latter was tending), which led 
him to look with great favor upon the pronounced 
subordinationism of Arius, and thus to overlook 
the dangerous extreme to which Arius carried that 
subordinationism.
We are now, the writer hopes, prepared to admit 
that Eusebius, after the breaking out of the Arian 
controversy, became an Arian, as he understood 
Arianism, and supported that party with 
considerable vigor; and that not as a result of 
mere personal friendship, but of theological 
conviction. At the same time, he was then, as 
always, a peace-loving man, and while lending 
Arius his approval and support, he united with 
other Palestinian bishops in enjoining upon him 
submission to his bishop (Sozomen, H. E. I. 15). 
As an Arian, then, and yet possessed with the 
desire of securing, if it were possible, peace and 
harmony between the two factions, Eusebius 
appeared at the Council of Nic'a, and there signed 
a creed containing Athanasian doctrine and 
anathematizing the chief tenets of Arius. How are 
we to explain his conduct? We shall, perhaps, do 
best to let him explain his own conduct. In his 
letter to the church of C'sarea (preserved by 
Socrates, H. E. I. 8, as well as by other 
authors), he writes as follows:--
"What was transacted concerning ecclesiastical 
faith at the Great Council assembled at Nic'a you 
have probably learned, Beloved, from other 
sources, rumour being wont to precede the accurate 
account of what is doing. But lest in such reports 
the circumstances of the case have been 
misrepresented, we have been obliged to transmit 
to you, first, the formula of faith presented by 
ourselves; and next, the second, which the Fathers 
put forth with some additions to our words. Our 
own paper, then, which was read in the presence of 
our most pious Emperor, and declared to be good 
and unexceptionable, ran thus:--
"'As we have received from the Bishops who 
preceded us, and in our first catechisings, and 
when we received the Holy Layer, and as we have 
learned from the divine Scriptures, and as we 
believed and taught in the presbytery, and in the 
Episcopate itself, so believing also at the time 
present, we report to you our faith, and it is 
this:--
"'We believe in One God, the Father Almighty, the 
Maker of all things visible and invisible. And in 
One Lord Jesus Christ, the Word of God, God from 
God, Light from Light, Life from Life, Son 
Only-begotten, first-born of every creature, 
before all the ages, begotten from the Father, by 
whom also all things were made; who for our 
salvation was made flesh, and lived among men, and 
suffered, and rose again the third day, and 
ascended to the Father, and will come again in 
glory to judge quick and dead, And we believe also 
in One Holy Ghost; believing each of These to be 
and to exist, the Father truly Father, and the Son 
truly Son, and the Holy Ghost truly Holy Ghost, as 
also our Lord, sending forth His disciples for the 
preaching, said, Go, teach all nations, 
anathematizing every godless heresy. That this we 
have ever thought from our heart and soul, from 
the time we recollect ourselves, and now think and 
say in truth, before God Almighty and our Lord 
Jesus Christ do we witness, being able by proofs 
to show and to convince you, that, even in times 
past, such has been our belief and preaching.'
"On this faith being publicly put forth by us, no 
room for contradiction appeared; but our most 
pious Emperor, before any one else, testified that 
it comprised most orthodox statements. He 
confessed, moreover, that such were his own 
sentiments; and he advised all present to agree to 
it, and to subscribe its articles and to assent to 
them, with the insertion of the single word, 'One 
in substance' (<greek>omoousios</greek>), which, 
moreover, he interpreted as not in the sense of 
the affections of bodies, nor as if the Son 
subsisted from the Father, in the way of division, 
or any sever-

17

ance; for that the immaterial and intellectual and 
incorporeal nature could not be the subject of any 
corporeal affection, but that it became us to 
conceive of such things in a divine and ineffable 
manner. And such were the theological remarks of 
our most wise and most religious Emperor; but 
they, with a view to the addition of 'One in 
substance,' drew up the following formula:--
"'We believe in One God, the Father Almighty, 
Maker of all things visible and invisible:-- And 
in One Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten 
of the Father, Only-begotten, that is, from the 
Substance of the Father; God from God, Light from 
Light, very God from very God, begotten, not made, 
One in substance with the Father, by whom all 
things were made, both things in heaven and things 
in earth; who for us men and for our salvation 
came down and was made flesh, was made man, 
suffered, and rose again the third day, ascended 
into heaven, and cometh to judge quick and dead.
"'And in the Holy Ghost. But those who say, "Once 
He was not," and "Before His generation He was 
not," and "He came to be from nothing," or those 
who pretend that the Son of God is "Of other 
subsistence or substance," or "created," or 
"alterable," or "mutable," the Catholic Church 
anathematizes.'
"On their dictating this formula, we did not let 
it pass without inquiry in what sense they 
introduced of the substance of the Father' and 
'one in substance with the Father.' Accordingly 
questions and explanations took place, and the 
meaning of the words underwent the scrutiny of 
reason. And they professed that the phrase 'of the 
substance' was indicative of the Son's being 
indeed from the Father, yet without being as if a 
part of Him. And with this understanding we 
thought good to assent to the sense of such 
religious doctrine, teaching, as it did, that the 
Son was from the Father, not, however, a part of 
His substance. On this account we assented to the 
sense ourselves, without declining even the term 
'One in substance,' peace being the object which 
we set before us, and steadfastness in the 
orthodox view. In the same way we also admitted 
'begotten, not made'; since the Council alleged 
that 'made' was an appellative common to the other 
creatures which came to be through the Son, to 
whom the Son had no likeness. Wherefore, said 
they, He was not a work resembling the things 
which through Him came to be, but was of a 
substance which is too high for the level of any 
work, and which the Divine oracles teach to have 
been generated from the Father, the mode of 
generation being inscrutable and incalculable to 
every generated nature. And so, too, on 
examination there are grounds for saying that the 
Son is 'one in substance' with the Father; not in 
the way of bodies, nor like mortal beings, for He 
is not such by division of substance, or by 
severance; no, nor by any affection, or 
alteration, or changing of the Father's substance 
and power (since from all such the ingenerate 
nature of the Father is alien), but because 'one 
in substance with the Father' suggests that the 
Son of God bears no resemblance to the generated 
creatures, but that to His Father alone who begat 
Him is He in every way assimilated, and that He is 
not of any other subsistence and substance, but 
from the Father.
"To which term also, thus interpreted, it appeared 
well to assent; since we were aware that, even 
among the ancients, some learned and illustrious 
Bishops and writers have used the term 'one in 
substance' in their theological teaching 
concerning the Father and Son. So much, then, be 
said concerning the faith which was published; to 
which all of us assented, not without inquiry, but 
according to the specified senses, mentioned 
before the most religious Emperor himself, and 
justified by the fore-mentioned considerations. 
And as to the anathematism published by them at 
the end of the Faith, it did not pain us, because 
it forbade to use words not in Scripture, from 
which almost all the confusion and disorder of the 
Church have come. Since, then, no divinely 
inspired Scripture has used the phrases, 'out of 
nothing' and 'once He was not,' and the rest which 
follow, there appeared no ground for using or 
teaching them; to which also we assented as a good 
decision, since it had not been our custom 
hitherto to use these terms. Moreover, to 
anathematize 'Before His generation He was not' 
did not seem preposterous, in that it is confessed 
by all that the Son of God was before the 
generation according to the flesh. Nay, our most 
religious Emperor did at the time prove, in a 
speech, that He was in being even according to His 
divine generation which is before all ages, since 
even before he was generated

18

in energy, He was in virtue with the Father 
ingenerately, the Father being always Father, as 
King always and Saviour always, having all things 
in virtue, and being always in the same respects 
and in the same way. This we have been forced to 
transmit to you, Beloved, as making clear to you 
the deliberation of our inquiry and assent, and 
how reasonably we resisted even to the last 
minute, as long as we were offended at statements 
which differed from our own, but received without 
contention what no longer pained us, as soon as, 
on a candid examination of the sense of the words, 
they appeared to us to coincide with what we 
ourselves have professed in the faith which we 
have already published."[1]
It will be seen that while the expressions "of the 
substance of the Father," "begotten not made," and 
"One in substance," or "consubstantial with the 
Father," are all explicitly anti-Arianistic, yet 
none of them contradicts the doctrines held by 
Eusebius before the Council, so far as we can 
learn them from his epistles to Alexander and 
Euphration and from the C'sarean creed. His own 
explanation of those expressions, which it is to 
be observed was the explanation given by the 
Council itself, and which therefore he was fully 
warranted in accepting,--even though it may not 
have been so rigid as to satisfy an 
Athanasius,--shows us how this is. He had believed 
before that the Son partook of the Godhood in very 
truth, that He was "begotten," and therefore "not 
made," if "made" implied something different from 
"begotten," as the Nicene Fathers held that it 
did; and he had believed before that the "Son of 
God has no resemblance to created' things, but is 
in every respect like the Father only who begat 
him, and that He is of no other substance or 
essence than the Father," and therefore if that 
was what the word "Consubstantial" 
(<greek>omoousios</greek>) meant he could not do 
otherwise than accept that too.
It is clear that the dread of Sabellianism was 
still before the eyes of Eusebius, and was the 
cause of his hesitation in assenting to the 
various changes, especially to the use of the word 
<greek>ouoousios</greek>, which had been a 
Sabellian word and had been rejected on that 
account by the Synod of Antioch, at which Paul of 
Samosata had been condemned some sixty years 
before.
It still remains to explain Eusebius' sanction of 
the anathemas attached to the creed which 
expressly condemn at least one of the beliefs 
which he had himself formerly held, viz.: that the 
"Father was before the Son," or as he puts it 
elsewhere, that "He who is begat him who was not." 
The knot might of course be simply cut by 
supposing an act of hypocrisy on his part, but the 
writer is convinced that such a conclusion does 
violence to all that we know of Eusebius and of 
his subsequent treatment of the questions involved 
in this discussion. It is quite possible to 
suppose that a real change of opinion on his part 
took place during the sessions of the Council. 
Indeed when we realize how imperfect and incorrect 
a conception of Arianism he had before the Council 
began, and how clearly its true bearing was there 
brought out by its enemies, we can see that he 
could not do otherwise than change; that he must 
have become either an out and-out Arian, or an 
opponent of Arianism as he did. When he learned, 
and learned for the first time, that Arianism 
meant the denial of all essential divinity to 
Christ, and when he saw that it involved the 
ascription of mutability and of other finite 
attributes to him, he must either change entirely 
his views on those points or he must leave the 
Arian party. To him who with all his 
subordinationism had laid in all his writings so 
much stress on the divinity of the Word (even 
though he had not realized exactly what that 
divinity involved) it would have been a revolution 
in his Christian life and faith to have admitted 
what he now learned that Arianism involved. 
Sabellianism had been his dread, but now this new 
fear, which had aroused so large a portion of the 
Church, seized him too, and he felt that stand 
must be made against this too great separation of 
Father and Son, which was leading to dangerous 
results. Under the pressure of this fear it is not 
surprising that he should become convinced that 
the Arian formula--"there was a time when the Son 
was not "--involved serious consequences, and that 
Alexander and his followers should have succeeded 
in pointing out to him its untruth, because it led 
necessarily to a false conclusion. It is not 
surprising, moreover, that they should have 
succeeded in explaining to him at least

19

partially their belief, which, as his epistle to 
Alexander shows, had before been absolutely 
incomprehensible, that the Son was generated from 
all eternity, and that therefore the Father did 
not exist before him in a temporal sense.
He says toward the close of his epistle to the 
C'sarean church that he had not been accustomed to 
use such expressions as "There was a time when he 
was not," "He came to be from nothing," etc. And 
there is no reason to doubt that he speaks the 
truth. Even in his epistles to Alexander and 
Euphration he does not use those phrases (though 
he does defend the doctrine taught by the first of 
them), nor does Arius himself, in the epistle to 
Alexander upon which Eusebius apparently based his 
knowledge of the system, use those expressions, 
although he too teaches the same doctrine. The 
fact is that in that epistle Arius studiously 
avoids such favorite Arian phrases as might 
emphasize the differences between himself and 
Alexander, and Eusebius seems to have avoided them 
for the same reason. We conclude then that 
Eusebius was not an Arian (nor an adherent of 
Lucian) before 318, that soon after that date he 
became an Arian in the sense in which he 
understood Arianism, but that during the Council 
of Nic'a he ceased to be one in any sense. His 
writings in later years confirm the course of 
doctrinal development which we have supposed went 
on in his mind. He never again defends Arian 
doctrines in his works, and yet he never becomes 
an Athanasian in his emphasis upon the 
<greek>omoousion</greek>. In fact he represents a 
mild orthodoxy, which is always orthodox- when 
measured by the Nicene creed as interpreted by the 
Nicene Council--and yet is always mild. Moreover, 
he never acquired an affection for the word 
<greek>omoousios</greek>, which to his mind was 
bound up with too many evil associations ever to 
have a pleasant sound to him. He therefore 
studiously avoided it in his own writings, 
although clearly showing that he believed fully in 
what the Nicene Council had explained it to mean. 
It must be remembered that during many years of 
his later life he was engaged in controversy with 
Marcellus, a thorough-going Sabellian, who had 
been at the time of the Council one of the 
strongest of Athanasius' colleagues. In his 
contest with him it was again anti-Sabellianistic 
polemics which absorbed him and increased his 
distaste for <greek>omoousion</greek> and 
minimized his emphasis upon the distinctively 
anti-Arianistie doctrines formulated at Nic'a. For 
any except the very wisest minds it was a matter 
of enormous difficulty to steer between the two 
extremes in those times of strife; and while 
combating Sabeilianism not to fall into Arianism, 
and while combating the latter not to be engulfed 
in the former. That Eusebius under the constant 
pressure of the one fell into the other at one 
time, and was in occasional danger of falling into 
it again in later years, can hardly be cited as an 
evidence either of wrong heart or of weak head. An 
Athanasius he was not, but neither was he an 
unsteady weather-cock, or an hypocritical 
time-server.

§ 6. The Council of Niccea.

At the Council of Nic'a, which met pursuant to an 
imperial summons in the year 315 Ensebius played a 
very prominent part. A description of the opening 
scenes of the Council is given in his Vita 
Constantini, III. 10 sq. After the Emperor had 
entered in pomp and had taken his seat, a bishop 
who sat next to him upon his right arose and 
delivered in his honor the opening oration, to 
which the Emperor replied in a brief Latin 
address. There can be no doubt that this bishop 
was our Eusebius. Sozomen (H. E. I. 19) states it 
directly; and Eusebius, although he does not name 
the speaker, yet refers to him, as he had referred 
to the orator at the dedication of Paulinus' 
church at Tyre, in such a way as to make it clear 
that it was himself; and moreover in his Fita 
Constantini, I. 1, he mentions the fact that he 
had in the midst of an assembly of the servants of 
God addressed an oration to the Emperor on the 
occasion of the latter's vicennalia, i.e. in 325 
A.D. On the other hand, however, Theodoret (H. E. 
I. 7) states that this opening oration was 
delivered by Eustathius, bishop of Antioch; while 
Theodore of Mopsuestia and Philostorgius 
(according to Nicetas Choniates, Thes. de arthod. 
rid. V. 7) assign it to Alexander of Alexandria. 
As Lightfoot suggests, it is possible to explain 
the discrepancy in the reports by

20

supposing that Eustathius and Alexander, the two 
great patriarchs, first addressed a few words to 
the Emperor and that then Eusebius delivered the 
regular oration. This supposition is not at all 
unlikely, for it would be quite proper for the two 
highest ecclesiastics present to welcome the 
Emperor formally in behalf of the assembled 
prelates, before the regular oration was delivered 
by Eusebius. At the same time, the supposition 
that one or the other of the two great patriarchs 
must have delivered the opening address was such a 
natural one that it may have been adopted by 
Theodoret and the other writers referred to 
without any historical basis. It is in any case 
certain that the regular oration was delivered by 
Eusebius himself (see the convincing arguments 
adduced by Stroth, p. xxvii. sq.). This oration is 
no longer extant, but an idea of its character may 
be formed from the address delivered by Eusebius 
at the Emperor's tricennalia (which is still 
extant under the title De laudibus Canstantini; 
see below, p. 43) and from the general tone of his 
Life of Constantine. It was avowedly a panegyric, 
and undoubtedly as fulsome as it was possible to 
make it, and his powers in that direction were by 
no means slight.
That Eusebius, instead of the bishop of some more 
prominent church, should have been selected to 
deliver the opening address, may have been in part 
owing to his recognized standing as the most 
learned man and the most famous writer in the 
Church, in part to the fact that he was not as 
pronounced a partisan as some of his distinguished 
brethren; for instance, Alexander of Alexandria, 
and Eusebius of Nicomedia; and finally in some 
measure to his intimate relations with the 
Emperor. How and when his intimacy with the latter 
grew up we do not know. As already remarked, he 
seems to have become personally acquainted with 
him many years before, when Constantine passed 
through C'sarea in the train of Diocletian, and it 
may be that a mutual friendship, which was so 
marked in later years, began at that time. However 
that may be, Eusebius seems to have possessed 
special advantages of one kind or another, 
enabling him to come into personal contact with 
official circles, and once introduced to imperial 
notice, his wide learning, sound common sense, 
genial temper and broad charity would insure him 
the friendship of the Emperor himself, or of any 
other worthy officer of state. We have no record 
of an intimacy between Constantine and Eusebius 
before the Council of Nic'a, but many clear 
intimations of it after that time. In fact, it is 
evident that during the last decade at least of 
the Emperor's life, few, if any, bishops stood 
higher in his esteem or enjoyed a larger measure 
of his confidence. Compare for instance the 
records of their conversations (contained in the 
Vita Canstantini, I. 28 and II. 9), of their 
correspondence (ib. II. 46, III. 61, IV. 35 and 
36), and the words of Constantine himself (ib. 
III. 60). The marked attention paid by him to the 
speeches delivered by Eusebius in his presence 
(ib. IV. 33 and 46) is also to be noticed. 
Eusebius' intimacy with the imperial family is 
shown likewise in the tone of the letter which he 
wrote to Constantia, the sister of Constantine and 
wife of Licinius, in regard to a likeness of 
Christ which she had asked him to send her. The 
frankness and freedom with which he remonstrates 
with her for what he considers mistaken zeal on 
her part, reveal a degree of familiarity which 
could have come only from long and cordial 
relations between himself and his royal 
correspondent. Whatever other reasons therefore 
may have combined to indicate Eusebius as the most 
fitting person to deliver the oration in honor of 
the Emperor at the Council of Nic'a, there can be 
little doubt that Constantine's personal 
friendship for him had much to do with his 
selection. The action of the Council on the 
subject of Arianism, and Eusebius' conduct in the 
matter, have already been discussed. Of the 
bishops assembled at the Council, not far from 
three hundred in number (the reports of 
eye-witnesses vary from two hundred and fifty to 
three hundred and eighteen), all but two signed 
the Nicene creed as adopted by the Council. These 
two, both of them Egyptians, were banished with 
Arius to Illyria, while Eusebius of Nicomedia, and 
Theognis of Nic'a, who subscribed the creed itself 
but refused to assent to its anathemas, were also 
banished for a time, but soon yielded, and were 
restored to their churches.
Into the other purposes for which the Nicene 
Council was called,--the settlement of the dispute 
respecting the time of observing Easter and the 
healing of the Meletian schism,--it is not neces-

21

sary to enter here. We have no record of the part 
which Eusebius took in these transactions. 
Lightfoot has abundantly shown (p. 313 sq.) that 
the common supposition that Eusebius was the 
author of the paschal cycle of nineteen years is 
false, and that there is no reason to suppose that 
he had anything particular to do with the decision 
of the paschal question at this Council. § 7. 
Continuance of the Arian Controversy. Eusebius' 
Relations to the Two Parties.
The Council of Nic'a did not bring the Arian 
controversy to an end. The orthodox party was 
victorious, it is true, but the Arians were still 
determined, and could not give up their enmity 
against the opponents of Arius, and their hope 
that they might in the end turn the tables on 
their antagonists. Meanwhile, within a few years 
after the Council, a quarrel broke out between our 
Eusebius and Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, a 
resolute supporter of Nicene orthodoxy. According 
to Socrates (H. E. I. 23) and Sozomen (H. E. II. 
18) Eustathius accused Eusebius of perverting the 
Nicene doctrines, while Eusebius denied the 
charge, and in turn taxed Eustathius with 
Sabellianism. The quarrel finally became so 
serious that it was deemed necessary to summon a 
Council for the investigation of Eustathius' 
orthodoxy and the settlement of the dispute. This 
Council met in Antioch in 330 A.D. (see Tillemont, 
VII. p. 651 sq., for a discussion of the date), 
and was made up chiefly of bishops of Arian or 
semi-Arian tendencies. This fact, however, brings 
no discredit upon Eusebius. The Council was held 
in another province, and he can have had nothing 
to do with its composition. In fact, convened, as 
it was, in Eustathius' own city, it must have been 
legally organized; and indeed Eustathius himself 
acknowledged its jurisdiction by appearing before 
it to answer the charges made against him. 
Theodoret's absurd account of the origin of the 
synod and of the accusations brought against 
Eustathius (H. E. I. 21) bears upon its face the 
stamp of falsehood, and is, as Hefele has shown 
(Canciliengeschichte, I. 451), hopelessly in error 
in its chronology. It is therefore to be rejected 
as quite worthless. The decision of the Council 
doubtless fairly represented the views of the 
majority of the bishops of that section, for we 
know that Arianism had a very strong hold there. 
To think of a packed Council and of illegal 
methods of procedure in procuring the verdict 
against Eustathius is both unnecessary and 
unwarrantable. The result of the Council was the 
deposition of Eustathius from his bishopric and 
his banishment by the Emperor to Illyria, where he 
afterward died. There is a division of opinion 
among our sources in regard to the immediate 
successor of Eustathius. All of them agree that 
Eusebius was asked to become bishop of Antioch, 
but that he refused the honor, and that Euphronius 
was chosen in his stead. Socrates and Sozomen, 
however, inform us that the election of Eusebius 
took place immediately after the deposition of 
Eustathius, while Theodoret (H. E. I. 22) names 
Eulalius as Eustathius' immediate successor, and 
states that he lived but a short time, and that 
Eusebius was then asked to succeed him. Theodoret 
is Supported by Jerome (Chron., year of Abr. 2345) 
and by Philostorgius (H. E. III. 15), both of whom 
insert a bishop Eulalius between Eustathius and 
Euphronius. It is easier to suppose that Socrates 
and Sozomen may have omitted so unimportant a name 
at this point than that the other three witnesses 
inserted it without warrant. Socrates indeed 
implies in the same chapter that his knowledge of 
these affairs is limited, and it is not surprising 
that Eusebius' election, which caused a great 
stir, should have been connected in the mind of 
later writers immediately with Eustathius' 
deposition, and the intermediate steps forgotten. 
It seems probable, therefore, that immediately 
after the condemnation of Eustathius, Eulalius was 
appointed in his place, perhaps by the same 
Council, and that after his death, a few months 
later, Eusebius, who had meanwhile gone back to 
C'sarea, was elected in due order by another 
Council of neighboring bishops summoned for the 
purpose, and that he was supported by a large 
party of citizens. It is noticeable that the 
letter written by the Emperor to the Council, 
which wished to transfer Eusebius to Antioch (see 
Vita Const. III. 62), mentions in its salutation 
the names of five bishops, but among them is only 
one (Theodotus who is elsewhere named as present 
at the Council which deposed Eusta-

22

thius, while Eusebius of Nicomedia, and Theognis 
of Nic'a, as well as others whom we know to have 
been on hand on that occasion, are not referred to 
by the Emperor. This fact certainly seems to point 
to a different council.
It is greatly to Eusebius' credit that he refused 
the call extended to him. Had he been governed 
simply by selfish ambition he would certainly have 
accepted it, for the patriarchate of Antioch stood 
at that time next to Alexandria in point of honor 
in the Eastern Church. The Emperor commended him 
very highly for his decision, in his epistles to 
the people of Antioch and to the Council (Vita 
Const. III. 60, 62 ), and in that to Eusebius 
himself (ib. III. 61). He saw in it a desire on 
Eusebius' part to observe the ancient canon of the 
Church, which forbade the transfer of a bishop 
from one see to another. But that in itself can 
hardly have been sufficient to deter the latter 
from accepting the high honor offered him, for it 
was broken without scruple on all sides. It is 
more probable that he saw that the schism of the 
Antiochenes would be embittered by the induction 
into the bishopric of that church of Eustathius' 
chief opponent, and that he did not feel that he 
had a right so to divide the Church of God. 
Eusebius' general character, as known to us, 
justifies us in supposing that this high motive 
had much to do with his decision. We may suppose 
also that so difficult a place can have had no 
very great attractions for a man of his age and of 
his peace-loving disposition and scholarly tastes. 
In C'sarea he had spent his life; there he had the 
great library of Pamphilus at his disposal, and 
leisure to pursue his literary work. In Antioch he 
would have found himself compelled to plunge into 
the midst of quarrels and seditions of all kinds, 
and would have been obliged to devote his entire 
attention to the performance of his official 
duties. His own tastes therefore must have 
conspired with his sense of duty to lead him to 
reject the proffered call and to remain in the 
somewhat humbler station which he already 
occupied.
Not long after the deposition of Eustathius, the 
Arians and their sympathizers began to work more 
energetically to accomplish the ruin of 
Athanasius, their greatest foe. He had become 
Alexander's successor as bishop of Alexandria in 
the year 326, and was the acknowledged head of the 
orthodox party. If he could be brought into 
discredit, there might be hopes of restoring Arius 
to his position in Alexandria, and of securing for 
Arianism a recognition, and finally a dominating 
influence in the church at large. To the overthrow 
of Athanasius therefore all good Arians bent their 
energies. They found ready accomplices in the 
schismatical Meletians of Egypt, who were bitter 
enemies of the orthodox church of Alexandria. It 
was useless to accuse Athanasius of heterodoxy; he 
was too widely known as the pillar of the orthodox 
faith. Charges must be framed of another sort, and 
of a sort to stir up the anger of the Emperor 
against him. The Arians therefore and the 
Meletians began to spread the most vile and at the 
same time absurd stories about Athanasius (see 
especially the latter's Apol. c. Arian. § 59 sq.). 
These at last became so notorious that the Emperor 
summoned Athanasius to appear and make his defense 
before a council of bishops to be held in C'sarea 
(Sozomen, H. E. II. 25; Theodoret, H. E. I. 28). 
Athanasius, however, fearing that the Council 
would be composed wholly of his enemies, and that 
it would therefore be impossible to secure fair 
play, excused himself and remained away. But in 
the following year (see Sozomen, H. E. II, 25) he 
received from the Emperor a summons to appear 
before a council at Tyre. The summons was too 
peremptory to admit of a refusal, and Athanasius 
therefore attended, accompanied by many of his 
devoted adherents (see Sozomen, ib.; Theodoret, H. 
E. I. 30; Socrates, H. E. I. 28; Athanasius, Apol. 
c. Arian. § 71 sq.; Eusebius, Vita Const. IV. 41 
sq., and Epiphanius, H'r. LXVIII. 8). After a 
time, perceiving that he had no chance of 
receiving fair play, he suddenly withdrew from the 
Council and proceeded directly to Constantinople, 
in order to lay his case before the Emperor 
himself, and to induce the latter to allow him to 
meet his accusers in his presence, and plead his 
cause before him. There was nothing for the Synod 
to do after his flight but to sustain the charges 
brought against him, some of which he had not 
stayed to refute, and to pass condemnation upon 
him. Besides various immoral and sacrilegious 
deeds of which he was accused, his refusal to 
appear before the Council of

23

C'sarea the previous year was made an important 
item of the prosecution. It was during this 
Council that Potamo flung at Eusebius the taunt of 
cowardice, to which reference was made above, and 
which doubtless did much to confirm Eusebius' 
distrust of and hostility to the Athanasian 
party-Whether Eusebius of C'sarea, as is commonly 
supposed, or Eusebius of Nicomedia, or some other 
bishop, presided at this Council we are not able 
to determine. The account of Epiphanius seems to 
imply that the former was presiding at the time 
that Potamo made his untimely accusation. Our 
sources are, most of them, silent on the matter, 
but according to Valesius, Eusebius of Nicomedia 
is named by some of them, but which they are I 
have not been able to discover. We learn from 
Socrates (H. E. I. 28), as well as from other 
sources, that this Synod of Tyre was held in the 
thirtieth year of Constantine's reign, that is, 
between July, 334, and July, 335. As the Council 
was closed only in time for the bishops to reach 
Jerusalem by July, 335, it is probable that it was 
convened in 335 rather than in 334. From Sozomen 
(H. E. II. 25) we learn also that the Synod of 
C'sarea had been held the preceding year, 
therefore in 333 or 334 (the latter being the date 
commonly given by historians). While the Council 
of Tyre was still in session, the bishops were 
commanded by Constantine to proceed immediately to 
Jerusalem to take part in the approaching festival 
to be held there on the occasion of his 
tricennalia. The scene was one of great splendor. 
Bishops were present from all parts of the world, 
and the occasion was marked by the dedication of 
the new and magnificent basilica which Constantine 
had erected upon the site of Calvary (Theodoret, 
I. 31; Socrates, I. 28 and 33; Sozomen, II. 26; 
Eusebius, Vita Canst. IV. 41 and 43). The bishops 
gathered in Jerusalem at this time held another 
synod before separating. In this they completed 
the work begun at Tyre, by re-admitting Arius and 
his adherents to the communion of the Church (see 
Socrates, 1. 33, and Sozomen, II. 27). According 
to Sozomen the Emperor, having been induced to 
recall Arius from banishment in order to 
reconsider his case, was presented by the latter 
with a confession of faith, which was so worded as 
to convince Constantine of his orthodoxy. He 
therefore sent Arius and his companion Euzoius to 
the bishops assembled in Jerusalem with the 
request that they would examine the confession, 
and if they were satisfied with its orthodoxy 
would re-admit them to communion. The Council, 
which was composed largely of Arius' friends and 
sympathizers, was only too glad to accede to the 
Emperor's request.
Meanwhile Athanasius had induced Constantine, out 
of a sense of justice, to summon the bishops that 
had condemned him at Tyre to give an account of 
their proceedings before the Emperor himself at 
Constantinople. This unexpected, and, doubtless, 
not altogether welcome summons came while the 
bishops were at Jerusalem, and the majority of 
them at once returned home in alarm, while only a 
few answered the call and repaired to 
Constantinople. Among these were Eusebius of 
Nicomedia, Theognis of Nic'a, Patrophilus of 
Scythopolis, and other prominent Arians, and with 
them our Eusebius (Athanasius, Apol. c. Arian. §§ 
86 and 87; Socrates, I. 33-35; Sozomen, II. 28). 
The accusers of Athanasius said nothing on this 
occasion in regard to his alleged immoralities, 
for which he had been condemned at Tyre, but made 
another equally trivial accusation against him, 
and the result was his banishment to Gaul. Whether 
Constantine banished him because he believed the 
charge brought against him, or because he wished 
to preserve him from the machinations of his 
enemies (as asserted by his son Constantine, and 
apparently believed by Athanasius himself; see his 
Apol. c. Arian. § 87), or because he thought that 
Athanasius' absence would allay the troubles in 
the Alexandrian church we do not know. The latter 
supposition seems most probable. In any case he 
was not recalled from banishment until after 
Constantine's death. Our Eusebius has been 
severely condemned by many historians for the part 
taken by him in the Eustathian controversy and 
especially in the war against Athanasius. In 
justice to him a word or two must be spoken in his 
defense. So far as his relations to Eustathius are 
concerned, it is to be noticed that the latter 
commenced the controversy by accusing Eusebius of 
heterodoxy. Eusebius himself did not begin the 
quarrel, and very likely had no desire to engage 
in any such doctrinal strife; but he was compelled 
to defend him-

24

self, and in doing so he could not do otherwise 
than accuse Eustathius of Sabellianism; for if the 
latter was not satisfied with Eusebius' orthodoxy, 
which Eusebius himself believed to be truly 
Nicene, then he must be leaning too far toward the 
other extreme; that is, toward Sabellianism. There 
is no reason to doubt that Eusebius was perfectly 
straightforward and honorable throughout the whole 
controversy, and at the Council of Antioch itself. 
That he was not actuated by unworthy motives, or 
by a desire for revenge, is evinced by his 
rejection of the proffered call to Antioch, the 
acceptance of which would have given him so good 
an opportunity to triumph over his fallen enemy. 
It must be admitted, in fact, that Eusebius comes 
out of this controversy without a stain of any 
kind upon his character. He honestly believed 
Eustathius to be a Sabellian, and he acted 
accordingly.
Eusebius has been blamed still more severely for 
his treatment of Athanasius. But again the facts 
must be looked at impartially. It is necessary 
always to remember that Sabellianism was in the 
beginning and remained throughout his life the 
heresy which he most dreaded, and which he had 
perhaps most reason to dread. He must, even at the 
Council of Nic'a, have suspected Athanasius, who 
laid so much stress upon the unity of essence on 
the part of Father and Son, of a leaning toward 
Sabellianistic principles; and this suspicion must 
have been increased when he discovered, as he 
believed, that Athanasitis' most staunch 
supporter, Eustathius, was a genuine Sabellian. 
Moreover, on the other side, it is to be 
remembered that Eusebius of Nicomedia, and all the 
other leading Arians, had signed the Nicene creed 
and had proclaimed themselves thoroughly in 
sympathy with its teaching. Our Eusebius, knowing 
the change that had taken place in his own mind 
upon the controverted points, may well have 
believed that their views had undergone even a 
greater change, and that they were perfectly 
honest in their protestations of orthodoxy. And 
finally, when Arius himself presented a confession 
of faith which led the Emperor, who had had a 
personal interview with him, to believe that he 
had altered his views and was in complete harmony 
with the Nicene faith, it is not surprising that 
our Eusebius, who was naturally unsuspicious, 
conciliatory and peace-loving, should think the 
same thing, and be glad to receive Arius back into 
communion, while at the same time remaining 
perfectly loyal to the orthodoxy of the Nicene 
creed which he had subscribed. Meanwhile his 
suspicions of the Arian party being in large 
measure allayed, and his distrust of the orthodoxy 
of Athanasius and of his adherents being increased 
by the course of events, it was only natural that 
he should lend more or less credence to the 
calumnies which were so industriously circulated 
against Athanasius. To charge him with dishonesty 
for being influenced by these reports, which seem 
to us so absurd and palpably calumnious, is quite 
unwarranted. Constantine, who was, if not a 
theologian, at least a clear-headed and 
sharp-sighted man, believed them, and why should 
Eusebius not have done the same? The incident 
which took place at the Council of Tyre in 
connection with Potamo and himself was important; 
for whatever doubts he may have had up to that 
time as to the truth of the accusations made 
against Athanasius and his adherents, Potamo's 
conduct convinced him that the charges of tyranny 
and high-handed dealing brought against the whole 
party were quite true. It could not be otherwise 
than that he should believe that the good of the 
Alexandrian church, and therefore of the Church at 
large, demanded the deposition of the seditious 
and tyrannous archbishop, who was at the same time 
quite probably Sabellianistic in his tendencies. 
It must in justice be noted that there is not the 
slightest reason to suppose that our Eusebius had 
anything to do with the dishonorable intrigues of 
the Arian party throughout this controversy. 
Athanasius, who cannot say enough in condemnation 
of the tactics of Eusebius of Nicomedia and his 
supporters, never mentions Eusebius of C'sarea in 
a tone of bitterness. He refers to him 
occasionally as a member of the opposite party, 
but he has no complaints to utter against him, as 
he has against the others. This is very 
significant, and should put an end to all 
suspicions of unworthy conduct on Eusebius' part. 
It is to be observed that the latter, though 
having good cause as he believed to condemn 
Athanasius and his adherents, never acted as a 
leader in the war against them. His name, if 
mentioned at all, occurs always toward the end of 
the list as one of

25

the minor combatants, although his position and 
his learning would have entitled him to take the 
most prominent position in the whole affair, if he 
had cared to. He was but true to his general 
character in shrinking from such a controversy, 
and in taking part in it only in so far as his 
conscience compelled him to. We may suspect indeed 
that he would not have made one of the small party 
that repaired to Constantinople in response to the 
Emperor's imperious summons had it not been for 
the celebration of Constantine's tricennalia, 
which was taking place there at the time, and at 
which he delivered, on the special invitation of 
the Emperor and in his presence, one of his 
greatest orations. Certain it is, from the account 
which he gives in his Vita Constantini, that both 
in Constantinople and in Jerusalem the festival of 
the tricennalia, with its attendant ceremonies, 
interested him much more than did the condemnation 
of Athanasius.

§ 8. Eusebius and Marcellus.

It was during this visit to Constantinople that 
another synod was held, at which Eusebius was 
present, and the result of which was the 
condemnation and deposition of the bishop 
Marcellus of Ancyra (see Socrates, I. 36; Sozomen, 
II. 33; Eusebius, Contra Marc. II. 4). The 
attitude of our Eusebius toward Marcellus is again 
significant of his theological tendencies. 
Marcellus had written a book against Asterius, a 
prominent Arian, in which, in his zeal for the 
Nicene orthodoxy, he had laid himself open to the 
charge of Sabellianism. On this account he was 
deposed by the Constantinopolitan Synod, and our 
Eusebius was urged to write a work exposing his 
errors and defending the action of the Council. As 
a consequence he composed his two works against 
Marcelins which will be described later. That 
Eusebius, if not in the case of Athanasius and 
possibly not in that of Eustathius, had at least 
in the present case good ground for the belief 
that Marcellus was a Sabellian, or Sabellianistic 
in tendency, is abundantly proved by the citations 
which he makes from Marcellus' own works; and, 
moreover, his judgment and that of the Synod was 
later confirmed even by Athanasius himself. Though 
not suspecting Marcellus for some time, Athanasius 
finally became convinced that he had deviated from 
the path of orthodoxy, and, as Newman has shown 
(in his introduction to Athanasius' fourth 
discourse against the Arians, Oxford Library of 
the Fathers, vol. 19, p. 503 sq.), directed that 
discourse against his errors and those of his 
followers.
The controversy with Marcellus seems to have been 
the last in which Eusebius was engaged, and it was 
opposition to the dreaded heresy of Sabellius 
which moved him here as in all the other cases. It 
is important to emphasize, however, what is often 
overlooked, that though Eusebius during these 
years was so continuously engaged in controversy 
with one or another of the members of the 
anti-Arian party, there is no evidence that he 
ever deviated from the doctrinal position which he 
took at the Council of Nic'a. After that date it 
was never Arianism which he consciously supported; 
it was never the Nicene orthodoxy which he 
opposed. He supported those members of the old 
Arian party who had signed the Nicene creed and 
protested that they accepted its teaching, against 
those members of the opposite party whom he 
believed to be drifting toward Sabellianism, or 
acting tyrannously and unjustly toward their 
opponents. The anti-Sabellianistic interest 
influenced him all the time, but his post-Nicene 
writings contain no evidence that he had fallen 
back into the Arianizing position which he had 
held before 325. They reveal, on the contrary, a 
fair type of orthodoxy, colored only by its 
decidedly anti-Sabellian emphasis.

§ 9. The Death of Eusebius.

In less than two years after the celebration of 
his tricennalia, on May 22, 337 A.D., the great 
Constantine breathed his last, in Nicomedia, his 
former Capital. Eusebius, already an old man, 
produced a lasting testimonial of his own 
unbounded affection and admiration for the first 
Christian emperor, in his Life of Constantine. 
Soon afterward he followed his imperial friend at 
the

26

advanced age of nearly, if not quite, eighty 
years. The exact date of his death is unknown, but 
it can be fixed approximately. We know from 
Sozomen (H. E. III. 5) that in the summer of 341, 
when a council was held at Antioch (on the date of 
the Council, which we are able to fix with great 
exactness, see Hefele, Conciliengesch. I. p. 502 
sq.) Acacius, Eusebius' successor, was already 
bishop of C'sarea. Socrates (H. E. II. 4) and 
Sozomen (H. E. III. 5) both mention the death of 
Eusebius and place it shortly before the death of 
Constantine the younger, which took place early in 
340 (see Tillemont's Hist. des Emp. IV. p. 357 
sq.), and after the intrigues had begun which 
resulted in Athanasius' second banishment. We are 
thus led to place Eusebius' death late in the year 
339, or early in the year 340 (cf. Lightfoot's 
article, p. 318).

CHAPTER II.

THE WRITINGS OF EUSEBIUS. § I. Eusebius as a 
Writer.
EUSEBIUS was one of the most voluminous writers of 
antiquity, and his labors covered almost every 
field of theological learning. In the words of 
Lightfoot he was "historian, apologist, 
topographer, exegete, critic, preacher, dogmatic 
writer, in turn." It is as an historian that he is 
best known, but the importance of his historical 
writings should not cause us to overlook, as 
modern scholars have been prone to do, his 
invaluable productions in other departments. 
Light-foot passes a very just judgment upon the 
importance of his works in the following words: 
"If the permanent utility of an author's labors 
may be taken as a test of literary excellence, 
Eusebius will hold a very high place indeed. The 
Ecclesiastical History is absolutely unique and 
indispensable. The Chronicle is the vast 
storehouse of information relating to the ancient 
monarchies of the world. The Preparation and 
Demonstration are the most important contributions 
to theology in their own province. Even the minor 
works, such as the Martyrs of Palestine, the Life 
of Constantine, the Questions addressed to 
Stephanus and to Marinus, and others, would leave 
an irreparable blank, if they were obliterated. 
And the same permanent value attaches also to his 
more technical treatises. The Canons and Sections 
have never yet been superseded for their 
particular purpose. The Topography of Palestine is 
the most important contribution to our knowledge 
in its own department. In short, no ancient 
ecclesiastical writer has laid posterity under 
heavier obligations."
If we look in Eusebius' works for evidences of 
brilliant genius we shall be disappointed. He did 
not possess a great creative mind like Origen's or 
Augustine's. His claim to greatness rests upon his 
vast erudition and his sterling sense. His powers 
of acquisition were remarkable and his diligence 
in study unwearied. He had at his command 
undoubtedly more acquired material than any man of 
his age, and he possessed that true literary and 
historical instinct which enabled him to select 
from his vast stores of knowledge those things 
which it was most worth his while to tell to the 
world. His writings therefore remain valuable 
while the works of many others, perhaps no less 
richly equipped than himself for the mission of 
adding to the sum of human knowledge, are entirely 
forgotten. He thus had the ability to do more than 
acquire; he had the ability to impart to others 
the very best of that which he acquired, and to 
make it useful to them. There is not in his 
writings the brilliancy which we find in some 
others, there is not the same sparkle and 
freshness of new and suggestive thought, there is 
not the same impress of an overmastering 
individuality which transforms everything it 
touches. There is, however, a true and solid merit 
which marks his works almost without exception, 
and raises them above the commonplace. His 
exegesis is superior to that of most of his 
contemporaries, and his apologetics is marked by 
fairness of statement, breadth of treatment, and 
instinctive appreciation of the difference between 
the important and the unimportant points under 
discussion, which give to his apologetic works a

27

permanent value. His wide acquaintance, too, with 
other systems than his own, and with the products 
of Pagan as well as Christian thought, enabled him 
to see things in their proper relations and to 
furnish a treatment of the great themes of 
Christianity adapted to the wants of those who had 
looked beyond the confines of a single school. At 
the same time it must be acknowledged that he was 
not always equal to the grand opportunities which 
his acquaintance with the works and lives of other 
men and other peoples opened before him. He does 
not always reveal the possession of that high 
quality of genius which is able to interpret the 
most various forces and to discover the higher 
principles of unity which alone make them 
intelligible; indeed, he often loses himself 
completely in a wilderness of thoughts and notions 
which have come to him from other men and other 
ages, and the result is dire confusion.
We shall be disappointed, too, if we seek in the 
works of Eusebius for evidences of a refined 
literary taste, or for any of the charms which 
attach to the writings of a great master of 
composition. His style is, as a rule, involved and 
obscure, often painfully rambling and incoherent. 
This quality is due in large part to the 
desultoriness of his thinking. He did not often 
enough clearly define and draw the boundaries of 
his subject before beginning to write upon it. He 
apparently did much of his thinking after he had 
taken pen in hand, and did not subject what he had 
thus produced to a sufficiently careful revision, 
if to any revision at all. Thoughts and 
suggestions poured in upon him while he was 
writing; and he was not always able to resist the 
temptation to insert them as they came, often to 
the utter perversion of his train of thought, and 
to the ruin of the coherency and perspicuity of 
his style. It must be acknowledged, too, that his 
literary taste was, on the whole, decidedly 
vicious. Whenever a flight of eloquence is 
attempted by him, as it is altogether too often, 
his style becomes hopelessly turgid and 
pretentious. At such times his skill in mixing 
metaphors is something astounding (compare, for 
instance, H. E. II. 14). On the other hand, his 
works contain not a few passages of real beauty. 
This is especially true of his Martyrs of 
Palestine, where his enthusiastic admiration for 
and deep sympathy with the heroes of the faith 
cause him often to forget himself and to describe 
their sufferings in language of genuine fire or 
pathos. At times, too, when he has a sharply 
defined and absorbing aim in mind, and when the 
subject with which he is dealing does not seem to 
him to demand rhetorical adornment, he is simple 
and direct enough in his language, showing in such 
cases that his commonly defective style is not so 
much the consequence of an inadequate command of 
the Greek tongue as of desultory thinking and 
vicious literary taste.
But while we find much to criticise in Eusebius' 
writings, we ought not to fail to give him due 
credit for the conscientiousness and faithfulness 
with which he did his work. He wrote often, it is 
true, too rapidly for the good of his style, and 
he did not always revise his works as carefully as 
he should have done; but we seldom detect undue 
haste in the collection of materials or 
carelessness and negligence in the use of them. He 
seems to have felt constantly the responsibilities 
which rested upon him as a scholar and writer, and 
to have done his best to meet those 
responsibilities. It is impossible to avoid 
contrasting him in this respect with the most 
learned man of the ancient Latin Church, St. 
Jerome. The haste and carelessness with which the 
latter composed his De Viris Illustribus, and with 
which he translated and continued Eusebius' 
Chronicle, remain an everlasting disgrace to him. 
An examination of those and of some others of 
Jerome's works must tend to raise Eusebius greatly 
in our esteem. He was at least conscientious and 
honest in his work, and never allowed himself to 
palm off ignorance as knowledge, or to deceive his 
readers by sophistries, misstatements, and pure 
inventions. He aimed to put the reader into 
possession of the knowledge which he had himself 
acquired, but was always conscientious enough to 
stop there, and not attempt to make fancy play the 
r"le of fact.
One other point, which was mentioned some pages 
back, and to which Lightfoot calls particular 
attention, should be referred to here, because of 
its bearing upon the character of Eusebius' 
writings. He was, above all things, an apologist; 
and the apologetic aim governed both the selection 
of his subjects and method of his treatment. He 
composed none of his works with a

28

purely scientific aim. He thought always of the 
practical result to be attained, and his selection 
of material and his choice of method were governed 
by that. And yet we must recognize the fact that 
this aim was never narrowing in its effects. He 
took a broad view of apologetics, and in his lofty 
conception of the Christian religion he believed 
that every field of knowledge might be laid under 
tribute to it. He was bold enough to be confident 
that history, philosophy, and science all 
contribute to our understanding and appreciation 
of divine truth; and so history and philosophy and 
science were studied and handled by him freely and 
fearlessly. He did not feel the need of distorting 
truth of any kind because it might work injury to 
the religion which he professed. On the contrary, 
he had a sublime faith which led him to believe 
that all truth must have its place and its 
mission, and that the cause of Christianity will 
be benefited by its discovery and diffusion. As an 
apologist, therefore, all fields of knowledge had 
an interest for him; and he was saved that 
pettiness of mind and narrowness of outlook which 
are sometimes characteristic of those who write 
with a purely practical motive.

§ 2. Catalogue of his Works.

There is no absolutely complete edition of 
Eusebius' extant works. The only one which can lay 
claim even to relative completeness is that of 
Migne: Eusebii Pamphili, C'sarea Palestin' 
Episcopi, Opera omnia qu' extant, curis variorum, 
nempe: Henrici Valesii, Francisci Vigeri, Bernardi 
Montfauconii, Card. Angelo Maii edita; collegit et 
denuo recognovit J. P. Migne. Par. 1857. 6 vols 
(tom. XIX.-XXIV. of Migne's Patrologia Gr'ca). 
This edition omits the works which are extant only 
in Syriac versions, also the Topica, and some 
brief but important Greek fragments (among them 
the epistles to Alexander and Euphration). The 
edition, however, is invaluable and cannot be 
dispensed with. References to it (under the simple 
title Opera) will be given below in connection 
with those works which it contains. Many of 
Eusebius' writings, especially the historical, 
have been published separately. Such editions will 
be mentioned in their proper place in the 
Catalogue.
More or less incomplete lists of our author's 
writings are given by Jerome (De vir. ill. 87); by 
Nicephorus Callistus (H. E. VI. 37); by Ebedjesu 
(in Assemani's Bibl. Orient. III. p. 18 sq.); by 
Photius (Bibl. 9-13, 27, 39, 127); and by Suidas 
(who simply copies the Greek version of Jerome). 
Among modern works all the lives of Eusebius 
referred to in the previous chapter give more or 
less extended catalogues of his writings. In 
addition to the works mentioned there, valuable 
lists are also found in Lardner's Credibility, 
Part II chap. 72, and especially in Fabricius' 
Bibl. Gr'ca (ed. 1714), vol. VI. p. 30 sq.
The writings of Eusebius that are known to us, 
extant and non-extant, may be classified for 
convenience' sake under the following heads: I. 
Historical. II. Apologetic. III. Polemic. IV. 
Dogmatic. V. Critical and Exegetical. VI. Biblical 
Dictionaries. VII. Orations. VIII. Epistles. IX. 
Spurious or doubtful works. The classification is 
necessarily somewhat artificial, and claims to be 
neither exhaustive nor exclusive. [1]

1. HISTORICAL WORKS.

Life   of Pamphilus (<greek>h</greek> 
<greek>tou</greek> II<greek>amfilou</greek> 
<greek>biou</greek> <greek>analrafh</greek>;  see 
H. E. VI. 32). Eusebius himself refers to this 
work in four passages (H. E. VI. 32, VII. 32, 
VIII. 13, and Mart. Pal. c. In the last he informs 
us that it consisted of three books. The work is 
mentioned also more than once by Jerome (De vir. 
ill. 81; Ep. ad Marcellam, Migne's ed. Ep. 34; 
Contra Ruf. I. 9), who speaks of it in terms of 
praise, and in the last passage gives a brief 
extract from the third book, which is, so far as 
known, the only extant fragment of the work. The 
date of its composition can be fixed within 
comparatively narrow limits. It must of course 
have been written before the shorter recension of 
the Martyrs of Palestine, which contains a 
reference to it (on its relation to the

29

longer recension, which does not mention it, see 
below, p. 30), and also before the History (i.e. 
as early as 313 A.D. (?), see below, p. 45). On 
the other hand, it was written after Pamphilus' 
death (see H. E. VII. 32, 25), which occurred in 
310.
Martyrs of Palestine (<greek>peri</greek> 
<greek>tpn</greek> <greek>en</greek> 
II<greek>alaistanh</greek> 
<greek>marturhsantwn</greek>). This work is extant 
in two recensions, a longer and a shorter. The 
longer has been preserved entire only in a Syriac 
version, which was published, with English 
translation and notes, by Cureton in 1861. A 
fragment of the original Greek of this work as 
preserved by Sirecon Metaphrastes had previously 
been published by Papebroch in the Acta Sanctorum 
(June, tom. I. p. 64; reprinted by Fabricius, II. 
p. 217), but had been erroneously regarded as an 
extract. from Eusebius' Life Cureton's publication 
of the Syriac version of the Martyrs of Palestine 
showed that it was a part of the original of that 
work. There are extant also, in Latin, the Acts of 
St. Procopius, which were published by Valesius 
(in his edition of Eusebius' Hist. Eccles. in a 
note on the first chapter of the Mart. Pal.; 
reprinted by Cureton, Mart. Pal. p. 50 sq.). 
Moreover, according to Cureton, Assemani's Acta 
SS. Martyrum Orient el Occidentalium, part II. p. 
169 sq. (Rom', 1748) contains another Syriac 
version of considerable portions of this same 
work. The Syriac version published by Cureton was 
made within less than a century after the 
composition of the original work (the manuscript 
of it dates from 411 A.D.; see Cureton, ib., 
preface, p. i.), perhaps within a few years after 
it, and there is every reason to suppose that it 
represents that original with considerable 
exactness. That Eusebius himself was the author of 
the original cannot be doubted. In addition to 
this longer recension there is extant in Greek a 
shorter form of the same work which is found 
attached to the Ecclesiastical History in most 
MSS. of the latter. In some of them it is placed 
between the eighth and ninth books, in others at 
the close of the tenth book, while one MS. inserts 
it in the middle of VIII. 13. In some of the most 
important MSS. it is wanting entirely, as likewise 
in the translation of Rufinus, and, according to 
Lightfoot, in the Syriac version of the History. 
Most editions of Eusebius' History print it at the 
close of the eighth book. Migne gives it 
separately in Opera, II. 1457 sq. In the present 
volume the translation of it is given as an 
appendix to the eighth book, on p. 342 sq.
There can be no doubt that the shorter form is 
younger than the longer. The mention of the Life 
of Pamphilus which is contained in the shorter, 
but is not found in the corresponding passage of 
the longer form would seem to indicate that the 
former was a remodeling of the latter rather than 
the latter of the former (see below, p. 30). 
Moreover, as Cureton and Lightfoot both point out, 
the difference between the two works both in 
substance and in method is such as to make it 
clear that the shorter form is a revised 
abridgment of the longer. That Eusebius himself 
was the author of the shorter as well as of the 
longer form is shown by the fact that not only in 
the passages common to both recensions, but also 
in those peculiar to the shorter one, the author 
speaks in the same person and as an eye-witness of 
many of the events which he records. And still 
further, in Chap. 11 he speaks of having himself 
written the Life of Pamphilus in three books, a 
notice which is wanting in the longer form and 
therefore must emanate from the hand of the author 
of the shorter. It is interesting to inquire after 
Eusebius' motive in publishing an abridged edition 
of this work. Cureton supposes that he condensed 
it simply for the purpose of inserting it in the 
second edition of his History. Lightfoot, on the 
other hand, suggests that it may have formed "part 
of a larger work, in which the sufferings of the 
martyrs were set off against the deaths of the 
persecutors," and he is inclined to see in the 
brief appendix to the eighth book of the History 
(translated below on p. 340) "a fragment of the 
second part of the treatise of which the Martyrs 
of Palestine in the shorter recension formed the 
first." The suggestion is, to say the least, very 
plausible. If it be true, the attachment of the 
shorter form of the Martyrs of Palestine to the 
Ecclesiastical History was probably the work, not 
of Eusebius himself, but of some copyist or 
copyists, and the disagreement among the various 
MSS. as to its position in the History is more 
easily explained on this supposition than on 
Cureton's theory that it was attached to a later 
edition of the latter work by Eusebius himself.

30

The date at which the Martyrs of Palestine was 
composed cannot be determined with certainty. It 
was at any rate not published until after the 
first nine books of the Ecclesiastical History 
(i.e. not before 313, see below, p. 45), for it is 
referred to as a projected work in H. E. VIII. 13. 
7. On the other hand, the accounts contained in 
the longer recension bear many marks of having 
been composed on the spot, while the impressions 
left by the martyrdoms witnessed by the author 
were still fresh upon him. Moreover, it is 
noticeable that in connection with the account of 
Pamphilus' martyrdom, given in the shorter 
recension, reference is made to the Life of 
Pamphilus as a book already published, while in 
the corresponding account in the longer recension 
no such book is referred to. This would seem to 
indicate that the Life of Pamphilus was written 
after the longer, but before the shorter recension 
of the Martyrs. But on the other hand the Life was 
written before the Ecclesiastical History (see 
above, p. 29), and consequently before the 
publication of either recension of the Martyrs. 
May it not be that the accounts of the various 
martyrdoms were written, at least some of them, 
during the persecution, but that they were not 
arranged, completed, and published until 313, or 
later? If this be admitted we may suppose that the 
account of Pamphilus' martyrdom was written soon 
after his death and before the Life was begun. 
When it was later embodied with the other accounts 
in the one work On the Martyrs of Palestine it may 
have been left just as it was, and it may not have 
occurred to the author to insert a reference to 
the Life of Pamphilus which had meanwhile been 
published. But when he came to abridge and in part 
rewrite for a new edition the accounts of the 
various martyrdoms contained in the work On 
Martyrs he would quite naturally refer the reader 
to the Life for fuller particulars.
If we then suppose that the greater part of the 
longer recension of the Martyrs was already 
complete before the end of the persecution, it is 
natural to conclude that the whole work was 
published at an early date, probably as soon as 
possible after the first edition of the History. 
How much later the abridgment was made we cannot 
tell. [1]
The differences between the two recensions lie 
chiefly in the greater fullness of detail on the 
part of the longer one. The arrangement and 
general mode of treatment is the same in both. 
They contain accounts of the Martyrs that suffered 
in Palestine during the years 303-310, most of 
whom Eusebius himself saw. Collection of Ancient 
Martyrdoms (<greek>arkaiwn</greek> 
<greek>marturiwn</greek> <greek>sunagwgh</greek>). 
This work is mentioned by Eusebius in his H. E. 
IV. 15, V. pr'f., 4, 21. These notices indicate 
that it was not an original

31

composition, but simply a compilation; a 
collection of extant accounts of martyrdoms which 
had taken place before Eusebius' day. The work is 
no longer extant, but the accounts of the 
martyrdom of Pamphilus and others at Smyrna, of 
the persecution in Lyons and Vienne, and of the 
defense of Apollonius in Rome, which Eusebius 
inserts in his Ecclesiastical History (IV. xS, V. 
1, V. 21), are taken, as he informs us, from this 
collection. As to the time of compilation, we can 
say only that it antedates the composition of the 
earlier books of the History (on whose date, see 
below, p. 45).
Chronicle (<greek>kronikoi</greek> 
<greek>kanones</greek>). Eusebius refers to this 
work in his Church History (I. 1), in his 
Pr'paratio Evang. X. 9, and at the beginning of 
his Eclog' prophetica'. It is divided into two 
books, the first of which consists of an epitome 
of universal history drawn from various sources, 
the second of chronological tables, which "exhibit 
in parallel columns the succession of the rulers 
of different nations in such a way that the reader 
can see at a glance with whom any given monarch 
was contemporary." The tables "are accompanied by 
notes, marking the years of some of the more 
remarkable historical events, these notes also 
constituting an epitome of history." Eusebius was 
not the first Christian writer to compose a work 
on universal chronology. Julius Africanus had 
published a similar work early in the third 
century, and from that Eusebius drew his model and 
a large part of the material for his own work. At 
the same time his Chronicle is more than a simple 
revision of Africanus' work, and contains the 
result of much independent investigation on his 
own part. The work of Africanus is no longer 
extant, and that of Eusebius was likewise lost for 
a great many centuries, being superseded by a 
revised Latin edition, issued by Jerome. Jerome's 
edition, which comprises only the second book of 
Eusebius' Chronicle, is a translation of the 
original work, enlarged by notices taken from 
various writers concerning human history, and 
containing a continuation of the chronology down 
to his own time. This, together with numerous 
Greek fragments preserved by various ancient 
writers, constituted our only source for a 
knowledge of the original work, until late in the 
last century an Armenian translation of the whole 
work was discovered and published in two volumes 
by J. B. Aucher: Venice, 1818. The Armenian 
translation contains a great many errors and not a 
few lacun', but it is our most valuable source for 
a knowledge of the original work.
The aim of the Chronicle was, above all, 
apologetic, the author wishing to prove by means 
of it that the Jewish religion, of which the 
Christian was the legitimate continuation, was 
older than the oldest of heathen cults, and thus 
deprive pagan opponents of their taunt of novelty, 
so commonly hurled against Christianity. As early 
as the second century, the Christian apologists 
had emphasized the antiquity of Judaism; but 
Julius Africanus was the first to devote to the 
matter scientific study, and it was with the same 
idea that Eusebius followed in his footsteps. The 
Chronology, in spite of its errors, is invaluable 
for the light it throws on many otherwise dark 
periods of history, and for the numerous extracts 
it contains from works no longer extant.
There are good and sufficient reasons (as is 
pointed out by Salmon in his article in Smith and 
Wace's Dictionary of Christian Biography) for 
supposing that two editions of the Chronicle were 
published by Eusebius. But two of these reasons 
need be stated here: first, the chronology of the 
Armenian version differs from that of Jerome's 
edition in many important particulars, 
divergencies which can be satisfactorily accounted 
for only on the supposition of a difference in the 
sources from which they respectively drew; 
secondly, Jerome states directly that the work was 
brought down to the vicennalia of 
Constantine,--that is, to the year 325,--but the 
Chronicle is referred to as an already published 
work in the Eclog' prophetic' (I. 1), and in the 
Pr'paratio Evang. (X. 9), both of which were 
written before 313. We may conclude, then, that a 
first edition of the work was published during, or 
more probably before, the great persecution, and 
that a second and revised edition was issued 
probably in 325, or soon thereafter.
For further particulars in regard to the Chronicle 
see especially the article of Salmon already 
referred to. The work has been issued separately a 
great many times. We may refer here to the edition 
of Scaliger, which was published in 1606 (2d ed. 
1658), in which he attempted

32

to restore the Greek text from the fragments of 
Syncellus and other ancient writers, and to the 
new edition of Mai, which was printed in 1833 in 
his Scriptorum veterum nova collectio, Tom. VIII., 
and reprinted by Migne, Eusebii Opera, I. 99-598. 
The best and most recent edition, however, and the 
one which supersedes all earlier editions, is that 
of Alfred Schoene, in two volumes: Berlin, 1875 
and 1866. Ecclesiastical History 
(<greek>ekklhsiastikh</greek> 
<greek>istoria</greek>). For a discussion of this 
work see below, p. 45 sq. Life of Constantine 
(<greek>eis</greek> <greek>ton</greek> 
<greek>bion</greek> <greek>tou</greek> 
<greek>makarioh</greek> 
<greek>kwnstantinou</greek> <greek>tou</greek> 
<greek>basilews</greek>).For particulars in regard 
to this work, see the prolegomena of Dr. 
Richardson, on pp. sq., of this volume.

II. APOLOGETIC WORKS.

Against Hierocles (<greek>pros</greek> 
<greek>tous</greek> <greek>uper</greek> 
A<greek>pollwniou</greek> <greek>tou</greek> 
<greek>tuanews</greek> I<greek>erokleous</greek> 
<greek>logous</greek>, as Photius calls it in his 
Bibl. 39). Hierocles was governor of Bithynia 
during the early years of the Diocletian 
persecution, and afterwards governor of Egypt. In 
both places he treated the Christians with great 
severity, carrying out the edicts of the emperors 
to the fullest extent, and even making use of the 
most terrible and loathsome forms of persecution 
(see Lactantius, De Mort. Pers. 16, and Eusebius, 
Mart. Pal. 5, Cureton's ed. p. 18). He was at the 
same time a Neo-Platonic philosopher, exceedingly 
well versed in the Scriptures and doctrines of the 
Christians. In a work against the Christians 
entitled <greek>logos</greek> 
<greek>filalhqhs</greek> <greek>nros</greek> 
<greek>tous</greek> <greek>kristianous</greek>, he 
brought forward many scriptural difficulties and 
alleged contradictions, and also instituted a 
comparison between Christ and Apollonius of Tyana, 
with the intention of disparaging the former. 
Eusebius feels called upon to answer the work, but 
confines himself entirely to that part of it which 
concerned Christ and Apollonius, leaving to some 
future time a refutation of the remainder of the 
work, which indeed, he says, as a mere 
reproduction of the arguments of Celsus, had been 
already virtually answered by Origen (see chap. 
1). Eusebius admits that Apollonius was a good 
man, but refuses to concede that he was anything 
more, or that he can be compared with Christ. He 
endeavors to show that the account of Apollonius 
given by Philostratus is full of contradictions 
and does not rest upon trustworthy evidence. The 
tone of the book is mild, and the arguments in the 
main sound and well presented. It is impossible to 
fix the date of the work with any degree of 
certainty. Valesius assigns it to the later years 
of the persecution, when Eusebius visited Egypt; 
Stein says that it may have been written about 312 
or 313, or even earlier; while Lightfoot simply 
remarks, "it was probably one of the earliest 
works of Eusebius." There is no ground for putting 
it at one time rather than another except the 
intrinsic probability that it was written soon 
after the work to which it was intended to be a 
reply. In fact, had a number of years elapsed 
after the publication of Hierocles' attack, 
Eusebius would doubtless, if writing against it at 
all, have given a fuller and more complete 
refutation of it, such as he suggests in the first 
chapter that he may yet give. The work of 
Hierocles, meanwhile, must have been written at 
any rate some time before the end of the 
persecution, for it is mentioned in Lactantius' 
Div. Inst. V. 2.
Eusebius' work has been published by Gaisford: 
Eusebii Pamph. contra Hieroclem et Marcellum 
libri, Oxon. 1852; and also in various editions of 
the works of Philostratus. Migne, Opera IV. 795 
sq., reprints it from Olearius' edition of 
Philostratus' works (Lips. 1709).
Against Porphyry (<greek>kata</greek> 
II<greek>orfurion</greek>). Porphyry, the 
celebrated Neo-Platonic philosopher, regarded by 
the early Fathers as the bitterest and most 
dangerous enemy of the Church, wrote toward the 
end of the third century a work against 
Christianity in fifteen books, which was looked 
upon as the most powerful attack that had ever 
been made, and which called forth refutations from 
some of the greatest Fathers of the age: from 
Methodius of Tyre, Eusebius of C'sarea, and 
Apollinaris of Laodicea; and even as late as the 
end of the fourth or beginning of the fifth 
century the historian Philostorgius thought it 
necessary to write another reply to it (see his H. 
E. X. 10). Porphyry's work is no longer extant, 
but the fragments of it which remain show us that 
it was both learned and skillful. He made much of 
the alleged contra-

33

dictions in the Gospel records, and suggested 
difficulties which are still favorite weapons in 
the hands of skeptics. Like the work of Porphyry, 
and all the other refutations of it, the Apology 
of Eusebius has entirely perished. It is mentioned 
by Jerome (de vir. ill. 81 and Ep. ad Magnum, § 3, 
Migne's ed. Ep. 70), by Socrates (H. E. III. 23), 
and by Philostorgius (H. E. VIII. 14). There is 
some dispute as to the number of books it 
contained. In his Ep. ad Magn. Jerome says that 
"Eusebius et Apollinaris viginti quinque, et 
triginta volumina condiderunt," which implies that 
it was composed of twenty-five books; while in his 
de ver. ill. 81, he speaks of thirty books, of 
which he had seen only twenty. Vallarsi says, 
however, that all his MSS. agree in reading 
"twenty-five" instead of "thirty" in the latter 
passage, so that it would seem that the vulgar 
text is incorrect.
It is impossible to form an accurate notion of the 
nature and quality of Eusebius' refutation. 
Socrates speaks of it in terms of moderate praise 
("which [i.e. the work of Porphyry] has been ably 
answered by Eusebius"), and Jerome does the same 
in his Ep. ad Magnum ("Alteri [i.e. Porphyry] 
Methodius, Eusebius, et Apollinaris fortissime 
responderunt"). At the same time the fact that 
Apollinaris and others still thought it necessary 
to write against Porphyry would seem to show that 
Eusebius' refutation was not entirely 
satisfactory. In truth, Jerome (Ep. ad Pammachium 
et Oceanum, § 2, Migne's ed. Ep. 84) appears to 
rank the work of Apollinaris above that of 
Eusebius, and Philostorgius expressly states that 
the former far surpassed the latter 
(<greek>epi</greek> <greek>polu</greek> 
<greek>kratein</greek> <greek>hUwnismemn</greek> 
E<greek>usebiw</greek> <greek>kat</greek> 
<greek>autou</greek>). The date of Eusebius' work 
cannot be determined. The fact that he never 
refers to it, although he mentions the work of 
Porphyry a number of times, has been urged by 
Valesius and others as proof that he did not write 
it until after 325 A.D.; but it is quite possible 
to explain his silence, as Lardner does, by 
supposing that his work was written in his earlier 
years, and that afterward he felt its inferiority 
and did not care to mention it. It seems, in fact, 
not unlikely that he wrote it as early, or even 
earlier than his work against Hierocles, at any 
rate before his attention was occupied with the 
Arian controversy and questions connected with it.
On the Numerous Progeny of the Ancients 
(<greek>peri</greek> <greek>ths</greek> 
<greek>ppn</greek> <greek>palaipn</greek> 
<greek>andrpn</greek> <greek>polupaidias</greek>). 
This work is mentioned by Eusebius in his Praep. 
Evang. VII. 8. 20 (Migne, Opera, III. 525), but by 
no one else, unless it be the book to which Basil 
refers in his De Spir. Saneta, 29, as Difficulties 
respecting the Polygamy of the Ancients. The work 
is no longer extant, but we can gather from the 
connection in which it is mentioned in the 
Preparatio, that it aimed at accounting for the 
polygamy of the Patriarchs and reconciling it with 
the ascetic ideal of the Christian life which 
prevailed in the Church of Eusebius' lifetime. It 
would therefore seem to have been written with an 
apologetic purpose.
Pr'paratio Evangelica 
(<greek>proparaskeuh</greek>) and Demonstratio 
Evangelica (E'<greek>uaUUelikh</greek> 
<greek>apodeixis</greek>). These two treatises 
together constitute Eusebius' greatest apologetic 
work. The former is directed against heathen, and 
aims to show that the Christians are justified in 
accepting the sacred books of the Hebrews and in 
rejecting the religion and philosophy of the 
Greeks. The latter endeavors to prove from the 
sacred books of the Hebrews themselves that the 
Christians do right in going beyond the Jews, in 
accepting Jesus as their Messiah, and in adopting 
another mode of life. The former is therefore in a 
way a preparation for the latter, and the two 
together constitute a defense of Christianity 
against all the world, Jews as well as heathen. In 
grandeur of conception, in comprehensiveness of 
treatment, and in breadth of learning, this 
apology undoubtedly surpasses all other apologetic 
works of antiquity. Lightfoot justly says, "This 
great apologetic work exhibits the same merits and 
defects which we find elsewhere in Eusebius. There 
is the same greatness of conception marred by the 
same inadequacy of execution, the same profusion 
of learning combined with the same inability to 
control his materials, which we have seen in his 
History. The divisions are not kept distinct; the 
topics start up unexpectedly and out of season. 
But with all its faults this is probably the most 
important apologetic work of the early Church. It 
necessarily lacks the historical interest of the 
apologetic

34

writings of the second century; it falls far short 
of the thoughtfulness and penetration which give a 
permanent value to Origen's treatise against 
Celsus as a defense of the faith; it lags behind 
the Latin apologists in rhetorical vigor and 
expression. But the forcible and true conceptions 
which it exhibits from time to time, more 
especially beating on the theme which may be 
briefly designated 'God in history,' arrest our 
attention now, and must have impressed his 
contemporaries still more strongly; while in 
learning and comprehensiveness it is without a 
rival." The wide acquaintance with classical 
literature exhibited by Eusebius in the Preparatio 
is very remarkable. Many writers are referred to 
whose names are known to us from no other source, 
and many extracts are given which constitute our 
only fragments of works otherwise totally lost. 
The Preparatio thus does for classical much what 
the History does for Christian literature.
A very satisfactory summary of the contents of the 
Pr'paratio is given at the beginning of the 
fifteenth book. In the first, second, and third 
books, the author exposes the absurdities of 
heathen mythology, and attacks the allegorical 
theology of the Neo-Platonists; in the fourth and 
fifth books he discusses the heathen oracles; in 
the sixth he refutes the doctrine of fate; in the 
seventh he passes over to the Hebrews, devoting 
the next seven books to an exposition of the 
excellence of their system, and to a demonstration 
of the proposition that Moses and the prophets 
lived before the greatest Greek writers, and that 
the latter drew their knowledge from the former; 
in the fourteenth and fifteenth books he exposes 
the contradictions among Greek philosophers and 
the vital errors in their systems, especially in 
that of the Peripatetics. The Pr'paratio is 
complete in fifteen books, all of which are still 
extant.
The Demonstratio consisted originally of twenty 
books (see Jerome's de vir. ill. 81, and Photius' 
Bibl. 10). Of these only ten are extant, and even 
in the time of Nicephones Callistus no more were 
known, for he gives the number of the books as ten 
(H. E. VI. 37). There exists also a fragment of 
the fifteenth book, which was discovered and 
printed by Mai (Script. vet. nova call. I. 2, p. 
173). In the first book, which is introductory, 
Eusebius shows why the Christians pursue a mode of 
life different from that of the Jews, drawing a 
distinction between Hebraism, the religion of all 
pious men from the beginning, and Judaism, the 
special system of the Jews, and pointing out that 
Christianity is a continuation of the former, but 
a rejection of the latter, which as temporary has 
passed away. In the second book he shows that the 
calling of the Gentiles and the repudiation of the 
Jews are foretold in Scripture. In books three to 
nine he discusses the humanity, divinity, 
incarnation, and earthly life of the Saviour, 
showing that all were revealed in the prophets. In 
the remainder of the work we may assume that the 
same general plan was followed, and that Christ's 
death, resurrection, and ascension, and the spread 
of his Church, were the subjects discussed in this 
as in nearly all works of the kind.
There is much dispute as to the date of these two 
works. Stroth and Cave place them after the 
Council of Nica'a, while Valesius, Lightfoot, and 
others, assign them to the ante-Nicene period. In 
two passages in the History Eusebius has been 
commonly supposed to refer to the Demonstratio (H. 
E. I. 2 and 6), but it is probable that the first, 
and quite likely the second also, refers to the 
Eclog' Proph. We can, therefore, base no argument 
upon those passages. But in Pre second a'p. Evang. 
XII. 10 (Opera, III. 969) there is a reference to 
the persecution, which seems clearly to imply that 
it was still continuing; and in the Demonstratio 
(III. 5 and IV. 6; Opera, IV. 213 and 307), which 
was written after the Preparatio, are still more 
distinct indications of the continuance of the 
persecution. On the other hand, in V. 3 and VI. 20 
(Opera, IV. 364 and 474) there are passages which 
imply that the persecution has come to an end. It 
seems necessary then to conclude, with Lightfoot, 
that the Demonstratio was begun during the 
persecution, but not completed until peace had 
been established. The Pr'paratio, which was 
completed before the Demonstratio was begun (see 
the pro'mium to the latter), must have been 
finished during the persecution. It contains in X. 
9 (Opera, III. 807) a reference to the Chronicle 
as an already published work (see above, p. 31).

35

The Pr'paratio and Demonstratio are found in 
Migne's edition of the Opera, III. and IV. 9 sq. A 
more recent text is that of Dindorf in Teubner's 
series, 1867. The Pr'paratio has been published 
separately by Heinichen, 2 vols., Lips. 1842, and 
by Gaisford, 4 vols., Oxon. 1843. The latter 
contains a full critical apparatus with Latin 
translation and notes, and is the most useful 
edition which we have. Seguier in 1846 published a 
French translation with notes. The latter are 
printed in Latin in Migne's edition of the Opera, 
III. 1457 sq. The French translation I have not 
seen. The Demonstratio was also published by 
Gaisford in 2 vols., Oxon. 1852, with critical 
apparatus and Latin translation. H'nell has made 
the two works the subject of a monograph entitled 
De Eusebio C'sariensi religionis Christianae 
subject of'e Defensore (Gotting Christianae 
subject of a monograph entitled', 1843) which I 
know only from the mention of it by Stein and 
Lightfoot.
Pr'paratio Ecclesiastica 
('E<greek>kklhsiastikh</greek> 
II<greek>roparaskeuh</greek>), and Demanstratio 
Ecclesiastica ('E <greek>kklhQiastikh</greek> 
'A<greek>podeixis</greek> ). These two works are 
no longer extant. We know of the former only from 
Photius' reference to it in Bibl. 11, of the 
latter from his mention of it in Bibl.
Lightfoot says that the latter is referred to also 
in the Fus Gr'co-Romanum (lib. IV. p. 295; ed. 
Leunclav.). We know nothing about the works 
(except that the first according to Photius 
contained extracts), and should be tempted to 
think them identical with the Pr'paratio and 
Demonstratio Evang. were it not that Photius 
expressly mentions the two latter in another part 
of his catalogue (Bibl. 10). Lightfoot supposes 
that the two lost works did for the society what 
the Pr'p. and Dem. Evang. do for the doctrines of 
which the society is the depositary, and he 
suggests that those portions of the Theophania 
(Book IV.) which relate to the foundation of the 
Church may have been adopted from the Dem. 
Ecclesiastica, as other portions of the work (Book 
V.) are adopted from the Dem. Evang.
If there is a reference in the Pr'p. Evang. I. 3 
(Opera, III 33) to the Demanstratio Eccles., as 
Lightfoot thinks there may be, and as is quite 
possible, the latter work, and consequently in all 
probability the Pr'p. Eccles, also, must have been 
written before 313 A.D. Two Books of Objection and 
Defense ('E<greek>leUkou</greek> 
<greek>kai</greek> 'A<greek>poloUias</greek> 
<greek>loUoi</greek> <greek>duo</greek>). These 
are no longer extant, but are mentioned by Photius 
in his Bibl. 13. We gather from Photius' language 
that two editions of the work were extant in his 
time. The books, as Photius clearly indicates, 
contained an apology for Christianity against the 
attacks of the heathen, and not, as Cave supposed, 
a defense of the author against the charge of 
Arianism. The tract mentioned by Gelasius of 
Cyzicus (see below, p. 64) is therefore not to be 
identified with this work, as Cave imagined that 
it might be.
Theophania or Divine Manifestation 
(<greek>qeoFaneia</greek>). A Syriac version of 
this work is extant in the same MS. which contains 
the Martyrs of Palestine, and was first published 
by Lee in 1842. In 1843 the same editor issued an 
English translation with notes and extended 
prolegomena (Cambridge, 1 vol.). The original work 
is no longer extant in its entirety, but numerous 
Greek fragments were collected and published by 
Mai in 1831 and 1833 (Script. vet. nov. call. I. 
and VIII.), and again with additions in 1847 
(Bibl. Nova Patrum, IV. 110 and 310; reprinted by 
Migne, Opera, VI. 607-690. Migne does not give the 
Syriac version). The manuscript which contains the 
Syriac version was written in 411, and Lee thinks 
that the translation itself may have been made 
even during the lifetime of Eusebius. At any rate 
it is very old and, so far as it is possible to 
judge, seems to have reproduced the sense of the 
original with comparative accuracy. The subject of 
the work is the manifestation of God in the 
incarnation of the Word. It aims to give, with an 
apologetic purpose, a brief exposition of the 
divine authority and influence of Christianity. It 
is divided into five books which handle 
successively the subject and the recipients of the 
revelation, that is, the Logos on the one hand, 
and man on the other; the necessity of the 
revelation; the proof of it drawn from its 
effects; the proof of it drawn from its 
fulfillment of prophecy; finally, the common 
objections brought by the heathen against Christ's 
character and wonderful works. Lee says of the 
work: "As a brief exposition of Christianity,

36

particularly of its Divine authority, and amazing 
influence, it has perhaps never been surpassed." 
"When we consider the very extensive range of 
inquiry occupied by our author, the great variety 
both of argument and information which it 
contains, and the small space which it occupies; 
we cannot, I think, avoid coming to the 
conclusion, that it is a very extraordinary work, 
and one which is as suitable to our own times as 
it was to those for which it was written. Its 
chief excellency is, that it is argumentative, and 
that its arguments are well grounded, and 
logically conducted."
The Theophania contains much that is found also in 
other works of Eusebius. Large portions of the 
first, second, and third books are contained in 
the Oratio de Laudibus Constantini, nearly the 
whole of the fifth book is given in the Dem. 
Evang., while many passages occur in the Pr'p. 
Evang.
These coincidences assist us in determining the 
date of the work. That it was written after 
persecution had ceased and peace was restored to 
the Church, is clear from II. 76, III. 20, 79, V. 
52. Lee decided that it was composed very soon 
after the close of the Diocletian persecution, but 
Lightfoot has shown conclusively (p. 333) from the 
nature of the parallels between it and other 
writings of Eusebius, that it must have been 
written toward the end of his life, certainly 
later than the De Laud. Canst. (335 A.D.), and 
indeed it is not improbable that it remained 
unfinished at the time of his death.

III Polemic Works.

Defense of Origen ('A<greek>poloUia</greek> 
<greek>uper</greek> <greek>Wrisenous</greek>). 
This was the joint work of Eusebius and Pamphilus, 
as is distinctly stated by Eusebius himself in his 
H. E. VI. 33, by Socrates, H. E. III. 7, by the 
anonymous collector of the Synodical Epistles ( 
Ep. 198), and by Photius, Bibl. 118. The last 
writer informs us that the work consisted of six 
books, the first five of which were written by 
Eusebins and Pamphilus while the latter was in 
prison, the last book being added by the former 
after Pamphilus' death (see above, p. 9). There is 
no reason to doubt the statement of Photius, and 
we may therefore assign the first five books to 
the years 307-309, and assume that the sixth was 
written soon afterward. The Defense has perished, 
with the exception of the first book, which was 
translated by Rufinus (Rufin. ad Hieron. I. 582 ), 
and is still extant in his Latin version. Rufinus 
ascribed this book expressly to Pamphilus, and 
Pamphilus' name alone appears in the translation. 
Jerome (Contra Ruf. I. 8; II. 15, 23; III. 12) 
maintains that the whole work was written by 
Eusebius, not by Pamphilus, and accuses Rufinus of 
having deliberately substituted the name of the 
martyr Pamphilus for that of the Arianizing 
Eusebius in his translation of the work, in order 
to secure more favorable acceptance for the 
teachings of Origen. Jerome's unfairness and 
dishonesty in this matter have been pointed out by 
Lightfoot (p. 340). In spite of his endeavor to 
saddle the whole work upon Eusebius, it is certain 
that Pamphilus was a joint author of it, and it is 
quite probable that Rufinus was true to his 
original in ascribing to Pamphilus all the 
explanations which introduce and connect the 
extracts from Origen, which latter constitute the 
greater part of the book. Eusebius may have done 
most of his work in connection with the later 
books.
The work was intended as a defense of Origen 
against the attacks of his opponents (see 
Eusebius' H. E. VI 33, and the Preface to the 
Defense itself). According to Socrates (H. E. VI. 
13), Methodius, Eustathius, Apollinaris, and 
Theophilus all wrote against Origen. Of these only 
Methodius had written before the composition of 
the Defense, and he was expressly attacked in the 
sixth book of that work, according to Jerome 
(Contra Ruf. I. 11). The wide opposition aroused 
against Origen was chiefly in consequence not of 
his personal character, but of his theological 
views. The Apology, therefore, seems to have been 
devoted in the main to a defense of those views 
over against the attacks of the men that held and 
taught opposite opinions, and may thus be regarded 
as in some sense a regular polemic. The extant 
book is devoted principally to a discussion of 
Origen's views on the Trinity and the Incarnation. 
It is not printed in Migne's edition of Eusebius' 
Opera, but is published in the various editions of

37

Origen's works (in Lommatzsch's edition, XXIV. 
289-412). For further particulars in regard to the 
work, see Delarue's introduction to it 
(Lommatzsch, XXIV. 263 sq.), and Lightfoot's 
article on Eusebius, pp. 340 and 341.
Against Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra 
(<greek>kata</greek> M<greek>?rkellou</greek> 
<greek>tou</greek> 'A<greek>Ukuras</greek> 
<greek>episkopou</greek>). The occasion of this 
work has been already described (see p. 25), and 
is explained by Eusebius himself in Book II. chap, 
4. The work must have been written soon after the 
Council at which Marcellus was condemned. It aims 
simply to expose his errors, exegetical as well as 
theological. The work consists of two books, and 
is still extant (Opera, VI. 707-824).
On the Theology of the Church, a Refutation of 
Marcellus (<greek>oi</greek> <greek>pros</greek> 
M<greek>arkellon</greek> <greek>eleUkoi</greek> 
<greek>peri</greek> <greek>ths</greek> 
<greek>ekklhsiastikhs</greek> 
<greek>QeoloUias</greek>). The occasion of this 
work is stated in the first chapter. In the 
previous work Eusebius had aimed merely to expose 
the opinions of Marcellus, but in this he devotes 
himself to their refutation, fearing that some 
might be led astray by their length and 
plausibility. The work, which consists of three 
books, is still extant, and is given by Migne in 
the Opera, VI. 825-1046. Both it and the preceding 
are published with the Contra Hieroclem in 
Gaisford's Euseb. Pamph. contra Hieroclem et 
Marcellum, Oxon. 1852. Zahn has written a valuable 
monograph entitled Marcellus von Ancyra (Gotha, 
1867).
Against the Manicheans. Epiphanius (H'r. LXVI. 21) 
mentions, among other refutations of the 
Manicheans, one by our Eusebius. The work is 
referred to nowhere else, and it is possible that 
Epiphanius was mistaken in his reference, or that 
the refutation he has in mind formed only a part 
of some other work, but we are hardly justified in 
asserting, as Lightfoot does, that the work cannot 
have existed.

IV. Dogmatic Works.

General Elementary Introduction ('H 
<greek>kaqolou</greek> <greek>stoikeiwdhs</greek> 
<greek>eisaUwUh</greek>). This work consisted of 
ten books, as we learn from a reference to it in 
the Eclog' Propheticae, as we learn from a 
reference to it in the Eclog', IV. 35. It was 
apparently a general introduction to the study of 
theology, and covered a great variety of subjects. 
Five brief fragments have been preserved, all of 
them apparently from the first book, which must 
have dealt largely with general principles of 
ethics. The fragments were published by Mai (Bibl. 
Nova Patrum, IV. 316), and are reprinted by Migne 
(Opera, IV. 1271 sq.). In addition to these 
fragments, the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth 
books of the work are extant under the title:
Prophetical Extracts (II<greek>roFhtikai</greek> 
'E<greek>kloUai</greek>). Although this formed a 
part of the larger work, it is complete in itself, 
and circulated independently of the rest of the 
Introduction. It contains extracts of prophetical 
passages from the Old Testament relating to the 
person and work of Christ, accompanied by 
explanatory notes. It is divided into four books, 
the first containing extracts from the historical 
Scriptures, the second from the Psalms, the third 
from the other poetical books and from the 
prophets, the fourth from Isaiah alone. The 
personality of the Logos is the main topic of the 
work, which is thus essentially dogmatic, rather 
than apologetic, as it might at first glance seem 
to be. It was composed during the persecution, 
which is clearly referred to in Book I. chap. 8 as 
still raging; it must have been written therefore 
between 303 and 313. The date of these books, of 
course, fixes the date of the General 
Introduction, of which they formed a part. The 
Eclog' are referred to in the History, I. 2. On 
the other hand, they mention the Chronicle as a 
work already written (I. I: Opera, p. 1023); a 
reference which goes to prove that there were two 
editions of the Chronicle (see above, p. 31). The 
four books of the Prophetical Extracts were first 
published by Gaisford in 1842 (Oxford) from a 
Vienna MS. The MS. is mutilated in many places, 
and the beginning, including the title of the 
work, is wanting. Migne has reprinted Gaisford's 
edition in the Opera, IV. 1017 sq.
On the Paschal Festival (<greek>peri</greek> 
<greek>ths</greek> <greek>tou</greek> 
<greek>paska</greek> <greek>eorths</greek>). This 
work, as Eusebius informs us in his Vita Const. 
IV. 34, was addressed to the Emperor Constantine, 
who commends it very highly in an epistle to 
Eusebius preserved in the Vita Const. IV. 35. From 
this epistle we learn, more-

38

over, that the work had been translated into 
Latin. It is no longer extant in its entirety, but 
a considerable fragment of it was discovered by 
Mai in Nicetas' Catena on Luke, and published by 
him in his Bibl. Nova Patrum, IV. p. 208 sq. The 
extant portion of it contains twelve chapters, 
devoted partly to a discussion of the nature of 
the Passover and its typical significance, partly 
to an account of the settlement of the paschal 
question at the Council of Nic'a, and partly to an 
argument against the necessity of celebrating the 
paschal feast at the time of the Jewish Passover, 
based on the ground that Christ himself did not 
keep the Passover on the same day as the Jews.
Jerome, although he does not mention this work in 
his catalogue of Eusebius' writings (de vir. ill. 
81), elsewhere (ib. 61) states that Eusebius 
composed a paschal canon with a cycle of nineteen 
years. This cycle may have been published (as 
Lightfoot remarks) as a part of the writing under 
discussion. The date of the work cannot be 
determined with exactness. It was written after 
the Council of Nic'a, and, as would seem from the 
connection in which it is mentioned in the Vita 
Canstantini, before the Emperor's tricennalia (335 
A.D.), but not very long before. The extant 
fragment, as published by Mai, is reprinted by 
Migne in the Opera, VI. 693-706.

V. Critical and Exegetical Works.

Biblical Texts. We learn from Jerome (Pr'f. in 
librum Paralip.) that Eusebius and Pamphilus 
published a number of copies of Origen's edition 
of the LXX., that is, of the fifth column of the 
Hexapla. A colophon found in a Vatican MS., and 
given in fac-simile in Migne's Opera, IV. 875, 
contains the following account of their labors 
(the translation is Lightfoot's): "It was 
transcribed from the editions of the Hexapla, and 
was corrected from the Tetrapla of Origen himself, 
which also had been corrected and furnished with 
scholia in his own handwriting; whence I, 
Eusebius, added the scholia, Pamphilus and 
Eusebius corrected [this copy]." Compare also 
Field's Hexapla, I. p. xcix.
Taylor, in the Dictionary of Christian Biography, 
III. p. 21, says: "The whole work [i.e. the 
Hexapla] was too massive for multiplication; but 
many copies of its fifth column alone were issued 
from C'sarea under the direction of Pamphilus the 
martyr and Eusebius, and this recension of the 
LXX. came into common use. Some of the copies 
issued contained also marginal scholia, which gave 
inter alia a selection of readings from the 
remaining versions in the Hexapla. The oldest 
extant MS. of this recension is the Leiden Codex 
Sarravianus of the fourth or fifth century." These 
editions of the LXX. must have been issued before 
the year 309, when Pamphilus suffered martyrdom, 
and in all probability before 307, when he was 
imprisoned (see Lardner's Credibility, Part II. 
chap. 72.
In later years we find Eusebius again engaged in 
the publication of copies of the Scriptures. 
According to the Vita Const. IV. 36, 37, the 
Emperor wrote to Eusebius, asking him to prepare 
fifty sumptuous copies of the Scriptures for use 
in his new Constantinopolitan churches. The 
commission was carefully executed, and the MSS. 
prepared at great cost. It has been thought that 
among our extant MSS. may be some of these copies 
which were produced under Eusebius' supervision, 
but this is extremely improbable (see Lightfoot, 
p. 334).
Ten Evangelical Canons, with the Letter to 
Carpianus prefixed (<greek>kanones</greek> 
<greek>deka</greek>; Canones decem harmoniae 
evangeliorum pr'missa ad Carpianum epistola). 
Ammonius of Alexandria early in the third century 
had constructed a harmony of the Gospels, in 
which, taking Matthew as the standard, he placed 
alongside of that Gospel the parallel passages 
from the three others. Eusebius' work was 
suggested by this Harmony, as he tells us in his 
epistle to Carpianus. An inconvenient feature of 
Ammonius' work was that only the Gospel of Matthew 
could be read continuously, the sequence of the 
other Gospels being broken in order to bring their 
parallel sections into the order followed by 
Matthew. Eusebius, desiring to remedy this defect, 
constructed his work on a different principle. He 
made a table of ten canons, each containing a list 
of passages as follows: Canon I. passages common 
to all four Gospels; II. those common to Matthew, 
Mark, and Luke; III. those common to Matt, Luke, 
and John; IV. those

45

Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. VI. 104) reports that the 
following works are extant in MS.: Fragmentum de 
Mensuris ac Ponderibus (MSS. Is. Vossii, n. 179); 
De Morte Herodis (MS. in Bibl. Basil.); Pr'fatio 
ad Canticum Mosis in Exodo (Lambec. III. p. 35).

CHAPTER III.

EUSEBIUS' CHURCH HISTORY.
§ 1. Date of its Composition.
THE work with which we are especially concerned at 
this time is the Church History, the original 
Greek of which is still extant in numerous MSS. It 
consists of ten books, to which is added in most 
of the MSS. the shorter form of the Martyrs of 
Palestine (see above, p. 29). The date of the work 
can be determined with considerable exactness. It 
closes with a eulogy of Constantine and his son 
Crispus; and since the latter was put to death by 
his father in the summer of 326, the History must 
have been completed before that time. On the other 
hand, in the same chapter Eusebius refers to the 
defeat of Licinius, which took place in the year 
323 A.D. This gives a fixed terminus a quo. It is 
not quite certain from Eusebius' words whether the 
death of Licinius had already taken place at the 
time he wrote, but it seems probable that it had, 
and if so, the completion of the work must be put 
as late as the Summer of 324. On the other band, 
not the slightest reference is made to the Council 
of Nic'a, which met in the summer of 325; and 
still further the tenth book is dedicated to 
Paulinus, at one time bishop of Tyre and afterward 
bishop of Antioch (see Euseb. Contra Marc. I. 4, 
and Philost. H. E. III 15), who was already dead 
in the summer of 325: for at the Nicene Council, 
Zeno appears as bishop of Tyre, and Eustathius as 
bishop of Antioch (see for further particulars 
Lightfoot, p. 322). We are thus led to place the 
completion of the History in the year 324, or, to 
give the widest possible limits, between the 
latter part of 323 and the early part of 325 A.D.
But the question has been raised whether the 
earlier books may not have been composed some 
years before this. Lightfoot (following Westcott) 
supposes that the first nine books were completed 
not long after the edict of Milan and before the 
outbreak of the quarrel between Constantine and 
Licinius in 314. There is considerable to be said 
in favor of this theory. The language used in the 
dedication of the tenth book seems to imply that 
the nine books had been completed some time 
before, and that the tenth is added as a sort of 
postscript. The close of the ninth book 
strengthens that conclusion. Moreover, it would 
seem from the last sentences of that book that 
Constantine and Licinius were in perfect harmony 
at the time it was written, a state of affairs 
which did not exist after 314. On the other hand, 
it must be noticed that in Book IX. chap. 9 
Licinius' "madness" is twice referred to as having 
"not yet" seized him (in § 1 <greek>oupw</greek> 
<greek>manentos</greek> <greek>tote</greek>, and 
in § 12 <greek>o</greek><?><greek>nw</greek> 
<greek>tote</greek> <greek>ef</greek> 
<greek>hn</greek> <greek>usteron</greek> 
<greek>ekpeptwke</greek> <greek>manian</greek>, 
<greek>thn</greek> <greek>dianaian</greek> 
<greek>ektrapeis</greek>). It is necessary either 
to interpret both these clauses as later 
insertions (possibly by Eusebius' own hand at the 
time when he added the tenth book; cf. also p. 30, 
above), or to throw the composition of the ninth 
book down to the year 319 or later. It is 
difficult to decide between these alternatives, 
but I am inclined on the whole to think that 
Westcott's theory is probably correct, and that 
the two clauses can best be interpreted as later 
insertions. The very nature of his History would 
at any rate lead us to think that Eusebius spent 
some years in the composition of it, and that the 
earlier books, if not published, were at least 
completed long before the issue of the ten books 
as a whole. The Chronicle is referred to as 
already written in I. 1; the Eclogae Proph. (? see 
below, p. 85) in I. 2 and 6; the Collection of 
Ancient Martyrdoms in IV. 15, V. preface, 4, and 
22; the Defense of Origen in VI. 23, 33, and 36; 
the Life of Pamphilus in VI. 32, VII. 32, and 
VIII. 13. In VIII. 13 Eusebius speaks also of his 
intention of relating the sufferings of the 
martyrs in another work (but see above, p. 30).

46

§ 5. The Author's Design.

That the composition of a history of the Church 
was Eusebius' own idea, and was not due to any 
suggestion from without, seems clear, both from 
the absence of reference to any one else as 
prompting it, and from the lack of a dedication at 
the beginning of the work. The reasons which led 
him to undertake its composition seem to have been 
both scientific and apologetic. He lived, and he 
must have realized the fact, at the opening of a 
new age in the history of the Church. He believed, 
as he frequently tells us, that the period of 
struggle had come to an end, and that the Church 
was now about entering upon a new era of 
prosperity. He must have seen that it was a 
peculiarly fitting time to put on record for the 
benefit of posterity the great events which had 
taken place within the Church during the 
generations that were past, to sum up in one 
narrative all the trials and triumphs which had 
now emerged in this final and greatest triumph, 
which he was witnessing. He wrote, as any 
historian of the present day would write, for the 
information and instruction of his contemporaries 
and of those who should come after, and yet there 
was in his mind all the time the apologetic 
purpose, the desire to exhibit to the world the 
history of Christianity as a proof of its divine 
origin and efficacy. The plan which he proposed to 
himself is stated at the very beginning of his 
work: "It is my purpose to write an account of the 
successions of the holy apostles, as well as of 
the times which have elapsed from the days of our 
Saviour to our own; and to relate how many and how 
important events are said to have occurred in the 
history of the Church; and to mention those who 
have governed and presided over the Church in the 
most prominent parishes, and those who in each 
generation have proclaimed the divine word either 
orally or in writing. It is my purpose also to 
give the names and the number and the times of 
those who through love of innovation have run into 
the greatest errors, and proclaiming themselves 
discoverers of knowledge, falsely so-called, have, 
like fierce wolves, unmercifully devastated the 
flock of Christ. It is my intention, moreover, to 
recount the misfortunes which immediately came 
upon the whole Jewish nation in consequence of 
their plots against our Saviour, and to record the 
ways and the times in which the divine word has 
been attacked by the Gentiles, and to describe the 
character of those who at various periods have 
contended for it in the face of blood and 
tortures, as well as the confessions which have 
been made in our own days, and finally the 
gracious and kindly succour which our Saviour 
afforded them all." It will be seen that Eusebius 
had a very comprehensive idea of what a history of 
the Church should comprise, and that he was fully 
alive to its importance.

§ 3. Eusebius as a Historian. The Merits and 
Defects of his History.

The whole Christian world has reason to be 
thankful that there lived at the opening of the 
fourth century a man who, with his life spanning 
one of the greatest epochs that has occurred in 
the history of the Church, with an intimate 
experimental knowledge of the old and of the new 
condition of things, was able to conceive so grand 
a plan and possessed the means and the ability to 
carry it out. Had he written nothing else, 
Eusebius' Church History would have made him 
immortal; for if immortality be a fitting reward 
for large and lasting services, few possess a 
clearer title to it than the author of that work. 
The value of the History to us lies not in its 
literary merit, but in the wealth of the materials 
which it furnishes for a knowledge of the early 
Church. How many prominent figures of the first 
three centuries are known to us only from the 
pages of Eusebius; how many fragments, priceless 
on account of the light which they shed upon 
movements of momentous and far-reaching 
consequence, have been preserved by him alone; how 
often a hint dropped, a casual statement made in 
passing, or the mention of some apparently 
trifling event, gives the clue which enables us to 
unravel some perplexing labyrinth, or to fit into 
one whole various disconnected and apparently 
unrelated elements, and thus to trace the steps in 
the development of some important historical 
movement whose rise and whose bearing must

47

otherwise remain an unsolved riddle. The work 
reveals no sympathy with Ebionism, Gnosticism, and 
Montanism, and little appreciation of their real 
nature, and yet our knowledge of their true 
significance and of their place in history is due 
in considerable part to facts respecting the 
movements or their leaders which Eusebius alone 
has recorded or preserved. To understand the 
development of the Logos Christology we must 
comprehend the significance of the teaching of 
Paul of Samosata, and how inadequate would our 
knowledge of the nature of that teaching be 
without the epistle quoted in Book VII. chap. 30. 
How momentous were the consequences of the paschal 
controversies, and how dark would they be were it 
not for the light shed upon them by our author. 
How important, in spite of their tantalizing 
brevity and obscurity, the fragments of Papias' 
writings; how interesting the extracts from the 
memoirs of Hegesippus; how suggestive the meager 
notices from Dionysius of Corinth, from Victor of 
Rome, from Melito, from Caius; how instructive the 
long and numerous quotations from the epistles of 
Dionysius of Alexandria! He may often fail to 
appreciate the significance of the events which he 
records, he may in many cases draw unwarranted 
conclusions from the premises which he states, he 
may sometimes misinterpret his documents and 
misunderstand men and movements, but in the 
majority of cases he presents us with the material 
upon which to form our own judgments, and if we 
differ with him we must at the same time thank him 
for the data which have enabled us independently 
to reach other results.
But the value of Eusebius' Church History does not 
lie solely in the fact that it contains so many 
original sources which would be otherwise unknown 
to us. It is not merely a thesaurus, it is a 
history in the truest sense, and it possesses an 
intrinsic value of its own, independent of its, 
quotations from other works. Eusebius possessed 
extensive sources of knowledge no longer 
accessible to us. His History contains the results 
of his extended perusal of many works which are 
now irrecoverably lost, of his wide acquaintance 
with the current traditions of his day, of his 
familiar intercourse with many of the chief men of 
the age. If we cut out all the documents which he 
quotes, there still remains an extensive history 
whose loss would leave an irreparable blank in our 
knowledge of the early Church. How invaluable, for 
instance, to mention but one matter, are the 
researches of our author in regard to the 
circulation of the books of the New Testament: his 
testimony to the condition of the canon in his own 
time, and to the more or less widespread use of 
particular writings by the Fathers of preceding 
centuries. Great as is the value of the sources 
which Eusebius quotes, those that he does not give 
are still more extensive, and it is the knowledge 
gained from them which he has transmitted to us.
The worth of these portions of his History must 
depend in the first place upon the extent and 
reliability of his sources, and in the second 
place upon the use which he made of them.
A glance at the list of his authorities given in 
the index, reveals at once the immense range of 
his materials. The number of books which he either 
quotes or refers to as read is enormous. When to 
these are added the works employed by him in the 
composition of his Pr'p. Evang., as well as the 
great number which he must have perused, but does 
not mention, we are amazed at the extent of his 
reading. He must have been a voracious reader from 
his earliest years, and he must have possessed 
extraordinary acquisitive powers. It is safe to 
say that there was among the Fathers, with the 
possible exception of Origen, no more learned man 
than he. He thus possessed one of the primary 
qualifications of the historian. And yet even in 
this respect he had his limitations. He seems to 
have taken no pains to acquaint himself with the 
works of heretics, but to have been content to 
take his knowledge of them at second hand. And 
still further, he was sadly ignorant of Latin 
literature and of the Latin Church in general (see 
below, p. 106); in fact, we must not expect to 
glean from his History a very thorough or extended 
knowledge of western Christendom.
But his sources were not confined to literary 
productions. He had a wide acquaintance with the 
world, and he was enabled to pick up much from his 
intercourse with other men and with different 
peoples that he could not have found upon the 
shelves of the C'sarean or of any other

48

library. Moreover, he had access to the archives 
of state and gathered from them much information 
quite inaccessible to most men. He was thus 
peculiarly fitted, both by nature and by 
circumstances, for the task of acquiring material, 
the first task of the genuine historian.
But the value of his work must depend in the 
second place upon the wisdom and honesty with 
which he used his sources, and upon the 
faithfulness and accuracy with which he reproduced 
the results thus reached. We are therefore led to 
enquire as to his qualifications for this part of 
his work.
We notice, in the first place, that he was very 
diligent in the use of his sources. Nothing seems 
to have escaped him that might in any way bear 
upon the particular subject in hand. When he 
informs us that a certain author nowhere mentions 
a book or an event, he is, so far as I am aware, 
never mistaken. When we realize how many works he 
read entirely through for the sake of securing a 
single historical notice, and how many more he 
must have read without finding anything to his 
purpose, we are impressed with his untiring 
diligence. To-day, with our convenient indexes, 
and with the references at hand which have been 
made by many other men who have studied the 
writings of the ancients, we hardly comprehend 
what an amount of labor the production of a 
History like Eusebius' must have cost him, a 
pioneer in that kind of work.
In the second place, we are compelled to admire 
the sagacity which our author displays in the 
selection of his materials. He possessed the true 
instinct of the historian, which enabled him to 
pick out the salient points and to present to the 
reader just that information which he most 
desires. We shall be surprised upon examining his 
work to see how little it contains which it is not 
of the utmost importance for the student of early 
Church history to know, and how shrewdly the 
author has anticipated most of the questions which 
such a student must ask. He saw what it was in the 
history of the first three centuries of the Church 
which posterity would most desire to know, and he 
told them. His wisdom in this respect is all the 
more remarkable when compared with the unwisdom of 
most of his successors, who filled their works 
with legends of saints and martyrs, which, however 
fascinating they may have been to the readers of 
that age, possess little either of interest or of 
value for us. When he wishes to give us a glimpse 
of the persecutions of those early days, his 
historical and literary instinct leads him to 
dwell especially upon two thoroughly 
representative cases,--the martyrdom of Polycarp 
and the sufferings of the churches of Lyons and 
Vienne,--and to preserve for posterity two of the 
noblest specimens of martyrological literature 
which the ancient Church produced. It is true that 
he sometimes erred in his judgment as to the wants 
of future readers; we could wish that he had been 
somewhat fuller and clearer on many points, and 
that he had not so entirely neglected some others; 
but on the whole I am of the opinion that few 
historical works, ancient or modern, have in the 
same compass better fulfilled their mission in 
this respect.
In the third place, we can hardly fail to be 
impressed by the wisdom with which Eusebius 
discriminated between reliable and unreliable 
sources. Judged by the modern standard he may fall 
short as a literary critic, but judged by the 
standard of antiquity he must be given a very high 
rank. Few indeed are the historians of ancient 
times, secular or ecclesiastical, who can compare 
with Eusebius for sound judgment in this matter. 
The general freedom of his work from the fables 
and prodigies, and other improbable or impossible 
tales which disfigure the pages of the great 
majority even of the soberest of ancient 
historians, is one of its most marked features. He 
shows himself uncommonly particular in demanding 
good evidence for the circumstances which he 
records, and uncommonly shrewd in detecting 
spurious and unreliable sources. When we remember 
the great number of pseudonymous works which were 
current in his day we are compelled to admire his 
care and his discrimination. Not that he always 
succeeded in detecting the false. More than once 
he was sadly at fault (as for instance in regard 
to the Abgarus correspondence and Josephus' 
testimony to Christ), and has in consequence been 
severely denounced or held up to unsparing 
ridicule by many modern writers. But the wonder 
certainly is not that he erred as often as he did, 
but that he did not err oftener; not that he was 
sometimes careless in

49

regard to the reliability of his sources, but that 
he was ever as careful as, in the majority of 
cases, he has proved himself to be. In fact, 
comparing him with other writers of antiquity, we 
cannot commend too highly the care and the skill 
with which he usually discriminated between the 
true and the false.
In the fourth place, he deserves all praise for 
his constant sincerity and unfailing honesty. I 
believe that emphasis should be laid upon this 
point for the reason that Eusebius' reputation has 
often suffered sadly in consequence of the unjust 
imputations, and the violent accusations, which it 
was for a long time the fashion to make against 
him, and which lead many still to treat his 
statements with distrust, and his character with 
contempt. Gibbon's estimate of his honesty is well 
known and has been unquestioningly accepted in 
many quarters, but it is none the less unjust, and 
in its implications quite untrue to the facts. 
Eusebius does dwell with greater fullness upon the 
virtues than upon the vices of the early Church, 
upon its glory than upon its shame, and he tells 
us directly that it is his intention so to do (H. 
E. VIII. 2), but he never undertakes to conceal 
the sins of the Christians, and the chapter 
immediately preceding contains a denunciation of 
their corruptness and wickedness uttered in no 
faint terms. In fact, in the face of these and 
other candid passages in his work, it is the 
sheerest injustice to charge him with dishonesty 
and unfairness because he prefers, as almost any 
Christian historian must, to dwell with greater 
fullness of detail upon the bright than upon the 
dark side of the picture. Scientific, Eusebius' 
method, in this respect, doubtless is not; but 
dishonest, no one has a right to call it. The most 
severe attack which has been made upon Eusebius in 
recent years is found in an article by Jachmann 
(see below, p. 55). The evident animus which runs 
through his entire paper is very unpleasant; the 
conclusions which he draws are, to say the least, 
strained. I cannot enter here into a consideration 
of his positions; most of them are examined below 
in the notes upon the various passages which he 
discusses. The whole article, like most similar 
attacks, proceeds upon the supposition that our 
author is guilty, and then undertakes simply to 
find evidence of that which is already 
presupposed. I submit that few writers could 
endure such an ordeal. If Eusebius is tried 
according to the principles of common justice, and 
of sound literary criticism, I am convinced, after 
long and careful study, that his sincerity and 
honesty of purpose cannot be impeached. The 
particular instances which have been urged as 
proving his dishonesty will be discussed below in 
the notes upon the respective passages, and to 
those the reader is referred (compare especially 
pp. 88, 98, 100, 111, 112, 114, 127, 194).
Eusebius' critics are wont to condemn him severely 
for what they are pleased to call the dishonesty 
displayed by him in his Vita Constantini. Such 
critics forget, apparently, that that work 
pretends to be, not a history, but a panegyric. 
Judging it as such, I am unable to find anything 
in it which leads me to entertain for a moment a 
suspicion of the author's honesty, It is true that 
Eusebius emphasizes the Emperor's good qualities, 
and fails to mention the darker spots in his 
character; but so far as I am aware he misstates 
no facts, and does only what those who eulogize 
deceased friends are accustomed to do the world 
over. For a discussion of this matter the reader 
is referred to the prolegomena of Dr. Richardson, 
pp. 467 sq. of this volume. I am pleased to learn 
from him that his study of the Vita has shown him 
nothing which justifies the charge of dishonesty 
brought against Eusebius.
One of the most decisive marks of veracity upon 
the part of our author is the frankness with which 
he confesses his lack of knowledge upon any 
subject (cf. IV. 5), and the care with which he 
distinguishes between the different kinds of 
evidence upon which he bases his statements. How 
frequently the phrases <greek>logos</greek> 
<greek>ekei</greek>, <greek>fasi</greek>, 
<greek>legetai</greek>, &c., occur in connection 
with accounts which a less scrupulous historian 
would not hesitate to record as undoubted fact. 
How particular he is to mention his sources for 
any unusual or startling event. If the authorities 
seem to him quite inadequate, he simply omits all 
reference to an occurrence which most of his 
con-temporaries and successors would have related 
with the greatest gusto; if the testimony seems to 
him strong, he records the circumstance and 
expressly mentions his authority, whether oral

50

tradition, the testimony of eye-witnesses, or 
written accounts, and we are thus furnished the 
material from which to form our own judgments.
He is often blamed by modern writers for what they 
are pleased to call his excessive credulity. Those 
who accuse him thus seem to forget that he lived 
in the fourth, not in the nineteenth century. That 
he believed many things which we now declare to be 
incredible is perfectly true, but that he believed 
things that other Christians of his day pronounced 
incredible is not true. Judged, in fact, according 
to the standard of his age--and indeed of eleven 
succeeding centuries--he must be pronounced 
remarkably free from the fault of over-credulity, 
in truth uncommonly skeptical in his attitude 
toward the marvelous. Not that he denies the 
occurrence of prodigies and wonders in his own and 
other ages, but that he always demands the 
strongest testimony before he allows himself to be 
convinced of their truth. Compare, e.g., the care 
with which he gives his authorities for the 
anecdote in regard to the Thundering Legion (V. 
5), and his final suspension of judgment in the 
matter; compare also the emphasis which he lays 
upon the personal testimony of the Emperor in the 
matter of the appearance of the sign of the cross 
in the sky( Vita Const. I. 28 sq.), a phenomenon 
which he himself tells us that he would have 
believed upon ,no ordinary evidence. His conduct 
in this matter is a sign rather of a skepticism 
uncommon in his age than of an excessive and 
unusual credulity. Gibbon himself gives our author 
due credit in this respect, when he speaks of his 
character as "less tinctured with credulity, and 
more practiced in the arts of courts, than that of 
almost any of his contemporaries" (Decline and 
Fall, chap. XVI.).
On the other hand, Eusebius as an historian had 
many very grave faults which it is not my wish in 
the least to palliate or conceal. One of the most 
noticeable of these is his complete lack of any 
conception of historiography as a fine art. His 
work is interesting and instructive because of the 
facts which it records, but that interest is 
seldom if ever enhanced by his mode of 
presentation. There is little effective grouping, 
almost no sense of perspective, utter ignorance of 
the art of suggesting by a single line or phrase a 
finished picture of a man or of a movement. He was 
not, in other words, a Thucydides or a Tacitus; 
but the world has seen not many such as they.
A second and still more serious fault is our 
author's want of depth, if I may so express 
myself, his failure to look beneath the surface 
and to grasp the real significance of things, to 
trace the influence of opinions and events. We 
feel this defect upon every page. We read the 
annals, but we are conscious of no masterful mind 
behind them, digesting and comprehending them into 
one organic and imposing whole. This radical 
weakness in our author's method is revealed 
perhaps most clearly in his superficial and 
transcendental treatment of heretics and heresies, 
his failure to appreciate their origin and their 
bearing upon the progress of Christian thought. Of 
a development in theology, in fact, he knows 
nothing, and hence his work lacks utterly that 
which we now look upon as the most instructive 
part of Church history,--the history of doctrine.
In the third place, severe censure must be passed 
upon our author for his carelessness and 
inaccuracy in matters of chronology. We should 
expect that one who had produced the most 
extensive chronological work that had ever been 
given to the world, would be thoroughly at home in 
that province, but in truth his chronology is the 
most defective feature of his work. The difficulty 
is chiefly due to his inexcusable carelessness, we 
might almost say slovenliness, in the use of 
different and often contradictory sources of 
information. Instead of applying himself to the 
discrepancies, and endeavoring to reach the truth 
by carefully weighing the respective merits of the 
sources, or by testing their conclusions in so far 
as tests are possible, he adopts in many cases the 
results of both, apparently quite unsuspicious of 
the confusion consequent upon such a course. In 
fact, the critical spirit which actuates him in 
dealing with many other matters seems to leave him 
entirely when he is concerned with chronology; and 
instead of proceeding with the care and 
circumspection of an historian, he accepts what he 
finds with the unquestioning faith.

51

of a child. There is no case in which he can be 
convicted of disingenuousness, but at times his 
obtuseness is almost beyond belief. An identity of 
names, or a resemblance between events recorded by 
different authors, will often be enough to lead 
him all unconsciously to himself into the most 
absurd and contradictory conclusions. Instances of 
this may be seen in Book I. chap. 5, and in II. 
11. His confusion in regard to the various 
Antonines (see especially the note on the preface 
to Book V.) is not at all unusual among the 
writers of his day, and in view of the frequent 
and perplexing use of the same names by the 
different emperors, might be quite excusable in a 
less scholarly man than Eusebius, but in his case 
it is evidence of unpardonable want of care. This 
serious defect in our author's method is not 
peculiar to him. Many historians, critical almost 
to a fault in most matters, accept the received 
chronology without question, and build upon it as 
if it were the surest of foundations. Such a 
consideration does not excuse Eusebius; it 
relieves him, however, of the stigma of 
peculiarity.
Finally, the character of the History is greatly 
impaired by our author's desultory method. This is 
a characteristic of his literary work in general, 
and, was referred to in the previous chapter. All 
his works are marred by it, but few suffer more 
noticeably than the History. The author does not 
confine himself as strictly as he should to the 
logical limits of the subject which he is 
treating, but allows himself to be led away from 
the main point by the suggestions that pour in 
upon him from all sides. As Lightfoot remarks, "We 
have not unfrequently to pick out from various 
parts of his work the notices bearing on one 
definite and limited subject. He relates a fact, 
or quotes an authority bearing upon it, in season 
or out of season, according as it is recalled to 
his memory by some accidental connexion." This 
unfortunate habit of Eusebius' is one into which 
men of wide learning are very apt to fall. The 
richness of their acquisitions embarrasses them, 
and the immense number of facts in their 
possession renders a comprehension of them all 
into one logical whole very difficult; and yet 
unless the facts be thus comprehended, unless they 
be thoroughly digested and arranged, the result is 
confusion and obscurity. To exclude is as 
necessary as to include, if one would write 
history with the highest measure of success; to 
exclude rigidly at one time what it is just as 
necessary to include at another. To men like 
Eusebius there is perhaps nothing more difficult 
than this. Only a mind as intensive as it is 
extensive, with a grasp as strong as its reach is 
wide, can accomplish it, and few are the minds 
that are blessed with both qualities. Few are the 
writers whose histories stand upon our shelves 
that fail not sadly in the one or in the other; 
and in few perhaps does the failure seem more 
marked than in our author.
And yet, though it is apparent that the value of 
Eusebius' work is greatly impaired by its 
desultory method of treatment, I am confident that 
the defect is commonly exaggerated. The paragraph 
which Lightfoot quotes from Westcott on this 
subject leaves a false impression. Altogether too 
often our author introduces irrelevant matters, 
and repeats himself when repetition "mars the 
symmetry of his work"; and yet on the whole he 
follows a fairly well ordered plan with fairly 
good success. He endeavors to preserve a strictly 
chronological sequence in his arrangement of the 
books, and he adheres for the most part to his 
purpose. Though there may be disorder and 
confusion within the various periods, for instance 
within the apostolic age, the age of Trajan, of 
Hadrian, of the Antonines, &c., yet the periods 
themselves are kept reasonably distinct from one 
another, and having finished his account of one of 
them the author seldom returns to it. Even in his 
treatment of the New Testament canon, which is 
especially desultory, he says most of what he has 
to say about it in connection with the apostles 
themselves, and before passing on to the second 
century. I would not overlook the exceeding 
flagrancy of his desultoriness and repetitiousness 
in his accounts of the writings of many of the 
Fathers, especially of the two Clements, and yet I 
would emphasize the fact that he certainly had an 
outline plan which he designed to follow, and for 
which due credit should be given him. He compares 
favorably in this respect with at least most of 
the writers of antiquity. Only with our modern 
method of dividing history into periods, separated 
by natural boundary lines, and of handling it

52

under clearly defined rubrics, have we become able 
wholly to avoid the confused and illogical 
treatment of Eusebius and of others like him.

§ 4. Editions and Versions.

The original Greek of Eusebius' History has been 
published in many editions.
1. The editio princeps is that of Robert 
Stephanus, which appeared at Paris in 1544, and 
again, with a few changes, and with the Latin 
translation of Christophorsonus and the notes of 
Suffridus Petrus, at Geneva in 1612.
2. Henr. Valesius (de Valois) published his first 
edition of the Greek text, with a new Latin 
translation and with copious critical and 
explanatory notes, at Paris in 1659. His edition 
was reprinted at Mainz in 1672, but the reprint is 
full of errors. In 1677, after Valesius' death, a 
revised edition was issued at Paris, which in 1695 
was reprinted with some corrections at Amsterdam. 
In 1720 Valesius' edition of Eusebius, together 
with his edition of Socrates, Sozomen, and the 
other Greek historians, was republished at 
Cambridge by William Reading, in three folio 
volumes. This is the best edition of Valesius, the 
commentary being supplemented by MS. notes which 
he had left among his papers, and increased by 
large additions from other writers under the head 
of Variorum. A reprint of Reading's edition was 
issued in 1746-1748, but according to Heinichen it 
is not as accurate as that of 1720. For the 
elucidation of Eusebius' History we owe more to 
Valesius than to any other man. His edition of the 
text was an immense advance upon that of 
Stephanus, and has formed the basis of all 
subsequent editions, while his notes are a perfect 
storehouse of information from which all 
annotators of Eusebius have extensively drawn. 
Migne's edition (Opera, IL 45-906) is a reprint of 
Valesius' edition of 1659.
3. F. A. Stroth (Halle, 1779). A new edition of 
the Greek text, of which, however, only the first 
volume appeared, comprising Books I.-VII.
4. E. Zimmermann (Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1822). A 
new edition of the Greek text, containing also the 
Latin translation of Valesius, and a few critical 
notes.
5. F.A. Heinichen (Leipzig, 1827 and 1828). An 
edition of the Greek text in three volumes, with a 
reprint of the entire commentary of Valesius, and 
with the addition of Variorum notes. The critical 
apparatus, printed in the third volume, is very 
meager. A few valuable excursuses close the work. 
Forty years later Heinichen published a second 
edition of the History in his Eusebii Pamphili 
Scripta Historica (Lips. 1868-1870, 3 vols.). The 
first volume contains the Greek text of the 
History, with valuable prolegomena, copious 
critical apparatus and very useful indices; the 
second volume contains the Vita Constantini, the 
Panegyricus or De laudibus Constantini, and 
Constantine's Oratio ad Sanctorum coetum, also 
accompanied with critical apparatus and indices; 
the third volume contains an extensive commentary 
upon the works included in the first two volumes, 
together with twenty-nine valuable excursuses. 
This entirely supersedes the first, and is on the 
whole the most complete and useful edition of the 
History which we have. The editor made diligent 
use of the labors of his predecessors, especially 
of Laemmer's. He did no independent work, however, 
in the way of collecting material for the 
criticism of the text, and was deficient in 
critical judgment. As a consequence his text has 
often to be amended on the basis of the variant 
readings, which he gives with great fullness. His 
commentary, is made up largely of quotations from 
Valesius and other writers, and is valuable for 
the material it thus contains as well as for its 
references to other works. It labors under the 
same incompleteness, however, that mars Valesius' 
commentary, and, moreover, contains almost nothing 
of independent value.
6. E. Burton (Oxford, 1838). The Greek text in two 
volumes, with the translation of Valesius and with 
critical apparatus; and again in 1845, with the 
critical apparatus omitted, but with the notes of 
Valesius, Heinichen and others added. Burton made 
large contributions to the criticism of the text, 
and had he lived to superintend the issue of the 
second edition, would perhaps have succeeded in 
giving us a better text than any which we now 
possess, for he was a far more

53

sagacious critic than Heinichen. As it is, his 
edition is marred by numerous imperfections, 
largely caused by the inaccuracy of those who 
collated MSS. for him. His text, with the 
translation, notes, and critical apparatus 
omitted, was reprinted by Bright at Oxford in 
1872, and again in 1881, in a single volume. This 
is a very handy edition, and for school use is 
unsurpassed. The typography is superb, and the 
admirable plan is followed of discarding quotation 
marks and printing all citations in smaller type, 
thus making plain to the eye at a glance what is 
Eusebius' own and what is another's. The text is 
preceded by a very interesting and graphic life of 
the historian.
7. Schwegler (Tübingen, 1852, in one volume). The 
Greek text with critical apparatus, but without 
translation and notes. An accurate and useful 
edition.
8. Laemmer (Schaffhausen, 1859-1862). The Greek 
text in one volume, with extensive critical 
apparatus, but without explanatory notes. Laemmer 
had unusual opportunities for collecting material, 
and has made larger additions to the critical 
apparatus than any one else. His edition was 
issued, however, in a most slovenly manner, and 
swarms with mistakes. Great care should therefore 
be exercised in the use of it.
9. Finally must be mentioned the text of Dindorf 
(Lips. 1871), which is published in the Teubner 
series, and like most of the volumes of that 
series is handy and convenient, but of little 
value to the critical student.
There are few writings of the Fathers which more 
sadly need and more richly deserve a new critical 
edition than the History of Eusebius. The material 
for the formation of a reliable text is extensive 
and accessible, but editors have contented 
themselves too much in the past with the results 
of their predecessors' labors, and unfortunately 
those labors have not always been accurate and 
thorough. As a consequence a new and more careful 
collation of most of the MSS. of the original, 
together with those of Rufinus' translation, must 
lie at the foundation of any new work which is to 
be done in this line. The publication of the 
Syriac version will doubtless furnish much 
valuable material which the next editor of the 
History, will be able to use to advantage. 
Anything less than such a thorough work as I have 
indicated will be of little worth. Unless the new 
edition be based upon extensive and independent 
labors, it will be little if any improvement upon 
that of Heinichen. It is to be hoped that a 
critical text, up to the standard of those of some 
other patristic works which we already possess, 
may yet be issued, which shall give us this, one 
of the noblest productions of the ancient Church, 
in a fitting and satisfactory form.
Translations of Eusebius' History are very 
numerous. Probably the earliest of all is the 
ancient Syriac version which is preserved in great 
part in two MSS., one of which is at St. 
Petersburg and contains the entire History with 
the exception of Book VI. and large portions of 
Books V. and VII. The MS. is dated 462 A.D. (see 
Wright's description of it in his Catalogue of the 
Syriac MSS. in the British Museum acquired since 
the year 1838, Part III. p. xv. sq.). The second 
MS. is in the British Museum, and contains Books 
I.-V., with some mutilations at the beginning of 
the first book. The MS. dates from the sixth 
century (see Wright's description of it in his 
Catalogue, p. 1039). From these MSS. Wright was 
engaged in preparing an edition of the Syriac, 
which remained unfinished at the time of his 
death. Whether he left his work in such shape that 
it can soon be issued by some one else I have not 
yet learned. The version was probably made at a 
very early date, possibly within the lifetime of 
Eusebius himself, though of that we can have no 
assurance. I understand that it confirms in the 
main the Greek text as now printed in our best 
editions.
The original Latin version was made by Rufinus in 
the early years of the fifth century. He 
translated only nine books, and added to them two 
of his own, in which he brought the history down 
to the death of Theodosius the Great. He allowed 
himself his customary license in translating, and 
yet, although his version is by no means exact, it 
is one of our best sources for a knowledge of the 
true text of Eusebius, for it is possible, in many 
doubtful cases where our MSS. are hopelessly 
divided, to ascertain from his rendering what 
stood in the original Greek.

54

The version of Rufinus had a large circulation, 
and became in the Western Church a substitute for 
the original throughout the Middle Ages. It was 
first printed, according to Fabricius (ib. p. 59), 
in 1476 at Rome, afterward a great many times 
there and elsewhere. The first critical edition, 
which still remains the best, is that of Cacciari 
(Rome, 1740), which has become rare, and is very 
difficult to find. A new edition is a great 
desideratum. An important work upon Rufinus' 
version is Kimmel's De Rufino Eusebii Interprete, 
Ger', 1838.
A new Latin translation, by Wolfgang Musculus, was 
published in Basle, in 1549, and again in 1557, 
1562, and 1611, according to Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. 
VI. p. 60). I have myself seen only the edition of 
1562.
Still another Latin version, from the hand of 
Christophorsonus, was published at Louvain in 
1570. This is the only edition of Christophorsonus 
which I have seen, but I have notices of Cologne 
editions of 1570, 1581 and 1612, and of a Paris 
edition of 1571. According to Fabricius the Paris 
edition, and according to Brunnet the Cologne 
edition of 1581, contain the notes of Suffridus 
Petrus. A revision of Christophorsonus' version is 
said by Crusè to have been published by Curterius, 
but I have not seen it, nor am I aware of its 
date.
Another translation, by Gryn'us, was published at 
Basle in 1611. This is the only edition of 
Gryn'eus' version which I have seen, and I find in 
it no reference to an earlier one. I have been 
informed, however, that an edition appeared in 
1591. Hanmer seems to imply, in his preface, that 
Grynseus' version is only a revision of that of 
Musculus, and if that were so we should have to 
identify the 1611 edition with the 1611 edition of 
Musculus mentioned by Fabricius (see above). I am 
able, however, to find no hint in Gryn'us' edition 
itself that his version is a revision of that of 
Musculus.
The translation of Valesius, which was first 
published in 1659 (see above), was a great 
improvement upon all that had preceded it, and has 
been many times reprinted in other editions of 
Eusebius, as well as in his own.
The first German translation was published by 
Caspar Hedio. The date of publication is given by 
Fabricius as 1545, but the copy which I have seen 
is dated 1582, and contains no reference to an 
earlier edition. It comprises only nine books of 
Eusebius, supplemented by the two of Rufinus. The 
title runs as follows: Chronica, das ist:  
wahrhaftige Beschreibunge aller alten Christlichen 
Kirchen; zum ersten, die hist. eccles. Eusebii 
Pamphili C'sariensis, Eilff Bücher; zum andern, 
die hist. eccles. tripartita Sozomeni, Socratis 
und Theodoreti, Zw"lff Bucher; zum dritten die 
hist. eccles. sampt andern treffenlichen 
Geschichten, die zuvor in Teutschef Sprache wenig 
gelesen sind, ouch Zwolff Bucher. Von der Zeit an 
da die hist. eccles. tripartita aufhoret: das ist, 
yon der jarzal an, vierhundert nach Christi 
geburt, biss auff das jar MDXLV, durch D. Caspar 
Hedion zu Strassburg verteutscht und zusamen 
getragen. Getruckt zu. Franckfurt am Mayn, im jar 
1582.
A second German translation of the entire History 
(with the exception of the Martyrs of Palestine, 
and the Oration an the Building of the Churches, 
X. 4), together with the Life of Constantine, was 
published by F. A. Stroth in Quedlinburg in 1777, 
in two volumes. Stroth prefaced the translation 
with a very valuable Life of Eusebius, and added a 
number of excellent notes of his own. The 
translation is reasonably accurate.
A much more elegant German version (including the 
Oration, but omitting the Martyrs of Palestine) 
was published by Closs in Stuttgart in 1839, in 
one volume. This is in my opinion the best 
translation of the History that exists. Its style 
is admirable, but pure German idiom is sometimes 
secured at the expense of faithfulness. In fact 
the author has aimed to produce a free, rather 
than a literal translation, and has occasionally 
allowed himself to depart too far from the 
original. A few brief notes, most of them taken 
from Valesius or Stroth, accompany the 
translation.
More recently a German translation has been 
published by Stigloher (Kempten, 1880) in the 
Kempten Bibliothek der Kirchenväter. It purports 
to be a new translation, but is practically

55

nothing more than a poorly revised edition of 
Closs' version. The changes which are made are 
seldom improvements.
Fabricius mentions a French translation by 
Cloudius Seysselius, but does not give the date of 
it, and I have not myself seen it. Dr. Richardson, 
however, informs me that he has a copy of this 
translation (which is from the Latin, not from the 
Greek) bearing the following title: L'Histoire 
ecclesiastique translate de Latin au Français, par 
M. Claude de Seyssel, evesque lors de Marseille, 
et depuis archevesque de Thurin. Paris, 1532 [or 
33], f°. He informs me also that there exist 
editions of the years 1537 and 1567.
More than a century later appeared a new French 
translation by Louis Cousin, bearing the following 
title: Historic de l'Eglise écritoric de l'Eglise 
acrité par Eusebe Cesaree, Socrate, Sozomene, 
Theodoret et Evangre, avec l'abrege de Philostorge 
par Photius, et de Theodore par Nicephore 
Calliste. Paris, 1675-1676. 4 vol. 4°. Another 
edition appeared in Holland in 1686, 5 vol. 12°.
The first English translation was made by Hanmer, 
and was issued in 1584, and, according to Crusè, 
passed through five editions. The fourth edition, 
which lies before me, was published in London in 
1636. The volume contains the Histories of 
Eusebius, of Socrates, and of Evagrius; Dorotheus' 
Lives, and Eusebius' Life of Constantine.
Another translation is said by Crusè to have been 
published about a century later by T. Shorting, 
and to be a decided improvement upon that of 
Hanmer. I have seen no copy bearing Shorting's 
name, but have examined an anonymous translation 
which bears the following title: The 
Ecclesiastical. History of Eusebius Pamphilus in 
ten books. Made into English from that edition set 
forth by Valesius, and printed at Paris in the 
year 1659; together with Valesius' notes on the 
said historian, which are done into English and 
set at their proper place in the margin. Hereto 
also is annexed an account of the life and 
writings of the aforesaid historian, collected by 
Valesius and rendered into English. Cambridge: 
John Hayes, 1683. This is evidently the 
translation of Shorting referred to by Crusè, for 
it answers perfectly the description which he 
gives of it.
An abridgment of this version, made by Porker, is 
mentioned both by Fabricius (ib. p. 62) and by 
Crusè, but I have not myself seen it. Fabricius 
gives its date as 1703, and Dr. Richardson informs 
me that he has seen an edition bearing the date 
1729, and that he has a note of another published 
in 1703 or 1720.
The latest English translation was made by the 
Rev. C. F. Crusè, an American Episcopalian of 
German descent, and was published first in 
Philadelphia in 1833, with a translation, by 
Parker, of Valesius' Life of Eusebius prefixed. It 
has been reprinted a great many times both in 
England and America, and is included in Bohn's 
Ecclesiastical Library. In Bohn's edition are 
printed a few scattered notes from Valesius' 
commentary, and in some other editions an 
historical account of the Council of Nic'a, by 
Isaac Boyle, is added. The translation is an 
improvement upon its predecessors, but is 
nevertheless very faulty and unsatisfactory. The 
translator is not thoroughly at home in the 
English, and, moreover, his version is marred by 
many serious omissions and interpolations which 
reveal an inexcusable degree of carelessness on 
his part.

§ 5. Literature.

The literature upon Eusebius' History is very 
extensive. Many of the editions already mentioned 
discuss, in their prolegomena, the History itself 
and Eusebius' character as a historian, as do also 
all the lives of Eusebius referred to above, and 
all the larger histories of the Church. In 
addition to these we have numerous important 
monographs and essays, of which the following may 
be mentioned here: M"ller, de Fide Eusebii in 
rebus christianis enarrandis, Havn. 1813; Danz, de 
Eusebio C'sariensi Hist. Ecclesiastiae Scriptore, 
Jen', 1815. This was mentioned in Chapter I. as 
containing a valuable discussion of the life of 
Eusebius. Its chief importance lies in its 
treatment of the sources of the Church History, to 
which the author devotes the whole of

56

Chap. III. which bears the title, de fontibus, 
quibus usus, historiam ecclesiasticam conscripsit 
Eusebius, pp. 76-144. Kestner, de Eusebii 
Historiae Eccles. conditoris auctoritate, et fide 
diplomatica, sive de ejus Fontibus et Ratione qua 
eis usus est, Gotting', 1816; and by the same 
author, Ueber die Einseitigkeit und Partheiligkeit 
des Eusebius als Geschichtschreibers, Jen', 1819; 
Reuterdahl, de Fontibus Historiae Eccles. 
Eusebian', Londini Gothorum, 1826; Reinstra, de 
Fontibus, ex quibus Histori' Eccles. opus hausit 
Eusebius Pamphili, et de Ratione, qua iis usus 
est, Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1833; F. C. Baur, 
Comparatur Eusebius Histori' Eccles. Parens cum 
Parente Histori' Herodoto, Tüb. 1834; and pp. 9-26 
of the same author's Epochen der kirchlichen 
Geschichtschreibung, Tüb. 1852; Dowling, 
Introduction to the Critical Study of Eccles. 
History, London, 1838, pp. 11-18; Hély, Eusèbe de 
Césaree, premier Historien de l'Église, Paris, 
1877; J. Burckhardt, Zeit Constantins, 2d ed. 
1880, pp. 307 sq. Burckhardt depreciates Eusebius' 
value and questions his veracity. The review 
articles that have been written on Eusebius' 
History are legion. I shall mention only 
Engelhardt's Eusebius als 
Kirchengeschichtschreiber, in the Zeitschrift für 
hist. Theol. 1852, pp. 652-657; and Jachmann's 
Bermerkungen über die Kirchengeschichte des 
Eusebius, ib. 1839, II. pp. 10-60. The latter 
contains one of the most unsparing attacks upon 
Eusebius' honesty that has ever been made (see 
above, p. 49).

TESTIMONIES OF THE ANCIENTS IN FAVOR OF
EUSEBIUS.(1)

From Constantine's Letter to the Antiochians (in 
Eusebius' Life of Constantine, Book III.  chap. 
60).
"I confess, then, that on reading your records I 
perceived, by the highly eulogistic testimony 
which they bear to Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea 
(whom I have myself long well known and esteemed 
for his learning and moderation), that you are 
strongly attached to him and desire to appropriate 
him as your own prelate. What thoughts then do you 
suppose that I entertain on this subject, desirous 
as I am to seek for and act on the strict 
principles of right? What anxiety do you imagine 
this desire of yours has caused me? O holy faith, 
who givest us in our Saviour's words and precepts 
a model, as it were, of what our life should be, 
how hardly wouldst thou thyself resist the course 
of sin were it not that thou refusest to subserve 
the purposes of gain! In my own judgment, he whose 
first object is the maintenance of peace seems to 
be superior to Victory herself; and where a right 
and honorable course lies open to one's choice, 
surely no one would hesitate to adopt it. I ask 
then, brethren, why do we so decide as to inflict 
an injury on others by our choice? Why do we covet 
those objects which will destroy the credit of our 
own character? I myself highly esteem the 
individual whom ye judge worthy of your respect 
and affection; notwithstanding, it cannot be right 
that those principles should be entirely 
disregarded which should be authoritative and 
binding on all alike; for example, that each 
should be content with the limits assigned them, 
and that all should enjoy their proper privileges; 
nor can it be right in considering the claims of 
rival candidates to suppose but that not one only, 
but many, may appear worthy of comparison with 
this person. For as long as no violence or 
harshness are suffered to disturb the dignities of 
the Church, they continue to be on an equal 
footing, and worthy of the same consideration 
everywhere. Nor is it reasonable that an enquiry 
into the qualifications of one person should be 
made to the detriment of others; since the 
judgment of all churches, whether reckoned of 
greater importance in themselves, is equally 
capable of receiving and maintaining the divine 
ordinances, so that one is in no way inferior to 
another (if we will but boldly declare the truth), 
in regard to that standard of practice which is 
common to all. If this be so, we must say that you 
will be chargeable, not with retaining this 
prelate, but with wrongfully removing him; your 
conduct will be characterized rather by violence 
than justice; and whatever may be generally 
thought by others, I dare clearly and boldly 
affirm that this measure will furnish ground of 
accusation against you, and will provoke factious 
disturbances of the most mischievous kind; for 
even timid flocks can show the use and power of 
their teeth when the watchful care of their 
shepherd declines, and they find themselves bereft 
of his accustomed guidance. If this then be really 
so, if I am not deceived in my judgment, let this, 
brethren, be your first consideration (for many 
and important considerations will immediately 
present themselves, if you adopt my advice), 
whether, should you persist in your intention, 
that mutual kindly feeling and affection which 
should subsist among you will suffer no 
diminution? In the next place remember that 
Eusebius, who came among you for the purpose of 
offering disinterested counsel, now enjoys the 
reward which is due to him in the judgment of 
heaven; for he has received no ordinary recompense 
in the high testimony you have borne to his 
equitable conduct. Lastly, in accordance with your 
usual sound judgment, do ye exhibit a becoming 
diligence in selecting the person of whom you 
stand in need, carefully avoiding all factious and 
tumultuous clamor: for such clamor is always 
wrong, and from the collision of discordant 
elements both sparks and flame will arise."

58

From the Emperor's Letter to Eusebius (in 
Eusebius' Life of Constantine, Book III. chap. 
61).
"I have most carefully perused your letter, and 
perceive that you have strictly conformed to the 
rule enjoined by the discipline of the Church. Now 
to abide by that which appears at the same time 
pleasing to God, and accordant with apostolic 
tradition, is a proof of true piety: and you have 
reason to deem yourself happy on this behalf, that 
you are counted worthy, in the judgment, I may 
say, of all the world, to have the oversight of 
the whole Church. For the desire which all feel to 
claim you for their own, undoubtedly enhances your 
enviable fortune in this respect. Notwithstanding, 
your Prudence, whose resolve it is to observe the 
ordinances of God and the apostolic rule of the 
Church, has done excellently well in declining the 
bishopric of the Church at Antioch, and desiring 
to continue in that Church of which you first 
received the oversight by the will of God." From 
Constantine's Letter to the Council (in Eusebius' 
Life of Constantine, Book III. chap. 62).
"I have perused the letters written by your 
Prudences, and highly approve of the wise 
resolution of your colleague in the ministry, 
Eusebius. Having, moreover, been informed of the 
circumstances of the case, partly by your letters, 
partly by those of our illustrious friends Acacius 
and Strategius, after sufficient investigation I 
have written to the people at Antioch, suggesting 
the course which will be at once pleasing to God 
and advantageous for the Church. A copy of this I 
have ordered to be subjoined to this present 
letter, in order that ye yourselves may know what 
I thought fit, as an advocate of the cause of 
justice, to write to that people: since I find in 
your letter this proposal, that, in consonance 
with the choice of the people, sanctioned by your 
own desire, Eusebius the holy bishop of C'sarea 
should preside over and take the charge of the 
Church at Antioch. Now the letters of Eusebius 
himself on this subject appeared to be strictly 
accordant with the order prescribed by the 
Church." From a Letter of Constantine to Eusebius 
(in Eusebius' Life of Constantine, Book IV. chap. 
35).
"It is indeed an arduous task, and beyond the 
power of language itself, worthily to treat of the 
mysteries of Christ, and to explain in a fitting 
manner the controversy respecting the feast of 
Easter, its origin as well as its precious and 
toilsome accomplishment. For it is not in the 
power even of those who are able to apprehend 
them, adequately to describe the things of God. I 
am, notwithstanding, filled with admiration of 
your learning and zeal, and have not only myself 
read your work with pleasure, but have given 
directions, according to your own desire, that it 
be communicated to many sincere followers of our 
holy religion. Seeing, then, with what pleasure we 
receive favors of this kind from your Sagacity, be 
pleased to gladden us more frequently with those 
compositions, to the practice of which, indeed, 
you confess yourself to have been trained from an 
early period, so that I am urging a willing man 
(as they say), in exhorting you to your customary 
pursuits. And certainly the high and confident 
judgment we entertain is a proof that the person 
who has translated your writings into the Latin 
tongue is in no respect incompetent to the task, 
impossible though it be that such version should 
fully equal the excellence of the works 
themselves." From a Letter of Constantine to 
Eusebius (in Eusebius' Life of Constantine, Book 
IV. chap. 36).

"It happens, through the favoring providence of 
God our Saviour, that great numbers have united 
themselves to the most holy Church in the city 
which is called by my name. It seems, therefore, 
highly requisite, since that city is rapidly 
advancing in prosperity in all other respects, 
that the number of Churches should also be 
increased. Do you, therefore, receive with all 
readiness my determination on this behalf. I have 
thought it expedient to instruct your Prudence to 
order fifty copies of the sacred scriptures (the 
provision and use of which you know to be most 
needful for the instruction of the Church) to be 
written on prepared parchment in a legible manner, 
and in a commodious and portable form, by 
transcribers thoroughly practiced in their art. 
The procurator of the diocese has also received 
instructions by letter from our Clemency to be 
careful to furnish all things necessary for the 
preparation of such copies; and it will be for you 
to take special care that they be completed with 
as little delay as possible. You have authority 
also, in virtue of this letter, to use two of the 
public carriages for their conveyance, by which 
arrangement the copies when fairly written will 
most easily be forwarded for my personal 
inspection; and one of the deacons of your Church 
may be intrusted with this service, who, on his 
arrival here, shall experience my liberality. God 
preserve you, beloved brother!"

59

From the Epistle of Eusebius of Nicomedia, to 
Paulinus, Bishop of Tyre (given by Theodoret in 
his Eccles. Hist. I. 6).
"Neither has the zeal of my lord Eusebius 
concerning the truth, nor thy silence in this 
matter been unknown, but has reached even us. And, 
as was fitting, on the one hand we have rejoiced 
on account of my lord Eusebius; but on the other, 
we are grieved on thy account, since we look upon 
the silence of such a man as a condemnation of our 
cause." From the Book of Basil, to Amphilochius, 
an the Holy Spirit (chap. 29).
"If to any one Eusebius of Palestine seem 
trustworthy on account of his great experience, we 
give his own words in the Difficulties concerning 
the Polygamy of the Ancients." From the Book of 
Questions an the Old and New Testaments, which is 
published among the Works of Augustine (chap. 
125).
"We remember to have read in a certain pamphlet of 
Eusebius, a man formerly distinguished among the 
rest of men, that not even the Holy Spirit knows 
the mystery of the nativity of our Lord Jesus 
Christ;  and I wonder that a man of so great 
learning should have imposed this stigma · upon 
the Holy Spirit."
From Jerome's Epistle to Pammachius and Oceanus 
(Ep. 65).
"Apollinarius wrote the very strongest books 
against Porphyry; Eusebius has excellently 
composed his Ecclesiastical History. Of these men, 
one taught an incomplete human nature in Christ; 
the other was a most open defender of the heresy 
of Arius."
From the Apology of Jerome against Rufinus (Book I 
chap. 8).
"As I have already said, Eusebius, bishop of 
C'sarea, formerly leader of the Arian party, has 
written six books in defense of Origen--a very 
extensive and elaborate work; with much evidence 
he has proved that Origen was, from his point of 
view, a Catholic, that is, from ours, an Arian."

From the same book (chap. 9).

"For Eusebius himself, a friend, eulogist and 
companion of Pamphilus, has written three very 
elegant books comprising a life of Pamphilus. In 
these, after extolling other things with wondrous 
praises and exalting his humility to the skies, he 
also adds this in the third book," &c.
And a little further an in the same book (chap. 
II). "I have praised Eusebius in his 
Ecclesiastical History, in his Chronological 
Canons, in his Description of the Holy Land; and 
turning these same little works into Latin I have 
given them to those of my own tongue. Am I 
therefore an Arian, because Eusebius who wrote 
these books is an Arian?"From Jerome's second book 
against Rufinus (chap. 16).
"Eusebius, a very learned man (I have said 
learned, not Catholic; lest after the usual 
manner, even in this thing, thou heap calumny upon 
me), in six volumes does nothing else than show 
Origen to be of his own faith; that is, of the 
Arian heresy."
From the Preface of Jerome's Book on Hebrew 
Topography.
"Eusebius, who took his surname from the blessed 
martyr Pamphilus, after the ten books of his 
Ecclesiastical History, after his Chronological 
Canons, which we have published in the Latin 
tongue, after his Names of Various Nations, in 
which he showed how these were formerly, and are 
now, called among the Hebrews; after his 
Topography of the Land of Judea, with the 
inheritances of the tribes; after his Jerusalem, 
also, and his Plan of the Temple, with a very 
brief explanation,--after all these he has finally 
in this little work labored that he might collect 
for us from Holy Scripture the names of almost all 
the cities, mountains, rivers, villages, and 
divers places, which either remain the same, or 
have since been changed, or else have become 
corrupted from some source, wherefore we also, 
following the zeal of this admirable man," &c.

60

From Jerome's Bank on Ecclesiastical Writers 
(chap. 61).
"Hippolytus, bishop of a certain church (I have 
not indeed been able to find out the name of the 
city), wrote a reckoning of Easter, and 
chronological tables up to the first year of the 
Emperor Alexander, and hit upon a cycle of sixteen 
years which the Greeks call 
<greek>ekkaigekaethriga</greek>; and gave an 
occasion to Eusebius, who also composed an Easter 
canon, with a cycle of nineteen years, that is 
<greek>enneagekaethriga</greek>

From the same book (chap. 81).

"Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea in Palestine, a man 
most studious in the sacred Scriptures, and along 
with Pamphilus the martyr a most diligent 
investigator of sacred literature, has edited an 
inflate number of volumes, some of which are 
these: of the Demonstratio Evangelica, twenty 
books; of the Pr'paratio Evangelica, fifteen 
books; of the Theophania, five books; of the 
Ecclesiastical History, ten books; a General 
History in Chronological Tables, and an Epitome of 
them; also, On the Discrepancies of the Gospels; 
On Isaiah, ten books; and Against Porphyry (who at 
the same time was writing in Sicily, as some 
think), thirty books, of which only twenty have 
come to my notice; of his Topica, one book; of the 
Apolagia, in defense of Origen, six books; On the 
Life of Pamphilus, three books; Concerning the 
Martyrs, other small works; also very learned 
commentaries on the hundred and fifty Psalms, and 
many other writings. He flourished chiefly under 
the emperors Constantine and Constantius; and on 
account of his friendship with Pamphilus the 
martyr, he took from him his surname."

From the same book (chap. 96).

"Eusebius, by nation a Sardinian, and, after being 
reader in Rome, bishop of Vercell', on account of 
his confession of the faith banished by the Prince 
Constantius to Scythopolis, and thence to 
Cappadocia, under Julian the emperor sent back to 
the Church, has published the Commentaries on the 
Psalms of Eusebius of C'sarea, which he had 
translated from Greek into Latin."

Jerome in the Preface to his Commentaries an 
Daniel.

"Against the prophet Daniel Porphyry wrote a 
twelfth volume, denying that that book was 
composed by him with whose name it is inscribed, 
&c. To him Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea, has 
replied very skillfully in three volumes, that is, 
in volumes XVIII., XIX., and XX. Apollinarius also 
in one large volume, that is, in the twenty-sixth 
volume, and before these, in part, Methodius." 
Jerome on the Twenty-fourth Chapter of Matthew.
"Concerning this place, that is, concerning the 
abomination of desolation which was spoken of by 
the prophet Daniel, standing in the holy place, 
Porphyry has uttered many blasphemies against us 
in the thirteenth volume of his work. To whom 
Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea, has replied in three 
volumes, that is, in volumes XVIII., XIX., and 
XX."
The same, in his Epistle to Magnus (Ep. 84).
"Celsus and Porphyry have written against us. To 
the former Origen, to the latter Methodius, 
Eusebius, and Apollinarius have very vigorously 
replied. Of whom Origen wrote eight books, 
Methodius proceeded as far as ten thousand lines, 
Eusebius and Apollinarius composed twenty-five and 
thirty volumes respectively."
The same, in his Epistle to Pammachius and Oceanus 
(Ep. 65).
"What more skillful, more learned, more eloquent 
men can be found than Eusebius and Didymus, the 
advocates of Origen? The former of whom, in the 
six volumes of his Apologia, proves that he 
[Origen] was of the same opinion as himself."
Jerome, in the Preface to his Commentaries an 
Isaiah.
"Eusebius Pamphili also has published an 
historical commentary in fifteen volumes." The 
same, in the Preface to the Fifth Book of his 
Commentaries an Isaiah.
"Shall I take upon myself a work at which the most 
learned men have labored hard? I speak of Origen 
and Eusebius Pomphili. Of these the former wanders 
afar in the free spaces of alle-

61

gory, and his genius so interprets single names as 
to make out of them the sacred things of the 
Church. The latter, while promising in his title 
an historical exposition, meanwhile forgets his 
purpose, and yields himself up to the tenets of 
Origen."
The same, in the fifth book of his Commentaries on 
Isaiah.
"Eusebius of C'sarea, while promising in his title 
an historical exposition, strays off in divers 
notions: while reading his books I found much else 
than what he gave promise of in his title. For 
wherever history has failed him, he has crossed 
over into allegory; and in such a manner does he 
unite things that are distinct, that I wonder at 
his joining together by a new art of discourse 
stone and iron into one body."

Ferome an the first chapter of Matthew.

"This [chapter] also Africanus, a writer of 
chronology, and Eusebius of C'sarea, in his books 
on the Discrepancies of the Gospels, have 
discussed more fully."
Rufinus in his Epistle to the Bishop Chromatius.
"You charge me to translate into Latin the 
Ecclesiastical History, which the very learned 
Eusebius of C'sarea wrote in the Greek tongue."

Augustine, in his Book on Heresies (chap. 83).

"When I had searched through the History of 
Eusebius, to which Rufinus, after having himself 
translated it into the Latin tongue, has also 
added two books of subsequent history, I did not 
find any heresy which I had not read among these 
very ones, except that one which Eusebius inserts 
in his sixth book, stating that it had existed in 
Arabia. Therefore these heretics, since he assigns 
them no founder, we may call Arabians, who 
declared that the soul dies and is destroyed along 
with the body, and that at the end of the world 
both are raised again. But he states that they 
were very quickly corrected, these by the 
disputation of Origen in person, and those by his 
exhortation."
Antipater, Bishop of Bostra, in his First Book 
against Eusebius of C'sarea's Apology for Origen.
"Since now, this man was very learned, having 
searched out and traced back all the books and 
writings of the more ancient writers, and having 
set forth the opinions of almost all of them, and 
having left behind very many writings, some of 
which are worthy of all acceptation, making use of 
such an estimation as this of the man, they 
attempt to lead away some, saying, that Eusebius 
would not have chosen to take this view, unless he 
had accurately ascertained that all the opinions 
of the ancients required it. I, indeed, agree and 
admit that the man was very learned, and that not 
anything of the more ancient writings escaped his 
knowledge; for, taking advantage of the imperial 
co-operation, he was enabled easily to collect for 
his use material from whatever quarter."
From the First Book of Extracts from the 
Ecclesiastical History of Philostorgius.
"Philostorgius, while praising Eusebius Pamphili 
both as to whatever of worth belongs to his 
histories and as to other things, yet declares 
that with regard to religion he has fallen into 
great error; and that he impiously sets forth this 
error of his in detail, holding that the Deity is 
unknowable and incomprehensible. Moreover, he 
holds that he has also gone astray on other such 
things. But he unites with others in attesting 
that he brought his History down to the accession 
of the sons of Constantine the Great."
Socrates in the First Book of his Ecclesiastical 
History (chap. 1).
"Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus (i.e. universally 
beloved), has composed a History of the Church in 
ten books, brought down to the time of the Emperor 
Constantine, when the persecution ceased which 
Diocletian had commenced against the Christians. 
But, in writing the life of Constantine, this 
author has very slightly treated of the Arian 
controversy, being evidently more intent on a 
highly wrought eulogium of the emperor than an 
accurate statement of facts."

62

The same Socrates in the Eighth Chapter of the 
same Book, speaking of Sabinus, Bishop of 
Macedonia, who had written a History of the Synod, 
says:--
"Yet he commends Eusebius Pamphilus as a witness 
worthy of credit, and praises the Emperor as 
capable in stating Christian doctrines; but he 
still brands the faith which was declared at Nice 
as having been set forth by ignorant men, and such 
as had no intelligence in the matter. Thus he 
voluntarily contemns the testimony of a man whom 
he himself pronounces a wise and true witness; for 
Eusebius declares that of the ministers of God who 
were present at the Nicene Synod, some were 
eminent for the word of wisdom, others for the 
strictness of their life; and that the Emperor 
himself being present, leading all into unanimity, 
established unity of judgment, and conformity of 
opinion among them."

The same Socrates, in Book II. chap.

"But since some have attempted to stigmatize 
Eusebius Pamphilus as having favored the Arian 
views in his works, it may not be irrelevant here 
to make a few remarks respecting him. In the first 
place, then, he was present at the council of 
Nice, and gave his assent to what was there 
determined in reference to the consubstantiality 
of the Son with the Father, and in the third book 
of the Life of Constantine, he thus expressed 
himself: 'The Emperor incited all to unanimity, 
until he had rendered them united in judgment on 
those points on which they were previously at 
variance: so that they were quite agreed at Nice 
in matters of faith.' Since, therefore, Eusebius, 
in mentioning the Nicene Synod, says that all 
differences were composed, and that unanimity of 
sentiment prevailed, what ground is there for 
assuming that he was himself an Arian? The Arians 
are certainly deceived in supposing him to be a 
favorer of their tenets. But some one will perhaps 
say that in his discourses he seems to have 
adopted the opinions of Arius, because of his 
frequently saying by Christ. Our answer is that 
ecclesiastical writers often use this mode of 
expression, and others of a similar kind denoting 
the economy of our Saviour's humanity: and that 
before all these the apostle made use of such 
expressions without ever being accounted a teacher 
of false doctrine. Moreover, inasmuch as Arius has 
dared to say that the Son is a creature, as one of 
the others, observe what Eusebius says on this 
subject in his first book against Marcellus:
"'He alone, and no other, has been declared to be, 
and is the only-begotten Son of God; whence any 
one would justly censure those who have presumed 
to affirm that he is a Creature made of nothing, 
like the rest of the creatures; far how then would 
he be a Son? and how could he be God's 
only-begotten, were he assigned the same nature as 
the other creatures, and were he one of the many 
created things, seeing that he, like them, would 
in that case be partaker of a creation from 
nothing? The sacred Scriptures do not thus 
instruct us concerning these things.' He again 
adds a little afterwards: 'Whoever then determines 
that the Son is made of things that are not, and 
that he is a creature produced from nothing 
pre-existing, forgets that while he concedes the 
name of Son, he denies him to be so in reality. 
Far he that is made of nothing cannot truly be the 
Son of God, any more than the other things which 
have been made: but the true Son of God, forasmuch 
as he is begotten of the Father, is properly 
denominated the only-begotten and beloved of the 
Father. Far this reason also, he himself is God: 
for what can the offspring of God be but the 
perfect resemblance of him who begat him? A 
sovereign, indeed, builds a city, but does not 
beget it; and is said to beget a son, not to build 
one. An artificer may be called the framer, but 
not the father of his work; while he could by no 
means be styled the framer of him whom he had 
begotten. So also the God of the Universe is the 
father of the Son; but would be fitly termed the 
Framer and Maker of the world. And although it is 
once said in Scripture, The Lord created me the 
beginning of his ways on account of his works, yet 
it becomes us to consider the import of this 
phrase, which I shall hereafter explain; and not, 
as Marcellus has done, from a single passage to 
subvert one of the most important doctrines of the 
Church.'
"These and many other such expressions are found 
in the first book of Eusebius Pamphilus against 
Marcellus; and in his third book, declaring in 
what sense the term creature is to be taken, he 
says: 'Accordingly these things being established, 
it follows that in the same sense as that which 
preceded, these words also are to be understood, 
The Lord created me in the beginning of his ways 
on account of his works. Far although he says that 
he was created, it is not as if he should say that 
he had arrived at existence from what was not, nor 
that he himself also was made of nothing like the 
rest of the creatures, which some have erroneously 
supposed: but as subsisting, living, pre-existing, 
and being before the constitution of the whale 
world; and having been appointed to rule the 
universe by his Lord and Father: the word created 
being here used instead of ordained or 
constituted. Certainly the apostle expressly 
called the rulers and governors among men 
creature, when he said, Submit yourselves to every 
human creature for the Lord's sake;

63

whether to the king as supreme, or to governors as 
those sent by him. The prophet also does not use 
the word <greek>ektisen</greek> created in the 
sense of made of that which had no previous 
existence, when he says, Prepare, Israel, to 
invoke thy God. For behold he who confirms the 
thunder, creates the Spirit, and announces his 
Christ unto men. For God did not then create the 
Spirit when he declared his Christ to all men, 
since There is nothing new under the sun; but the 
Spirit was, and subsisted before: but he was sent 
at what time the apostles were gathered together, 
when like thunder, There came a sound from heaven 
as of a rushing mighty wind: and they were filled 
with the Holy Spirit. And thus they declared unto 
all men the Christ of God in accordance with that 
prophecy which says, Behold he who confirms the 
thunder, creates the spirit, and announces his 
Christ unto men: the word creates being used 
instead of sends down, or appoints; and thunder in 
a similar way implying the preaching of the 
Gospel. Again he that says, Create in me a clean 
heart, O God, said not this as if he had no heart; 
but prayed that his mind might be purified. Thus 
also it is said, That he might create the two into 
one new man, instead of unite. Consider also 
whether this passage is not of the same kind, 
Clothe yourselves with the new man, which is 
created according to God; and this, if, therefore, 
any one be in Christ, he is a new creature, and 
Whatever other expressions of a similar nature any 
one may find who shall carefully search the 
divinely-inspired Scripture. Wherefore one should 
not be surprised if in this passage, The Lord 
created me the beginning of his ways, the term 
created is used metaphorically, instead of 
appointed, or constituted.'
"These quotations from the books of Eusebius 
against Marcellus have been adduced to confute 
those who have slanderously attempted to traduce 
and criminate him. Neither can they prove that 
Eusebius attributes a beginning of subsistence to 
the Son of God, although they may find him often 
using the expressions of dispensation: and 
especially so, because he was an emulator and 
admirer of the works of Origen, in which those who 
are able to comprehend that author's writings, 
will perceive it to be everywhere stated that the 
Son was begotten of the Father. These remarks have 
been made in passing, in order to refute those who 
have misrepresented Eusebius."
Sozomen in the First Book of his Ecclesiastical 
History (chap. 1.).
"I at first felt strongly inclined to trace the 
course of events from the very commencement; but 
on reflecting that similar records of the past, up 
to their own time, had been compiled by the 
learned Clemens and Hegesippus, successors of the 
apostles, by Africanus the historian and Eusebius 
surnamed Pamphilus, a man intimately acquainted 
with the sacred Scriptures and the writings of the 
Greek poets and historians, I merely drew up an 
epitome in two books of all that is recorded to 
have happened to the churches, from the ascension 
of Christ to the deposition of Licinius."

Victorius in the Paschal Canon.

"Reviewing therefore the trustworthy histories of 
the ancients, namely the Chronicles and prologue 
of the blessed Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea, a city 
in Palestine, a man pre-eminently accomplished and 
learned; and likewise those things which have been 
added to these same Chronicles by Jerome of sacred 
memory." Jerome, in his Epistle to Chromatius and 
Heliodorus, prefixed to the Martyrology which 
bears Jerome's  Name.
"It is evident that our Lord Jesus Christ obtains 
triumphs at every martyrdom of his saints, whose 
sufferings we find described by the saintly 
Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea. For when Constantine 
Augustus came to C'sarea and told the celebrated 
bishop to ask some favors which should benefit the 
church at C'sarea, it is said that Eusebius 
answered: That a church enriched by its own 
resources was under no necessity of asking favors, 
yet that he himself had an unalterable desire, 
that whatever had been done in the Roman republic 
against God's saints by successive judges in the 
whole Roman world they should search out by a 
careful examination of the public records; and 
that they should draw from the archives themselves 
and send to Eusebius himself, by royal command, 
the names of the martyrs: under what judge, in 
what province or city, upon what day, and with 
what steadfastness, they had obtained the reward 
of their suffering. Whence it has come about that, 
being an able narrator and a diligent 
historiographer, he has both composed an 
Ecclesiastical History and has set forth the 
triumphs of nearly all of the martyrs of all the 
Roman provinces."

64

Pope Gelasius in his Decree concerning the 
Apocryphal Books.
"Likewise as to the Chronicles of Eusebius and the 
books of his Ecclesiastical History, although in 
the first book of his narration he has grown cold, 
and has afterwards written one book in praise and 
in defense of Origen the schismatic, yet on 
account of his singular knowledge of things which 
pertain to instruction, we do not say that they 
ought to be rejected." The same in his book On the 
Two Natures.
"That saying the same thing with one heart and one 
mouth we may also believe what we have received 
from our forefathers, and, God giving them to us, 
that we may hand them down to posterity to be 
believed in, with which things the adduced 
testimony of the Catholic masters, being summed 
up, bear witness that a united faith in a gracious 
God endures."

And a little farther on.

"From the exposition of the seventh psalm, by 
Eusebius, bishop in Palestine, by surname 
Pomphili, etc. Likewise from his Pr'paratio 
Evangelica, Book Pope Pelagius II. in his Third 
Epistle to Elias of Aquileia and other Bishops of 
Istria.
"For, indeed, among h'resiarchs who can be found 
worse than Origen, and among historiographers who 
more honorable than Eusebius? And who of us does 
not know with how great praises Eusebius extols 
Origen in his books? But because the holy Church 
deals more kindly with the hearts of her faithful 
ones than she does severely with their words, 
neither could the testimony of Eusebius remove him 
from his proper place among heretics, nor on the 
other hand has she condemned Eusebius for the 
fault of praising Origen." Evagrius, in the First 
Book of his Ecclesiastical History (chap. 1).
"Eusebius Pomphili--an especially able writer, to 
the extent, in particular, of inducing his readers 
to embrace our religion, though failing to perfect 
them in the faith--and Sozomen, Theodoret, and 
Socrates have produced a most excellent record of 
the advent of our compassionate God, and his 
ascension into heaven, and of all that has been 
achieved in the endurance of the divine Apostles, 
as well as of the other martyrs," etc.
Gregory the Great in his Epistle to Eulogius, 
Bishop of Alexandria.
"I have now become one of the number of hearers, 
to whom your Holiness has taken the pains to 
write, that we ought to transmit the deeds of all 
the martyrs which have been collected by Eusebius 
of C'sarea in the age of Constantine of holy 
memory. But I was not aware before receiving your 
Holiness' letter whether these things had been 
collected or not. I therefore am thankful that 
being informed by the writings of your most holy 
learning, I have begun to know what I did not know 
before. For excepting these things which are 
contained in the books of this same Eusebius On 
the deeds of the holy martyrs, I have met with 
nothing else in the archives of this our church, 
nor in the libraries of Rome, except some few 
collected in a single volume." Gelasius of Cyzicus 
in his Second Book On the Council of Nic'a (chap. 
1).
"Let us hear now what says this the most 
illustrious husbandman in ecclesiastical farming, 
the most truth-loving Eusebius, surnamed after the 
celebrated Pamphilus. Licinius, indeed, he says, 
having followed the same path of impiety with the 
ungodly tyrants, has justly been brought to the 
same precipice with them, etc. (which may be found 
at the end of the tenth book of the Ecclesiastical 
History). As to Eusebius Pomphili, the most 
trustworthy of ancient ecclesiastical historians, 
who has investigated and set forth so many 
struggles, having made a choice from among his 
simply written works, we say that in all ten books 
of his Ecclesiastical History he has left behind 
an accurately written work. Beginning with the 
advent of our Lord he has, not without much labor, 
proceeded as far as those times. For how else 
could it be with him who took so great care to 
preserve for us the harmony of this collection? 
But as I have just said, he brought to bear upon 
it much study and an untold amount of labor. But 
let no one suppose, from those things which have 
been alleged with regard to him, that this man 
ever adopted the heresy of Arius; but let him be 
sure, that even if he did speak somewhat of, and 
did write briefly concerning the conjectures of 
Arius, he certainly did not do it on account of 
his entertaining the impious notion of that man, 
but from artless simplicity, as indeed he himself 
fully assures us in his Apology, which he 
distributed generally among orthodox bishops."

65

The author of the Alexandrian Chronicle (p. 582).

"The very learned Eusebius Pamphili has written 
thus: As the Jews crucified Christ at the feast, 
so they all perished at their own feast."

Nicephorus in the Sixth Book of his History (chap. 
37).

"Upon whose authority also we know of the divine 
Pamphilus as both living the life of a philosopher 
and wearing the dignity of presbyter in that 
place. His life and every event in it, also. his 
establishing in that place the study of sacred and 
profane philosophy, also his confession of his 
religion in divers persecutions, his struggles, 
and at last his wearing the martyr's crown, 
Eusebius his nephew, who had such a regard for him 
as to take from him his surname, has comprehended 
in detail in one separate book; to this we refer 
those who may wish to find out accurately 
concerning him. This Eusebius, indeed, although 
having prosecuted many studies, especially excels 
in the study of sacred literature. His life 
extended until the time of Constantius. Being a 
man pre-eminently Christian, and endowed with 
great zeal for Christ, he has written the poratio 
Evangelica in fifteen books, and in ten more the 
Demonstratio Evangelica. He was also the first one 
to take in hand this subject, having been the 
first to call his book an Ecclesiastical History; 
this work is contained in ten volumes. There is 
also another book of his extant which he entitled 
Canons, in which he accurately investigates 
chronological matters. He has also composed five 
books On the Life of Constantine, and another 
addressed to him which he calls 
<greek>triakont?eth</greek>. To Stephanus he also 
dedicates another concerning those things in the 
sacred Gospels which have been called in question; 
and he has also left behind divers other works 
which are of great benefit to the Church. Apart 
from being such a man as this, he in many ways 
seems to uphold the opinions of Arius," etc.

From the MS. Acts of Pope Silvester.

"Eusebius Pamphili, in writing his Ecclesiastical 
History), has in every case omitted to mention 
those things which he has pointed out in other 
works; for he has put into eleven books the 
sufferings of the martyrs, bishops, and 
confessors, who have suffered in almost all the 
provinces. But indeed as to the sufferings of 
women and maidens, such as with manly fortitude 
suffered for the sake of Christ the Lord, he 
records nothing. He is, moreover, the only one who 
has set forth in their order the sufferings of the 
bishops, from the Apostle Peter down. Moreover, he 
drew up for the benefit of the public a catalogue 
of the pontiffs of those cities and apostolic 
seats; that is, of the great city of Rome, and the 
cities of Alexandria and Antioch. Of the number 
then of those of whom, up to his own times, the 
above-mentioned author wrote in the Greek tongue, 
this man's life he was unable to paraphrase; that 
is, the life of the saint Silvester," etc.

An ancient author in the Passion of the Holy 
Valerian.

"The glorious struggles of the most blessed 
martyrs, for the honor of Christ the Lord and of 
our God, are celebrated by perpetual services and 
an annual solemnity, that while our faithful 
people know the faith of the martyrs, they may 
also rejoice in their triumphs, and may rest 
assured that it is by the protection of these that 
they themselves are to be protected. For it is 
held in repute that Eusebius the historian, of 
sacred memory, bishop of the city of C'sarea, a 
most blessed priest of excellent life, very 
learned also in ecclesiastical matters, and to be 
venerated for his extraordinary carefulness, set 
forth for every city, in so far as the truth was 
able to be ascertained, the Holy Spirit announcing 
the deeds that had been done,--inasmuch as the 
cities of single provinces and localities or towns 
have merited being made famous by the heavenly 
triumphs of martyrs,--set forth, I say, in the 
time of what rulers the innumerable persecutions 
were inflicted at the command of officials. Who, 
although he has not described entire the 
sufferings of individual martyrs, yet has truly 
intimated why they ought to be described or 
celebrated by faithful and devoted Christians. 
Thus this faithful husbandman has cultivated the 
grace of God, which has been scattered abroad in 
all the earth, while, as it were, from a single 
grain of wheat, plenteous harvests are produced on 
account of the fertility of the field, and go on 
in multiplied abundance. So through the narration 
of the above-mentioned man, diffused from the 
fountain of a single book, with the ever-spreading 
writings of the faithful, the celebrating of the 
sufferings of the martyrs has watered all the 
earth."

Usuardus in his Martyrology.

"On the twenty-first day of June, in Palestine, 
the holy Eusebius, bishop and confessor, a man of 
most excellent genius, and a historiographer."

66

Notker in his Martyrology.

"On the twenty-first day of June, the deposition 
in C'sarea of the holy bishop Eusebius."

Manecharius in his Epistle to Ceraunius, Bishop of 
Paris.

"Unceasing in thy continual efforts to equal in 
merit the very excellent persons of the most 
blessed bishops in all the conversation of the 
priesthood, zealous to adorn thyself every day 
with holy religion, by thy zeal for reading thou 
hast searched through the whole of the doctrines 
of the sacred Scriptures. Now as an addition to 
thy praiseworthiness thou dost faithfully purpose, 
in the city of Paris, to gather together for the 
love of religion, the deeds of the holy martyrs. 
Wherefore thou art worthy of being compared in 
zeal with Eusebius of C'sarea, and art worthy of 
being remembered perpetually with an equal share 
of glory."

From an old Manuscript Breviary of the 
Lemovicensian Church.

"Of the holy Eusebius, bishop and confessor.
"Lesson 1. Eusebius, bishop of C'sarea in 
Palestine, on account of his friendship with 
Pamphilus the martyr, took from him the surname of 
Pamphili; inasmuch as along with this same 
Pamphilus he was a most diligent investigator of 
sacred literature. The man indeed is very worthy 
of being remembered in these times, both for his 
skill in many things, and for his wonderful 
genius, and by both Gentiles and Christians he was 
held distinguished and most noble among 
philosophers. This man, after having for a time 
labored in behalf of the Arian heresy, coming to 
the council of Nic'a, inspired by the Holy Spirit, 
followed the decision of the Fathers, and 
thereafter up to the time of his death lived in a 
most holy manner in the orthodox faith.
"Lesson 2. He was, moreover, very zealous in the 
study of the sacred Scriptures, and along with 
Pamphilus the martyr was a most diligent 
investigator of sacred literature. At the same 
time he has written many things, but especially 
the following books: The Pr'paratio Evangelica, 
the Ecclesiastical History, Against Porphyry, a 
very bitter enemy of the Christians; he has also 
composed Six Apologies in Behalf of Origen, a Life 
of Pamphilus the Martyr, from whom on account of 
friendship he took his surname, in three books; 
likewise very learned Commentaries on the hundred 
and fifty Psalms.
"Lesson 3. Moreover, as we read, after having 
ascertained the sufferings of many holy martyrs in 
all the provinces, and the lives of confessors and 
virgins, he has written concerning these saints 
twenty books; while on account of these books 
therefore, and especially on account of his 
Pr'paratio Evangelica, he was held most 
distinguished among the Gentiles, because of his 
love of truth he contemned the ancestral worship 
of the gods. He has written also a Chronicle, 
extending from the first year of Abraham up to the 
year 300 A.D., which the divine Hieronymus has 
continued. Finally this Eusebius, after the 
conversion of Constantine the Great, was united to 
him by strong friendship as long as he lived."

In the Breviary of the same church, June 
twenty-first.

"Omnipotent, eternal God, who dost permit us to 
take part in the festivities in honor of Eusebius, 
thy holy confessor and priest, bring us, we pray 
thee, through his prayers, into the society of 
heavenly joys, through our Lord Jesus Christ," 
etc.[1]

From the book On the Lights of the Church.

"Eusebius of C'sarea, the key of the Scriptures 
and custodian of the New Testament, is proved by 
the Greeks to be greater than many in his 
treatises. There are three celebrated works of his 
which truly testify to this: the Canons of the 
Four Gospels, which set forth and defend the New 
Testament, ten books of Ecclesiastical History, 
and the Chronicon, that is, a chronological 
summary. We have never found any one who has been 
able to follow in all his foot-prints."

From the Miscellanies of Theodore Metochita (chap. 
19)

"Eusebius Pamphili was also a Palestinian by 
birth, but as he himself says, he sojourner for 
quite a long time in Egypt. He was a very learned 
man, and it is evident indeed that he published 
many books, and that he used language thus."

69

Again, in the same chapter.

"Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, accuses Eusebius 
Pamphilus of perverting the Nicene Creed; but 
Eusebius denies that he violates that exposition 
of the faith, and recriminates, saying that 
Eustathius was a defender of the opinion of 
Sabellius. In consequence of these 
misunderstandings, each of them wrote volumes as 
if contending against adversaries: and although it 
was admitted on both sides that the Son of God has 
a distinct person and existence, and all 
acknowledged that there is one God in a Trinity of 
Persons; yet, from what cause I am unable to 
divine, they could not agree among themselves, and 
therefore were never at peace." Theodoritus, in 
his Interpretation of the Epistle of Paul to the 
Hebrews, speaking of the Arians, writes as 
follows:
"If not even this is sufficient to persuade them, 
it at least behooves them to believe Eusebius of 
Palestine, whom they call the chief advocate of 
their own doctrines." Nicetas, in his Thesaurus of 
the Orthodox Faith, Book F. Chap. 7.
"Moreover, Theodore of Mopsuestia relates that 
there were only nine persons out of all whom the 
decrees of the Synod did not please, and that 
their names are as follows: Theognis of Nic'a, 
Eusebius of Nicomedia, Patrophilus of Scythopolis, 
Eusebius of C'sarea in Palestine, Narcissus of 
Neronias in Cilicia, which is now called 
Irenopolis, Paulinus of Tyre, Menophantus of 
Ephesus, Secundus of Ptolemaïs, which borders upon 
Egypt, and Theonas of Marmarica."[1] Antipater, 
Bishop of Bostra, in his First Book against 
Eusebius' Apology for Origen.
"I deny that the man has yet arrived at an 
accurate knowledge of the doctrines; wherefore  he 
ought to be given place to so far as regards his 
great learning, but as regards his knowledge of 
doctrine he ought not. But, moreover, we know him 
to have been altogether lacking in such
accurate knowledge."

And a little farther on.

"So now, that we may not seem to be trampling upon 
the man,--concerning whom it is not our purpose 
for the present to speak,--examining into the 
accuracy of his Apology, we may go on to show that 
both were heretics, both he who composed the 
Apology, and he in whose behalf it was composed."

And farther on.

"For as to your attempting to show that others as 
well as he [Origen] have spoken of the 
subordination of the Son to the Father, we may not 
at first wonder at it, for such is your opinion 
and that of your followers; wherefore we say 
nothing concerning this matter for the present, 
since it was long ago submitted and condemned at 
the general Council."

From the Acts of the Seventh OEcumenical Council.

"For who of the faithful ones in the Church, and 
who of those who have obtained a knowledge of true 
doctrine, does not know that Eusebius Pamphili has 
given himself over to false ways of thinking, and 
has become of the same opinion and of the same 
mind with those who follow after the opinions of 
Arius? In all his historical books he calls the 
Son and Word of God a creature, a servant, and to 
be adored as second in rank. But if any speaking 
in his defense say that he subscribed in the 
council, we may admit that that is true; but while 
with his lips he has respected the truth, in his 
heart he is far from it, as all his writings and 
epistles go to show. But if from time to time, on 
account of circumstances or from different causes, 
he has become confused or has changed around, 
sometimes praising those who hold to the doctrines 
of Arius, and at other times reigning the truth, 
he shows himself to be, according to James the 
brother of our Lord, a double-minded man, unstable 
in all his ways; and let him not think that he 
shall receive anything of the Lord. For if with 
the heart he had believed unto righteousness, and 
with the mouth had confessed the truth unto 
salvation, he would have asked forgiveness for his 
writings, at the same time correcting them. But 
this he has by no means done, for he remained like 
'thiops with his skin unchanged. In interpreting 
the verse 'I said to the Lord, Thou art my Lord,' 
he has strayed far away from the true sense, for 
this is what he says: 'By the laws of nature every 
son's father

70

must be his lord; wherefore God who begat him must 
be at the same time God, Lord, and Father of the 
only-begotten Son of God.' So also in his epistle 
to the holy Alexander, the teacher of the great 
Athanasius, which begins thus: 'With what anxiety 
and with what care have I set about writing this 
letter,' in most open blasphemy he speaks as 
follows concerning Arius and his followers: 'Thy 
letter accuses them of saying that the Son was 
made out of nothing, like all men. But they have 
produced their own epistle which they wrote to 
thee, in which they give an account of their 
faith, and expressly confess that "the God of the 
law and of the prophets and of the New Testament, 
before eternal ages begat an only-begotten Son, 
through whom also he made the ages and the 
universe; and that he begat him not in appearance, 
but in truth, and subjected him to his own will, 
unchangeable and immutable, a perfect creature of 
God, but not as one of the creatures." If, 
therefore, the letter received from them tells the 
truth, they wholly contradict thee, in that they 
confess that the Son of God who existed before 
eternal ages, and through whom he made the world, 
is unchangeable and a perfect creature of God, but 
not as one of the creatures. But thy epistle 
accuses them of saying that the Son was made as 
one of the creatures. They do not say this, but 
clearly declare that he was not as one of the 
creatures. See if cause is not immediately given 
them again to attack and to misrepresent whatever 
they please. Again thou findest fault with them 
for saying that He who is begat him who was not. I 
wonder if any one is able to say anything else 
than that. For if He who is is one, it is plain 
that everything has been made by Him and after 
Him. But if He who is is not the only one, but 
there was also a Son existing, how did He who is 
beget him who was existing? For thus those 
existing would be two.' These things then Eusebius 
wrote to the illustrious Alexander; but there are 
also other epistles of his directed to the same 
holy man, in which are found various blasphemies 
in defense of the followers of Arius. So also, in 
writing to the bishop Euphration, he blasphemes 
most openly; his letter begins thus: 'I return to 
my Lord all thanks'; and farther on: 'For we do 
not say that the Son was with the Father, but that 
the Father was before the Son. But the Son of God 
himself, knowing well that he was greater than 
all, and knowing that he was other than the 
Father, and less than and subject to Him, very 
piously teaches this to us also when he says, "The 
Father who sent me is greater than I."' And 
farther on: 'Since the Son also is himself God, 
but not true God.' So then from these writings of 
his he shows that he holds to the doctrines of 
Arius and his followers. And with this rebellious 
heresy of theirs the inventors of that Arian 
madness hold to one nature in hypostatic union, 
and affirm that our Lord took upon himself a body 
without soul, in his scheme of redemption, 
affirming that the divine nature supplied the 
purposes and movements of the soul: that, as 
Gregory the Divine says, they may ascribe 
suffering to the Deity; and it is evident that 
those who ascribe suffering to the Deity are 
Patripassians. Those who share in this heresy do 
not allow images, as the impious Severus did not, 
and Peter Cnapheus, and Philoxenus of Hierapolis, 
and all their followers, the many-headed yet 
headless hydra. So then Eusebius, who belongs to 
this faction, as has been shown from his epistles 
and historical writings, as a Patripassian 
rejected the image of Christ," etc.[1]

Photius, in his 144th Epistle to Constantine.

"That Eusebius (whether slave or friend of 
Pamphilus I know not) was carried off by Arianism, 
his books loudly proclaim. And he, feeling 
repentance as he pretends, and against his will, 
confesses to his infirmity; although by his 
repentance he rather shows that he has not 
repented. For he cannot show, by means of those 
writings in which he would seem to be defending 
himself, that he has withdrawn from his former 
heretical doctrines, nor can he show that he 
agreed with the holy and OEcumenical Synod. But he 
speaks of it as a marvel that the upholders of the 
Homoousion should concur with him in sentiment and 
agree with him in opinion: and this fact both many 
other things and the epistle written by him to his 
own people at C'sarea accurately confirm. But that 
from the beginning he inwardly cherished the Arian 
doctrines, and that up to the end of his life he 
did not cease following them, many know, and it is 
easy to gather it from many sources; but that he 
shared also in the infirmity of Origen, namely, 
the error with regard to the common resurrection 
of us all, is to most persons unknown. But if thou 
thyself examine carefully his books, thou shalt 
see that he was none the less truly overcome by 
that deadly disease than he was by the Arian 
madness."

Photius, in his Bibliotheca (chap. 13).

"Of the Objection and Defense of Eusebius two 
books have been read; also other two, which 
although differing in some respects from the 
former two, are in other respects the same with 
regard

71

to both diction and thought. But he presents 
certain difficulties with regard to our blameless 
religion as having originated with the Greeks. 
These he correctly solves, although not in all 
cases. But as regards his diction, it is by no 
means either pleasing or brilliant. The man is 
indeed very learned, although as regards 
shrewdness of mind and firmness of character, as 
well as accuracy in doctrine, he is deficient. For 
also in many places in these books it is plain to 
be seen that he blasphemes against the Son, 
calling him a second cause, and general-in-chief, 
and other terms which have had their origin in the 
Arian madness. It seems that he flourished in the 
time of Constantine the Great. He was also an 
ardent admirer of the excellences of the holy 
martyr Pamphilus, for which cause some say that he 
took from him the surname Pamphili."

Photius, in the Same Work (chap. 127).

"There has been read the work of Eusebius Pamphili 
In praise of the great emperor Constantine, 
consisting of four books. In this is contained the 
whole life of the man, starting with his very 
boyhood, also whatever deeds of his belong to 
ecclesiastical history, until he departed from 
life at the age of sixty-four. Eusebius is, 
however, even in this work, like himself in 
diction, except that his discourse has risen to a 
somewhat more than usual brilliancy, and that 
sometimes he has made use of more flowery 
expressions than he is wont. However, of 
pleasantness and beauty of expression there is 
little, as indeed is the case in his other works. 
He inserts, moreover, in this work of his in four 
books very many passages from the whole decalogue 
of his Ecclesiastical History. He says that 
Constantine the Great himself also was baptized in 
Nicomedia, he having put off his baptism until 
then, because he desired to be baptized in the 
Jordan. Who baptized him he does not clearly show. 
However, as to the heresy of Arius, he does not 
definitely state whether he holds that opinion, or 
whether he has changed; or even whether Arius held 
correct or incorrect views, although he ought to 
have made mention of these things, because the 
synod occupied an important place among the deeds 
of Constantine the Great, and it again demands a 
detailed account of them. But he does state that a 
'controversy' arose between Arius and Alexander 
(this is the name he cunningly gives to the 
heresy), and that the God-fearing prince was very 
much grieved at this controversy, and strove by 
epistles and through Hosius, who was then bishop 
of Cordova, to bring back the dissenting parties 
into peace and concord, they having laid aside the 
strife existing between them with regard to such 
questions; and that when he could not persuade 
them to do this he convoked a synod from all 
quarters, and that it dissolved into peace the 
strife that had arisen. These things, however, are 
not described accurately or clearly; it would seem 
then that he is ashamed, as it were, and does not 
wish to make public the vote cast against Arius in 
the Synod, and the just retribution of those who 
were his companions in impiety and who were cast 
out together with him. Finally, he does not even 
mention the terrible fate which was inflicted by 
God upon Arius in the sight of all. None of these 
things he brings to the light, nor has he drawn up 
an account of the Synod and the things that were 
done in it. Whence, also, when about to write a 
narrative concerning the divine Eustathius, he 
does not even mention his name, nor what things 
were threatened and executed against him; but 
referring these things also to sedition and 
tumult, he again speaks of the calmness of the 
bishops, who having been convened in Antioch by 
the zeal and cooperation of the Emperor, changed 
the sedition and tumult into peace. Likewise as to 
what things were maliciously contrived against the 
ever-conquering Athanasius, when he set about 
making his history cover these things, he says 
that Alexandria again was filled with sedition and 
tumult, and that this was calmed by the coming of 
the bishops, who had the imperial aid. But he by 
no means makes it clear who was the leader of the 
sedition, what sort of sedition it was, or by what 
means the strife was settled. He also keeps up 
almost the same mode of dissimulating in his 
account of the contentions existing among bishops 
with respect to doctrines, and their disagreements 
on other matters." Joannes Zonaras, in his Third 
Volume, in which he relates the Deeds of 
Constantine.
"Even Eusebius Pamphili, bishop of C'sarea in 
Palestine, was at that time one of those who 
upheld the doctrines of Arius. He is said to have 
afterwards withdrawn from the opinion of Arius, 
and to have become of like mind with those who 
hold that the Son is coëqual and of the same 
nature with the Father, and to have been received 
into communion by the holy Fathers. Moreover, in 
the Acts of the first Synod, he is found to have 
defended the faithful. These things are found thus 
narrated by some; but he makes them to appear 
doubtful by certain things which he is seen to 
have written in his Ecclesiastical History. For in 
many places in the above-mentioned work he seems 
to be following after Arius. In the very beginning 
of his book, where he quotes David as saying, 'He 
spake and they were made, he commanded and they 
were estab-

72

lished,' he says that the Father and Maker is to 
be considered as maker and universal ruler, 
governing by a kingly nod, and that the second 
after him in authority, the divine Word, is 
subject to the commands of the Father. And farther 
on he says, that he, as being the power and wisdom 
of the Father, is entrusted with the second place 
in the kingdom and rule over all. And again, a 
little farther on, that there is also a certain 
essence, living and subsisting before the world, 
which ministers to the God and Father of the 
universe for the creation of things that are 
created. Also Solomon, in the person of the wisdom 
of God, says, 'The Lord created me in the 
beginning of his ways,' etc., and farther on he 
says: And besides all this, as the pre-existent 
word of God, who also preëxisted before all ages 
created, he received divine honor from the Father, 
and is worshipped as God. These and other things 
show that Eusebius agreed with Arian doctrines, 
unless some one say that they were written before 
his conversion." Suidas, under the word 
<greek>Diodwros</greek>.
"Diodorus, a monk, who was bishop of Tarsus in 
Cilicia, in the times of Julian and Valens, wrote 
divers works, as Theodorus Lector states in his 
Ecclesiastical History. These are as follows: A 
Chronicle, which corrects the error of Eusebius 
Pamphilus with regard to chronology," etc.

The same Suidas, from Sophronius.

"Eusebius Pamphili, a devotee of the Arian heresy, 
bishop of C'sarea in Palestine, a man zealous in 
the study of the holy Scriptures, and along with 
Pamphilus the martyr a most careful investigator 
of sacred literature, has published many books, 
among which are the following."[1]

THE CHURCH HISTORY OF EUSEBIUS.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

The Plan of the Work.

1  It is my purpose to write an account of the 
successions of the holy apostles, as well as of 
the times which have elapsed from the days of our 
Saviour to our own; and to relate the many 
important events which are said to have occurred 
in the history of the Church; and to mention those 
who have governed and presided over the Church in 
the most prominent parishes, and those who in each 
generation have proclaimed the divine word either 
orally or in writing.
2    It is my purpose also to give the names and 
number and times of those who through love of 
innovation have run into the greatest errors, and, 
proclaiming themselves discoverers of knowledge 
falsely so-called[1] have like fierce wolves 
unmercifully devastated the flock of Christ.
3    It is my intention, moreover, to recount the 
misfortunes which immediately came upon the whole 
Jewish nation in consequence of their plots 
against our Saviour, and to record the ways and 
the times in which the divine word has been 
attacked by the Gentiles, and to describe the 
character of those who at various periods have 
contended for it in the face of blood and of 
tortures, as well as the confessions which have 
been made in our own days, and finally the 
gracious and kindly succor which our Saviour has 
afforded them all. Since I propose to write of all 
these things I shall commence my work with the 
beginning of the dispensation[2] of our Saviour 
and Lord Jesus Christ.[3]
4    But at the outset I must crave for my work 
the indulgence of the wise,[4] for I confess that 
it is beyond my power to produce a perfect and 
complete history, and since I am the first to 
enter upon the subject, I am attempting to 
traverse as it were a lonely and untrodden 
path.[5] I pray that I may have God as my guide 
and the power of the Lord as my aid, since I am 
unable to find even the bare footsteps of those 
who have traveled the way before me, except in 
brief fragments, in which some in one way, others 
in another, have transmitted to us particular 
accounts of the times in which they lived. From 
afar they raise their voices like torches, and 
they cry out, as from some lofty and conspicuous 
watch-tower, admonishing us where to walk and how 
to direct the course of our work steadily and 
safely. 5      Having gathered therefore from the 
matters mentioned here and there by them whatever 
we consider important for the present work, and 
having plucked like flowers from a meadow the 
appropriate passages from ancient writers,[6] we 
shall endeavor to embody the whole in an 
historical narrative, content if we preserve the 
memory of

82

the successions of the apostles of our Saviour; if 
not indeed of all, yet of the most renowned of 
them in those churches which are the most noted, 
and which even to the present time are held in 
honor.
6   This work seems to me of especial importance 
because I know of no ecclesiastical writer who has 
devoted himself to this subject; and I hope that 
it will appear most useful to those who are fond 
of historical research.
7   I have already given an epitome of these 
things in the Chronological Canons[7] which I have 
composed, but notwithstanding that, I have 
undertaken in the present work to write as full an 
account of them as I am able.
8   My work will begin, as I have said, with the 
dispensation[8] of the Saviour Christ,--which is 
loftier and greater than human conception,--
9   and with a discussion of his divinity[9]; 9 
for it is necessary, inasmuch as we derive even 
our name from Christ, for one who proposes to 
write a history of the Church to begin with the 
very origin of Christ's dispensation, a 
dispensation more divine than many think.

CHAPTER II.

Summary View of the Pre-existence and Divinity of 
Our Saviour and Lord.Jesus Christ.
1  Since in Christ there is a twofold nature, and 
the one--in so far as he is thought of as 
God--resembles the head of the body, while the 
other may be compared with the feet,--in so far as 
he, for the sake of our salvation, put on human 
nature with the same passions as our own,--the 
following work will be complete only if we begin 
with the chief and lordliest events of all his 
history. In this way will the antiquity and 
divinity of Christianity be shown to those who 
suppose it of recent and foreign origin,[1] and 
imagine that it appeared only yesterday[2]
2   No language is sufficient to express the 
origin and the worth, the being and the nature of 
Christ. Wherefore also the divine Spirit says in 
the prophecies, "Who shall declare his 
generation?"[3] For none knoweth the Father except 
the Son, neither can any one know the Son 
adequately except the Father alone who hath 
begotten him.[4]
3   For alone who beside the Father could clearly 
understand the Light which was before the world, 
the intellectual and essential Wisdom which 
existed before the ages, the living Word which was 
in the beginning with the Father and which was 
God, the first and only begotten of God which was 
before every creature and creation visible and 
invisible, the commander-in-chief of the rational 
and immortal host of heaven, the messenger of the 
great counsel, the executor of the Father's 
unspoken will, the creator, with the Father, of 
all things, the second cause of the universe after 
the Father, the true and only-begotten Son of God, 
the Lord and God and King of all created things, 
the one who has received dominion and power, with 
divinity itself, and with might and honor from the 
Father; as it is said in regard to him in the 
mystical passages of Scripture which speak of his 
divinity: "In the beginning was the Word, and the 
Word was with God, and the Word was God."[5]
4   "All things were made by him; and without him 
was not anything made."[6] This, too, the great 
Moses teaches, when, as the most ancient of all 
the prophets, he describes under the influence of 
the divine Spirit the creation and arrangement of 
the universe. He declares that the maker of the 
world and the creator of all things yielded to 
Christ himself, and to none other than his own 
clearly divine and first-born Word, the making of 
inferior things, and communed with him respecting 
the creation of man.
5  "For," says he," God said, Let us make man in 
our image and in our likeness."[7] And another of 
the prophets confirms this, speaking of God in his 
hymns as follows: "He spake and they were made; he 
commanded and they were created."[8] He here 
introduces the Father and Maker as Ruler of all, 
commanding with a kingly nod, and second to him 
the divine Word, none other than the one who is 
proclaimed by us, as carrying out

83

6  the Father's commands. All that are said to 
have excelled in righteousness and piety since the 
creation of man, the great servant Moses and 
before him in the first place Abraham and his 
children, and as many righteous men and prophets 
as afterward appeared, have contemplated him with 
the pure eyes of the mind, and have recognized him 
and offered to him the worship which is due him as 
Son of God.
7   But he, by no means neglectful of the 
reverence due to the Father, was appointed to 
teach the knowledge of the Father to them all. For 
instance, the Lord God, it is said, appeared as a 
common man to Abraham while he was sitting at the 
oak of Mambre.[9] And he, immediately failing 
down, although he saw a man with his eyes, 
nevertheless worshiped him as God, and sacrificed 
to him as Lord, and confessed that he was not 
ignorant of his identity when he uttered the 
words, "Lord, the judge of all the earth, wilt 
thou not execute righteous judgment?"[10]
8   For if it is unreasonable to suppose that the 
unbegotten and immutable essence of the almighty 
God was changed into the form of man or that it 
deceived the eyes of the beholders with the 
appearance of some created thing, and if it is 
unreasonable to suppose, on the other hand, that 
the Scripture should falsely invent such things, 
when the God and Lord who judgeth all the earth 
and executeth judgment is seen in the form of a 
man, who else can be called, if it be not lawful 
to call him the first cause of all things, than 
his only pre-existent Word?[11] Concerning whom it 
is said in the Psalms, "He sent his Word and 
healed them, and delivered them from their 
destructions."[12]
9   Moses most clearly proclaims him second Lord 
after the Father, when he says, "The Lord rained 
upon Sodom and Gomorrah brimstone and fire from 
the Lord."[13] The divine Scripture also calls him 
God, when he appeared again to Jacob in the form 
of a man, and said to Jacob, "Thy name shall be 
called no more Jacob, but Israel shall be thy 
name, because thou hast prevailed with God."[14] 
Wherefore also Jacob called the name of that place 
"Vision of God,"[15] saying, "For I have seen God 
face to face, and my life is preserved."[16]
10   Nor is it admissible to suppose that the 
theophanies recorded were appearances of 
subordinate angels and ministers of God, for 
whenever any of these appeared to men, the 
Scripture does not conceal the fact, but calls 
them by name not God nor Lord, but angels, as it 
is easy to prove by numberless testimonies.
11   Joshua, also, the successor of Moses, calls 
him, as leader of the    heavenly angels and 
archangels and of the supramundane powers, and as 
lieutenant of the Father,[17] entrusted with the 
second rank of sovereignty and rule over all, 
"captain of the host of the Lords" although he saw 
him not otherwise than again in the form and 
appearance of a man. For it is written:
12  "And it came to pass when Joshua was at 
Jericho[18] that he looked and saw a man standing 
over against him with his sword drawn in his hand, 
and Joshua went unto him and said, Art  thou for 
us or for our adversaries? And he said unto him, 
As captain of the host of the Lord am I now come. 
And Joshua fell on his face to the earth and said 
unto him, Lord, what dost thou command thy 
servant? and the captain of the Lord said unto 
Joshua, Loose thy shoe from off thy feet, for the 
place whereon thou standest is holy."[19]
13   You will perceive also from the 13 same words 
that this was no other than he who talked with 
Moses[20] For the Scripture says in the same words 
and with reference to the same one, "When the Lord 
saw that he drew near to see, the Lord called to 
him out of the bush and said, Moses, Moses. And he 
said, What is it? And he said, Draw not nigh 
hither; loose thy shoe from off thy feet, for the 
place whereon thou standest is holy ground. And he 
said unto him, I am the God of thy fathers, the 
God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God 
of Jacob."[21]
14   And that there is a certain substance which 
lived and subsisted[22]  before the world, and 
which ministered unto the Father and God of the 
universe for the formation of all created things, 
and which, is called the Word of God and Wisdom, 
we may learn, to quote other  proofs in addition 
to those already cited, from the mouth of Wisdom 
herself, who reveals most clearly through Solomon 
the following mysteries concerning herself: "I, 
Wisdom, have dwelt

84

with prudence and knowledge, and I have invoked 
understanding. Through me kings reign, and princes 
ordain righteousness.
15   Through me the great are magnified, and 
through me sovereigns rule the earth."[23] To 
which she adds: "The Lord created me in the 
beginning of his ways, for his works; before the 
world he established me, in the beginning, before 
he made the earth, before he made the depths, 
before the mountains were settled, before all 
hills he begat me. When he prepared the heavens I 
was present with him, and when he established the 
fountains of the region under heaven[24] I was 
with him, disposing.
16   I was the one in whom he delighted; daily I 
rejoiced before him at all times when he was 
rejoicing at having completed the world."[25] That 
the divine Word, therefore, pre-existed and 
appeared to some, if not to all, has thus been 
briefly shown by us.
17   But why the Gospel was not preached in 
ancient times to all men and to all nations, as it 
is now, will appear from the following 
considerations.[26] The life of the ancients was 
not of such a kind as to permit them to receive 
the all-wise and all-virtuous teaching 18 of 
Christ.
18   For immediately in the beginning, after his 
original life of blessedness, the first man 
despised the command of God, and fell into this 
mortal and perishable state, and exchanged his 
former divinely inspired luxury for this 
curse-laden earth. His descendants having filled 
our earth, showed themselves much worse, with the 
exception of one here and there, and entered upon 
a certain brutal and insupportable mode of life.
19   They thought neither of city nor state, 
neither of arts nor sciences. They were ignorant 
even of the name of laws and of justice, of virtue 
and of philosophy. As nomads, they passed their 
lives in deserts, like wild and fierce beasts, 
destroying, by an excess of voluntary wickedness, 
the natural reason of man, and the seeds of 
thought and of culture implanted in the human 
soul. They gave themselves wholly over to all 
kinds of profanity, now seducing one another, now 
slaying one another, now eating human flesh, and 
now daring to wage war with the Gods and to 
undertake those battles of the giants celebrated 
by all; now planning to fortify earth against 
heaven, and in the madness of ungoverned pride to 
prepare an attack upon the very God of all.[27]
20    On account of these things, when they 
conducted themselves thus, the all-seeing God sent 
down upon them floods and conflagrations as upon a 
wild forest spread over the whole earth. He cut 
them down with continuous famines and plagues, 
with wars, and with thunderbolts from heaven, as 
if to check some terrible and obstinate disease of 
souls with more severe punishments.
21   Then, when the excess of wickedness had 
overwhelmed nearly all the race, like a deep fit 
of drunkenness, beclouding and darkening the minds 
of men, the first-born and first-created wisdom of 
God, the pre-existent Word himself, induced by his 
exceeding love for man, appeared to his servants, 
now in the form of angels, and again to one and 
another of those ancients who enjoyed the favor of 
God, in his own person as the saving power of God, 
not otherwise, however, than in the shape of man, 
because it was impossible to appear in any other 
way.
22   And as by them the seeds of piety were sown 
among a multitude of men and the whole nation, 
descended from the Hebrews, devoted themselves 
persistently to the worship of God, he imparted to 
them through the prophet Moses, as to multitudes 
still corrupted by their ancient practices, images 
and symbols of a certain mystic Sabbath and of 
circumcision, and elements of other spiritual 
principles, but he did not grant them a complete 
knowledge of the mysteries themselves.
23   But when their law became celebrated, and, 
like a sweet odor, was diffused among all men, as 
a result of their influence the dispositions of 
the majority of the heathen were softened by the 
lawgivers and philosophers who arose on every 
side, and their wild and savage brutality was 
changed into mildness, so that they enjoyed deep 
peace, friendship, and social intercourse.[28] 
Then, finally, at the time of the origin of the 
Roman Empire, there appeared again to all men and 
nations throughout the world, who had been, as it 
were, previously assisted, and were now fitted to 
receive the knowledge of the Father, that same 
teacher

85

of virtue, the minister of the Father in all good 
things, the divine and heavenly Word of God, in a 
human body not at all differing in substance from 
our own. He did and suffered the things which had 
been prophesied. For it had been foretold that one 
who was at the same time man and God should come 
and dwell in the world, should perform wonderful 
works, and should show himself a teacher to all 
nations of the piety of the Father. The marvelous 
nature of his birth, and his new teaching, and his 
wonderful works had also been foretold; so 
likewise the manner of his death, his resurrection 
from the dead, and,finally, his divine ascension 
into heaven.
24   For instance, Daniel the prophet, under the 
influence of the divine Spirit, seeing his kingdom 
at the end of time,[29] was inspired thus to 
describe the divine vision in language fitted to 
human comprehension: "For I beheld," he says, 
"until thrones were placed, and the Ancient of 
Days did sit, whose garment was white as snow and 
the hair of his head like pure wool; his throne 
was a flame of fire and his wheels burning fire. A 
river of fire flowed before him. Thousand 
thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand 
times ten thousand stood before  him.
25    He appointed judgment, and the books were 
opened."[30] And again, "I saw," says he, "and 
behold, one like the Son of man came with the 
clouds of heaven, and he hastened unto the Ancient 
of Days and was brought into his presence, and 
there was given him the dominion and the glory and 
the kingdom; and all peoples, tribes, and tongues 
serve him. His dominion is an everlasting dominion 
which shall not pass away, and his kingdom shall 
not be destroyed."[31]
26    It is clear that these words can refer to no 
one else than to our Saviour, the God Word who was 
in the beginning with God, and who was called the 
Son of man because of his final appearance in the 
flesh. But since we have collected in separate 
books as the selections from the prophets which 
relate to our Saviour Jesus Christ, and have 
arranged in a more logical form those things which 
have been revealed concerning him, what has been 
said will suffice for the present.

CHAPTER III.

The Name Jesus and also the Name Christ were known 
from the Beginning,   and were honored by the 
Inspired Prophets.
1   It is now the proper place to show that the 
very name Jesus and also the name Christ were 
honored by the ancient prophets beloved of God.[1]
2     Moses was the first 2 to make known the name 
of Christ as a name especially august and 
glorious. When he delivered types and symbols of 
heavenly things, and mysterious images, in 
accordance with the oracle which said to him, 
"Look that thou make all things according to the 
pattern which was shown thee in the mount,"[2] he 
consecrated a man high priest of God, in so far as 
that was possible, and him he called Christ.[3] 
And thus to this dignity of the high priesthood, 
which in his opinion surpassed the most honorable 
position among men, he attached for the sake of 
honor and glory the name of Christ.
3   He knew so well that in Christ was something 
divine. And the same one foreseeing, under the 
influence of the divine Spirit, the name Jesus, 
dignified it also with a certain distinguished 
privilege. For the name of Jesus, which had never 
been uttered among men before the time of Moses, 
he applied first and only to the one who he knew 
would receive after his death, again as a type and 
symbol, the supreme command.
4    His successor, therefore, who had not 
hitherto borne the name Jesus, but had been called 
by another name, Auses,[4] which had been given 
him by his parents, he now called Jesus, bestowing 
the name upon him as a gift of honor, far greater 
than any kingly diadem. For Jesus himself, the son 
of Nave, bore a resemblance to our Saviour in the 
fact that he alone, after Moses and after the 
completion of the symbolical worship which had 
been transmitted by him, succeeded to the 
government of the true
and pure religion.
5   Thus Moses bestowed the name of our Saviour, 
Jesus Christ, as a mark of the highest honor, upon 
the two men who in his time surpassed all the rest 
of the people in virtue and glory; namely, upon 
the high priest and upon his own successor in the 
government.
6   And the prophets that came after also clearly 
foretold Christ by
name, predicting at the same time the plots which 
the Jewish people would form against him, and the 
calling of the nations through him. Jeremiah, for 
instance, speaks as follows: "The

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Spirit before our face, Christ the Lord, was taken 
in their destructions; of whom we said, under his 
shadow we shall live among the nations."[5] And 
David, in perplexity, says, "Why did the nations 
rage and the people imagine vain things? The kings 
of the earth set themselves in array, and the 
rulers were gathered together against the Lord and 
against his Christ";[6] to which he adds, in the 
person of Christ himself, "The Lord said unto me, 
Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee. 
Ask of me, and I will give thee the nations for 
thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the 
earth for thy possession."[7]
7   And not only those who were honored with the 
high priesthood, and who for the sake of the 
symbol were anointed with especially prepared oil, 
were adorned with the name of Christ among the 
Hebrews, but also the kings whom the prophets 
anointed under the influence of the divine Spirit, 
and thus constituted, as it were, typical Christs. 
For they also bore in their own persons types of 
the royal and sovereign power of the true and only 
Christ, the divine Word who ruleth over all.
8   And we have been told also that certain of the 
prophets themselves became, by the act of 
anointing, Christs in type, so that all these have 
reference to the true Christ, the divinely 
inspired and heavenly Word, who is the only high 
priest of all, and the only King of every 
creature, and the Father's only supreme prophet of 
prophets.
9   And a proof of this is that no one of those 
who were of old symbolically anointed, whether 
priests, or kings, or prophets, possessed so great 
a power of inspired virtue as was exhibited by our 
Saviour and Lord Jesus, the true and only Christ.
10   None of them at least, however superior in 
dignity and honor they may have been for many 
generations among their own people, ever gave to 
their followers the name of Christians from their 
own typical name of Christ. Neither was divine 
honor ever rendered to any one of them by their 
subjects; nor after their death was the 
disposition of their followers such that they were 
ready to die for the one whom they honored. And 
never did so great a commotion arise among all the 
nations of the earth in respect to any one of that 
age; for the mere symbol could not act with such 
power among them as the truth itself which was 
exhibited by our Saviour.
11   He, although he received no symbols and types 
of high priesthood from any one, although he was 
not born of a race of priests, although he was not 
elevated to a kingdom by military guards, although 
he was not a prophet like those of old, although 
he obtained no honor nor pre-eminence among the 
Jews, nevertheless was adorned by the Father with 
all, if not with the symbols, yet with the truth 
itself.
12   And therefore, although he did not possess 
like honors with those whom we have mentioned, he 
is called Christ more than all of them. And as 
himself the true and only Christ of God, he has 
filled the whole earth with the truly august and 
sacred name of Christians, committing to his 
followers no longer types and images, but the 
uncovered virtues themselves, and a heavenly life 
in the very doctrines of truth.
13   And he was not anointed with oil prepared 
from material substances, but, as befits divinity, 
with the divine Spirit himself, by participation 
in the unbegotten deity of the Father. And this is 
taught also again by Isaiah, who exclaims, as if 
in the person of Christ himself, "The Spirit of 
the Lord is upon me; therefore hath he anointed 
me. He hath sent me to preach the Gospel to the 
poor, to proclaim deliverance to captives, and 
recovery of sight to the blind."[8]
14   And not only Isaiah, but also David addresses 
him, saying, "Thy throne, O God, is forever and 
ever. A scepter of equity is the scepter of thy 
kingdom. Thou hast loved righteousness and hast 
hated iniquity. Therefore God, thy God, hath 
anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy 
fellows."[9] Here the Scripture calls him God in 
the first verse, in the second it honors him with 
a royal scepter.
15    Then a little farther on, after the divine 
and royal power, it represents him in the third 
place as having become Christ, being anointed not 
with oil made of material substances, but with the 
divine oil of gladness. It thus indicates his 
especial honor, far superior to and different from 
that of those who, as types, were of old anointed 
in a more material way.
16    And elsewhere the same writer speaks of him 
as follows: "The
Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou at my right hand 
until I make thine enemies thy footstool";[10] 
and, "Out of the womb, before the morning star, 
have I begotten thee. The Lord hath sworn and he 
will not repent. Thou art a priest forever after 
the order of Melchizedec."[11]
17    But this Melchizedec is introduced in the 
Holy Scriptures as a priest of the most high 
God,[12] not consecrated by any anointing oil, 
especially prepared, and not even belonging by 
descent to the priesthood of the Jews. Wherefore 
after his order, but not after the order of the 
others, who received symbols and types, was our 
Saviour proclaimed, with
an appeal to an oath, Christ and priest.
18   History, therefore, does not relate that he 
18 was anointed corporeally by the Jews, nor

Please choose an option.87

that he belonged to the lineage of priests, but 
that he came into existence from God himself 
before the morning star, that is before the 
organization of the world, and that he obtained an 
immortal and undecaying priesthood for eternal 
ages.
19   But it is a great and convincing proof of his 
incorporeal and divine unction that he alone of 
all those who have ever existed is even to the 
present day called Christ by all men throughout 
the world, and is confessed and witnessed to under 
this name, and is commemorated both by Greeks and 
Barbarians and even to this day is honored as a 
King by his followers throughout the world, and is 
admired as more than a prophet, and is glorified 
as the true and only high priest of God.[13] And 
besides all this, as the pre-existent Word of God, 
called into being before all ages, he has received 
august honor from the Father, and is worshiped as 
God.
20   But most wonderful of all is the fact that we 
who have consecrated ourselves to him, honor him 
not only with our voices and with the sound of 
words, but also with complete elevation of soul, 
so that we choose to give testimony unto him 
rather than to preserve our own lives.
21  I have of necessity prefaced my history with 
these matters in order that no one, judging from 
the date of his incarnation, may think that our 
Saviour and Lord Jesus, the Christ, has but 
recently come into being.

CHAFFER IV.

The Religion proclaimed by him to All Nations was 
neither New nor Strange.
1   But that no one may suppose that his doctrine 
is new and strange, as if it were framed by a man 
of recent origin, differing in no respect from 
other men, let us now briefly consider this point 
also.
2   It is admitted that when in recent times the 
appearance of our Saviour Jesus Christ had become 
known to all men there immediately made its 
appearance a new nation; a nation confessedly not 
small, and not dwelling in some corner of the 
earth, but the most numerous and pious of all 
nations,[1] indestructible and unconquerable, 
because it always receives assistance from God. 
This nation, thus suddenly appearing at the time 
appointed by the inscrutable counsel of God, is 
the one which has been honored by all with the 
name of Christ.
3   One of the prophets, when he saw beforehand 
with the eye of the Divine Spirit that which was 
to be, was so astonished at it that he cried out, 
"Who hath heard of such things, and who hath 
spoken thus? Hath the earth brought forth in one 
day, and hath a nation been born at once?"[2] And 
the same prophet gives a hint also of the name by 
which the nation was to be called, when he says, 
"Those that serve me shall be called by a new 
name, which shall be blessed upon the earth."[3]
4   But although it is clear that we are new and 
that this new name of Christians has really but 
recently been known among all nations, 
nevertheless our life and our conduct, with our 
doctrines of religion, have not been lately 
invented by us, but from the first creation of 
man, so to speak, have been established by the 
natural understanding of divinely favored men of 
old. That this is so we shall show in the 
following way.
5   That the Hebrew nation is not new, but is 
universally honored on account of its antiquity, 
is known to all. The books and writings of this 
people contain accounts of ancient men, rare 
indeed and few in number, but nevertheless 
distinguished for piety and righteousness and 
every other virtue. Of these, some excellent men 
lived before the flood, others of the sons and 
descendants of Noah lived after it, among them 
Abraham, whom the Hebrews celebrate as their own 
founder and forefather.
6   If any one should assert that all those who 
have enjoyed the testimony of righteousness, from 
Abraham himself back to the first man, were 
Christians in fact if not in name, he would not go 
beyond the truth.[4]
7   For that which the name indicates, that the 
Christian man, through the knowledge and the 
teaching of Christ, is distinguished for 
temperance and righteousness, for patience in life 
and manly virtue, and for a profession of piety 
toward the one and only God over all--all that was 
zealously practiced by them not less than by us.
8   They did not care about circumcision of the 
body, neither do we. They did not care about 
observing Sabbaths, nor do we. They did not avoid 
certain kinds of food, neither did they regard the 
other distinctions which Moses first delivered to 
their posterity to be observed as symbols; nor do 
Christians of the present day do such things. But 
they also clearly knew the very Christ of God; for 
it has already been shown that he appeared unto 
Abraham, that he imparted revelations to Isaac, 
that he talked with Jacob, that he held converse 
with Moses and with the prophets that came after.
9   Hence you will find those divinely favored men 
honored with the name of Christ, according to the 
passage which says of them, "Touch not my Christs, 
and do my prophets no harm."[5]

88

10   So that it is clearly necessary to consider 
that religion, which has lately been preached to 
all nations through the teaching of Christ, the 
first and most ancient of all religions, and the 
one discovered by those divinely favored men in 
the age of Abraham.
11   If it is said that Abraham, a long time 
afterward, was given the command of circumcision, 
we reply that nevertheless before this it was 
declared that he had received the testimony of 
righteousness through faith; as the divine word 
says, "Abraham believed in God, and it was counted 
unto him for righteousness."[6]
12   And indeed unto Abraham, who was thus before 
his circumcision a justified man, there was given 
by God, who revealed himself unto him (but this 
was Christ himself, the word of God), a prophecy 
in regard to those who in coming ages should be 
justified in the same way as he. The prophecy was 
in the following words: "And in  thee shall all 
the tribes of the earth be blessed.''[7] And 
again, "He shall become a nation great and 
numerous; and in him shall all the nations of the 
earth be blessed.''[8]
13   It is permissible to understand this as 
fulfilled in us. For he, having renounced the 
superstition of his fathers, and the former error 
of his life, and having confessed the one God over 
all, and having worshiped him with deeds of 
virtue, and not with the service of the law which 
was afterward given by Moses, was justified by 
faith in Christ, the Word of God, who appeared 
unto him. To him, then, who was a man of this 
character, it was said that all the tribes and all 
the nations of the earth should be blessed in him.
14   But that very religion of Abraham has 
reappeared at the present time, practiced in 
deeds, more efficacious than words, by Christians 
alone throughout the world.
15   What then should prevent the confession that 
we who are of Christ practice one and the same 
mode of life and have one and the same religion as 
those divinely favored men of old? Whence it is 
evident that the perfect religion committed to us 
by the teaching of Christ is not new and strange, 
but, if the truth must be spoken, it is the first 
and the true religion. This may suffice for this 
subject.

CHAPTER V.

The Time of his Appearance among Men.

1   AND now, after this necessary introduction to 
our proposed history of the Church, we can enter, 
so to speak, upon our journey, beginning with the 
appearance of our Saviour in the flesh. And we 
invoke God, the Father of the Word, and him, of 
whom we have been speaking, Jesus Christ himself 
our Saviour and Lord, the heavenly Word of God, as 
our aid and fellow-laborer in the narration of the 
truth.
2   It was in the forty-second year of the reign 
of Augustus[1] and the twenty-eighth after the 
subjugation of Egypt and the death of Antony and 
Cleopatra, with whom the dynasty of the Ptolemies 
in Egypt came to an end, that our Saviour and Lord 
Jesus Christ was born in Bethlehem of Judea, 
according to the prophecies which had been uttered 
concerning him.[2] His birth took place during the 
first census, while Cyrenius was governor of 
Syria.[3]
3   Flavius Josephus, the most celebrated of 
Hebrew historians, also mentions this census,[4] 
which was taken during Cyrenius'

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term of office. In the same connection he gives an 
account of the uprising of the Galileans, which 
took place at that time, of which also Luke, among 
our writers, has made mention in the Acts, in the 
following words: "After this man rose up Judas of 
Galilee in the days of the taxing, and drew away a 
multitude[5] after him: he also perished; and all, 
even as many as obeyed him, were dispersed."[6]
4   The above-mentioned author, in the eighteenth 
book of his Antiquities, in agreement with these 
words, adds the following, which we quote exactly: 
"Cyrenius, a member of the senate, one who had 
held other offices and had l passed through them 
all to the consulship, a man also of great dignity 
in other respects, came to Syria with a small 
retinue, being sent by C'sar to be a judge of the 
nation and to make an assessment of their 
property."[7]
5   And after a little[8] he says: "But Judas,[9] 
a Gaulonite, from a city called Gamala, taking 
with him Sadduchus,[10] a Pharisee, urged the 
people to revolt, both of them saying that the 
taxation meant nothing else than downright 
slavery, and exhorting the nation to defend their 
liberty."
6   And in the second book of his History of the 
Jewish War, he writes as follows concerning the 
same man: "At this time a certain Galilean, whose 
name was Judas, persuaded his countrymen to 
revolt, declaring that they were cowards if they 
submitted to pay tribute to the Romans, and if 
they endured, besides God, masters who were 
mortal."[11] These things are recorded by 
Josephus.

CHAPTER VI.

About the Time of Christ, in accordance with 
Prophecy, the Rulers who had governed the Fewish 
Nation in Regular Succession from the Days of 
Antiquity came to an End, and Herod, the First 
Foreigner, became King.
1   When Herod,[1] the first ruler of foreign 
blood, became King, the prophecy of Moses received 
its fulfillment, according to which there should 
"not be wanting a prince of Judah, nor a ruler 
from his loins, until he come for whom it is 
reserved."[2] The latter, he also shows, was to be 
the expectation of the nations.[3]
2   This prediction remained unfulfilled so long 
as it was permitted them to live under rulers from 
their own nation, that is, from the time of Moses 
to the reign of Augustus. Under the latter, Herod, 
the first foreigner, was given the Kingdom of the 
Jews by the Romans. As Josephus relates,[4] he was 
an Idumean[5] on his father's side and an Arabian 
on his mother's. But Africanus,[6] who was also no 
common writer, says that they who were more 
accurately informed about him report that he was a 
son of Antipater, and that the latter was the son 
of a certain Herod of Ascalon,[7] one of the 
so-called

90

servants[8] of the temple of Apollo.
3   This Antipater, having been taken a prisoner 
while a boy by Idumean robbers, lived with them, 
because his father, being a poor man, was unable 
to pay a ransom for him. Growing up in their 
practices he was afterward befriended by 
Hyrcanus,[9] the high priest of the Jews. A son of 
his was that Herod who lived in the, times of our 
Saviour.[10]
4   When the Kingdom of the Jews had devolved upon 
such a man the expectation of the nations was, 
according to prophecy, already at the door. For 
with him their princes and governors, who had 
ruled in regular succession from the time of Moses 
came to an end.
5   Before their captivity and their 
transportation to Babylon they were ruled by Saul 
first and then by David, and before the kings 
leaders governed them who were called Judges, and 
who came after Moses and his successor Jesus.
6   After their return from Babylon they continued 
to have without interruption an aristocratic form 
of government, with an oligarchy. For the priests 
had the direction of affairs until Pompey, the 
Roman general, took Jerusalem by force, and 
defiled the holy places by entering the very 
innermost sanctuary of the temple.[11] 
Aristobulus,[12] who, by the right of ancient 
succession, had been up to that time both king and 
high priest, he sent with his children in chains 
to Rome; and gave to Hyrcanus, brother of 
Aristobulus, the high priesthood, while the whole 
nation of the Jews was made tributary to the 
Romans from that time.[13]
7   But Hyrcanus, who was the last of the regular 
line of high priests, was, very soon afterward 
taken prisoner by the Parthians,[14] and Herod, 
the first foreigner, as I have already said, was 
made King of the Jewish nation by the Roman senate 
and by Augustus.
8   Under him Christ appeared in bodily shape, and 
the expected Salvation of the nations and their 
calling followed in accordance with prophecy.[15] 
From this time the princes and rulers of Judah, I 
mean of the Jewish nation, came to an end, and as 
a natural consequence the order of the high 
priesthood, which from ancient times had proceeded 
regularly in closest succession from generation to 
generation, was immediately thrown into 
confusion,[16]
9   Of these things Josephus is also a 
witness,[17] who shows that when Herod was made 
King by the Romans he no longer appointed the high 
priests from the ancient line, but gave the honor 
to certain obscure persons. A course similar to 
that of Herod in the appointment of the priests 
was pursued by his son Archelaus,[18] and after 
him by the Romans, who took the government into 
their own hands.[19]
10  The same writer shows[20] that Herod was the 
first that locked up the sacred garment of the 
high priest. under his own seal and refused to 
permit the high priests to keep it for themselves. 
The same course was followed by Archelaus after 
him, and after Archelaus by the Romans.
11  These things have been recorded by us in order 
to show that another prophecy has been fulfilled 
in the appearance of our Saviour Jesus Christ. For 
the Scripture, in the book of Daniel,[21] having 
expressly mentioned a certain number of weeks 
until the coming of Christ, of which we have 
treated in other books,[22] most clearly 
prophesies, that after the completion of those 
weeks the unction among the Jews should totally 
perish. And this, it has been clearly shown, was 
fulfilled at the time of the birth of our Saviour 
Jesus Christ. This has been neces-

91

sarily premised by us as a proof of the 
correctness of the time.

CHAPTER VII.

The Alleged Discrepancy in the Gospels in regard
to the Genealogy of Christ.

1   Matthew and Luke in their gospels have given 
us the genealogy of Christ differently, and many 
suppose that they are at variance with one 
another. Since as a consequence every believer, in 
ignorance of the truth, has been zealous to invent 
some explanation which shall harmonize the two 
passages, permit us to subjoin the account of the 
matter which has come down to us,[1] and which is 
given by Africanus, who was mentioned by us just 
above, in his epistle to Aristides,[2] where he 
discusses the harmony of the gospel genealogies. 
After refuting the opinions of others as forced 
and deceptive, he give the account which he had 
received from tradition[3] in these words: 2   
"For whereas the names of the generations were 
reckoned in Israel either according to nature or 
according to law;--according to nature by the 
succession of legitimate offspring, and according 
to law whenever another raised up a child to the 
name of a brother dying childless;[4]  for because 
a clear hope of resurrection was not yet given 
they had a representation of the future promise by 
a kind of mortal resurrection, in order that the 
name of the one deceased might be perpetuated;--
3   whereas then some of those who are inserted in 
this genealogical table succeeded by natural 
descent, the son to the father, while others, 
though born of one father, were ascribed by name 
to another, mention was made of both of those who 
were progenitors in fact and of those who were so 
only in name.
4   Thus neither of the gospels is in error, for 
one reckons by nature, the other by law. For the 
line of descent from Solomon and that from 
Nathan[5] were so involved, the one with the 
other, by the raising up of children to the 
childless and by second marriages, that the same 
persons are justly considered to belong at one 
time to one, at another time to another; that is, 
at one time to the reputed fathers, at another to 
the actual fathers. So that both these accounts 
are strictly true and come down to Joseph with 
considerable intricacy indeed, yet quite 
accurately.
5   But in order that what I have said may be made 
clear I shall explain the interchange of the 
generations. If we reckon the generations from 
David through Solomon, the third from the end is 
found to be Matthan, who begat Jacob the father of 
Joseph. But if, with Luke, we reckon them from 
Nathan the son of David, in like manner the third 
from the end is Melchi,[6] whose son Eli was the 
father of Joseph. For Joseph was the son of 
Eli,the son of Melchi.
6   Joseph therefore being the object proposed to 
us, it must be shown how it is that each is 
recorded to be his father, both Jacob, who derived 
his descent from Solomon, and Eli, who derived his 
from Nathan; first how it is that these two, Jacob 
and Eli, were brothers, and then how it is that 
their fathers, Matthan and Melchi, although of 
different families, are declared to be 
grandfathers of Joseph.
7   Matthan and Melchi having married in 
succession the same woman, begat children who were 
uterine brothers, for the law did not prohibit a 
widow, whether such by divorce or by the death of 
her husband, from marryinganother.
8   By Estha[7] then (for this was the woman's 
name according to tradition) Matthan, a descendant 
of Solomon, first begat Jacob.

92

And when Matthan was dead, Melchi, who traced his 
descent back to Nathan, being of the same tribe[8] 
but of another family,[9] married her as before 
said, and begat a son Eli.
9   Thus we shall find the two, Jacob and Eli, 
although belonging to different families, yet 
brethren by the same mother. Of these the one, 
Jacob, when his brother Eli had died childless, 
took the latter's wife and begat by her a son to 
Joseph, his own son by nature n and in accordance 
with reason. Wherefore also it is written: 'Jacob 
begat Joseph.'[12] But according to law[13] he was 
the son of Eli, for Jacob, being the brother of 
the latter, raised up seed to him.
10   Hence the genealogy traced through him will 
not be rendered void, which the evangelist Matthew 
in his enumeration gives thus: 'Jacob begat 
Joseph.' But Luke, on the other hand, says: 'Who 
was the son, as was supposed'[14] (for this he 
also adds), 'of Joseph, the son of Eli, the son of 
Melchi'; for he could not more clearly express the 
generation according to law. And the expression 
'he begat' he has omitted in his genealogical 
table up to the end, tracing the genealogy back to 
Adam the son of God. This interpretation is 
neither incapable of proof nor is it an idle 
conjecture.[15]
11   For the relatives of our Lord according to 
the flesh, whether with the desire of boasting or 
simply wishing to state the fact, in either case 
truly, have banded down the following account:[16] 
Some Idumean robbers,[17] having attacked Ascalon, 
a city of Palestine, carried away from a temple of 
Apollo which stood near the walls, in addition to 
other booty, Antipater, son of a certain temple 
slave named Herod. And since the priest[18] was 
not able to pay the ransom for his son, Antipater 
was brought up in the customs of the Idumeans, and 
afterward was befriended by Hyrcanus, the high 
priest of the Jews.
12   And having, been sent by Hyrcanus on an 
embassy to Pompey, and having restored to

93

him the kingdom which had been invaded by his 
brother Aristobulus, he had the good fortune to be 
named procurator of Palestine.[19] But Antipater 
having been slain by those who were envious of his 
great good fortune[20] was succeeded by his son 
Herod, who was afterward, by a decree of the 
senate, made King of the Jews[21] under Antony and 
Augustus. His sons were Herod and the other 
tetrarchs.[22] These accounts agree also with 
those of the Greeks.[23]
13   But as there had been kept in the 
archives[24] up to that time the genealogies of 
the Hebrews as well as of those who traced their 
lineage back to proselytes,[25] such as Achior 
[26] the Ammonite and Ruth the Moabitess, and to 
those who were mingled with the Israelites and 
came out of Egypt with them, Herod, inasmuch as 
the lineage of the Israelites contributed nothing 
to his advantage, and since he was goaded with the 
consciousness of his own ignoble extraction, 
burned all the genealogical records,[27] thinking 
that he might appear of noble origin if no one 
else were able, from the public registers, to 
trace back his lineage to the patriarchs or 
proselytes and to those mingled with them, who 
were called Georae.[28]
14   A few of the careful, however, having 
obtained private records of their own, either by 
remembering the names or by getting them in some 
other way from the registers, pride themselves on 
preserving the memory of their noble extraction. 
Among these are those already mentioned, called 
Desposyni,[29] on account of their connection with 
the family of the Saviour. Coming from Nazara and 
Cochaba,[30]  villages of Judea,[31] into other 
parts of the world, they drew the aforesaid 
genealogy from memory[32]  and from the book of 
daily records[33] as faithfully as  possible.
15   Whether then the case stand thus or not no 
one could find a clearer explanation, according to 
my own opinion and that of every candid person. 
And let this suffice us,

94

for, although we can urge no testimony in its 
support,[34] we have nothing. better or truer to 
offer. In any case the Gospel states the truth." 
And at the end of the same epistle he adds these 
words: "Matthan, who was descended from Solomon, 
begat Jacob. And when Matthan was dead, Melchi, 
who was descended from Nathan begat Eli by the 
same woman. Eli and Jacob were thus uterine 
brothers. Eli having died childless, Jacob raised 
up seed to him, begetting Joseph, his own son by 
nature, but by law the son of Eli. Thus Joseph was 
the son of both."
17   Thus far Africanus. And the lineage of Joseph 
being thus traced, Mary also is virtually shown to 
be of the same tribe with him, since, according to 
the law of Moses, inter-marriages between 
different tribes were not permitted.[35] For the 
command is to marry one of the same family[36] and 
lineage,[37] so that the inheritance may not pass 
from tribe to tribe. This may suffice here.

CHAPTER VIII.

The Cruelty of Herod toward the Infants, and
the Manner of his Death.

1   When Christ was born, according to the 
prophecies, in Bethlehem of Judea, at the time 
indicated, Herod was not a little disturbed by the 
enquiry of the magi who came from the east, asking 
where he who was born King of the Jews was to be 
found,--for they had seen his star, and this was 
their reason for taking so long a journey; for 
they earnestly desired to worship the infant as 
God,[1]-- for he imagined that his kingdom might 
be endangered; and he enquired therefore of the 
doctors of the law, who belonged to the Jewish 
nation, where they expected Christ to be born. 
When he learned that the prophecy of Micah[2] 
announced that Bethlehem was to be his birthplace 
he commanded, in a single edict, all the male 
infants in  Bethlehem, and all its borders, that 
were two  years of age or less, according to the 
time which he had accurately ascertained from the 
magi, to be slain, supposing that Jesus, as was 
indeed likely, would share the same fate as the 
others of his own age.
2   But the child anticipated the snare, being 
carried into Egypt by his parents, who had learned 
from an angel that appeared unto them what was 
about to happen, These things are recorded by the 
Holy Scriptures in the Gospel.[3]
3   It is worth while, in addition to this, to 
observe the reward which Herod received for his 
daring crime against Christ and those of the same 
age. For immediately, without the least delay, the 
divine vengeance overtook him while he was still 
alive, and gave him a foretaste of what he was to 
receive after death.
4   It is not possible to relate here how he 
tarnished the supposed felicity of his reign by 
successive calamities in his family, by the murder 
of wife and children, and others of his nearest 
relatives and dearest friends.[4] The account, 
which casts every other tragic drama into the 
shade, is detailed at length in the histories of 
Josephus.[5] 5   How, immediately after his crime 
against our Saviour and the other infants, the 
punishment sent by God drove him on to his death, 
we can best learn from the words of that historian 
who, in the seventeenth book of his Antiquities of 
the Jews, writes as follows concerning his 
end:[6]"
6   But the disease of Herod grew more severe, God 
inflicting punishment for his crimes. For a slow 
fire burned in him which was not so apparent to 
those who touched him, but augmented his internal 
distress; for he had a terrible desire for food 
which it was not possible to resist. He was 
affected also with ulceration of the intestines, 
and with especially severe pains in the colon, 
while a watery and transparent humor settled about 
his feet.
7   He suffered also from a similar trouble in his 
abdomen. Nay more, his privy member was putrefied 
and produced worms. He found also excessive 
difficulty in breathing, and it was particularly 
disagreeable because of the offensive-

95

ness of the odor and the rapidity of respiration.
8   He had convulsions also in every limb, which 
gave him uncontrollable strength. It was said, 
indeed, by those who possessed the power of 
divination and wisdom to explain such events, that 
God had inflicted this punishment upon the King on 
account of his great impiety."
9   The writer mentioned above recounts these 
things in the work referred to. And in the second 
book of his History he gives a similar account of 
the same Herod, which runs as follows:[7] "The 
disease then seized upon his whole body and 
distracted it by various torments. For he had a 
slow fever, and the itching of the skin of his 
whole body was insupportable. He suffered also 
from continuous pains in his colon, and there were 
swellings on his feet like those of a person 
suffering from dropsy, while his abdomen was 
inflamed and his privy member so putrefied as to 
produce worms. Besides this he could breathe only 
in an upright posture, and then only with 
difficulty, and he had convulsions in all his 
limbs, so that the diviners said that his diseases 
were a punishment.[8] 10   But he, although 
wrestling with such sufferings, nevertheless clung 
to life and hoped for safety, and devised methods 
of cure. For instance, crossing over Jordan he 
used the warm baths at Callirhoë,[9] which flow 
into the Lake Asphaltites,[10] but are themselves 
sweet enough to drink.
11   His physicians here thought that they could 
warm his whole body again by means of heated oil. 
But when they had let him down into a tub filled 
with oil, his eyes became weak and turned up like 
the eyes of a dead person. But when his attendants 
raised an outcry, he recovered at the noise; but 
finally, despairing of a cure, he commanded about 
fifty drachms to be distributed among the 
soldiers, and great sums to be given to his 
generals 12 and friends.
12   Then returning he came to Jericho, where, 
being seized with melancholy, he planned to commit 
an impious deed, as if challenging death itself. 
For, collecting from every town the most 
illustrious men of all Judea, he commanded that 
they be shut up in the so-called hippodrome. 13   
And having summoned Salome,[11] his sister, and 
her husband, Alexander,[12]  he said: 'I know that 
the Jews will rejoice at my death. But I may be 
lamented by others and have a splendid funeral if 
you are willing to perform my commands. When I 
shall expire surround these men, who are now under 
guard, as quickly as possible with soldiers, and 
slay them, in order that all Judea and every house 
may weep for me even against their will.'"[13] And 
after a little Josephus says,
14   "And again he was so tortured by want of food 
and by a convulsive cough that, overcome by his 
pains,  he planned to anticipate his fate. Taking 
an  apple he asked also for a knife, for he was 
accustomed to cut apples and eat them. Then 
looking round to see that there was no one to 
hinder, he raised his right hand as if to stab 
himself."[14]
15   In addition to these things the same writer 
records that he slew another of his own sons[13] 
before his death, the third one slain by his 
command, and that immediately afterward he 
breathed his last, not without excessive pain.
16   Such was the end of Herod, who suffered a 
just punishment for his slaughter of the children 
of Bethlehem,[16] which was the result of his 
plots against our Saviour.
17   After this an angel appeared in a dream to 
Joseph in Egypt and commanded him to go to Judea 
with the child and its mother, revealing to him 
that those who had sought the life of the child 
were dead.[7] To this the evangelist adds, "But 
when he heard that Archelaus did reign in the room 
of his father Herod he was afraid to go thither; 
notwithstanding being warned of God in a dream he 
turned aside into the parts of Galilee."[18]

96

CHAPTER IX.
The Times of Pilate.

THE historian already mentioned agrees with the 
evangelist in regard to the fact that Archelaus[1] 
succeeded to the government after Herod. He 
records the manner in which he received the 
kingdom of the Jews by the will of his father 
Herod and by the decree of C'sar Augustus, and 
how, after he had reigned ten years, he lost his 
kingdom, and his brothers Philip[2] and Herod the 
younger,[3] with Lysanias,[4] still ruled their 
own tetrarchies. The same writer, in the 
eighteenth book of his Antiquities,[5] says that 
about the twelfth year of the reign of 
Tiberius,[6] who had succeeded to the empire after 
Augustus had ruled fifty-seven years,[7] Pontius 
Pilate was entrusted with the government of Judea, 
and that he remained there ten full years, almost 
until the death of Tiberius.
2   Accordingly the forgery of those who have 
recently given currency to acts against our 
Saviour[8] is clearly proved. For the very date 
given in them[9] shows the falsehood of their 
fabricators.
3   For the things which they have dared to say 
concerning the passion of the Saviour are put into 
the fourth consulship of Tiberius, which occurred 
in the seventh year of his reign; at which time it 
is plain that Pilate was not yet ruling in Judea, 
if the testimony of Josephus is to be believed, 
who clearly shows in the above-mentioned work[10] 
that Pilate was made procurator of Judea by 
Tiberius in the twelfth year of his reign.

CHAPTER, X.

The High Priests of the Jews under whom 
Christtaught.

1   IT was in the fifteenth year of the reign of 
Tiberius,[1] according to the evangelist, and in 
the fourth year of the governorship of Pontius 
Pilate,[2] while Herod and Lysanias and Philip 
were ruling the rest of Judea,[3] that our Saviour 
and Lord, Jesus the Christ of God, being about 
thirty years of age,[4] came to John for baptism 
and began the promulgation of the Gospel.
2   The Divine Scripture says, moreover, that he 
passed the entire time of his ministry under the 
high priests Annas and Caiaphas,[5] showing that 
in the time which be-

97

longed to the priesthood of those two men the 
whole period of his teaching was completed. Since 
he began his work during the high priesthood of 
Annas and taught until Caiaphas held the office, 
the entire time does not comprise quite four 
years.
3   For the rites of the law having been already 
abolished since that time, the customary usages in 
connection with the worship of God, according to 
which the high priest acquired his office by 
hereditary descent and held it for life, were also 
annulled and there were appointed to the high 
priesthood by the Roman governors now one and now 
another person who continued in office not more 
than one year.[6]
4   Josephus relates that there were four high 
priests in succession from Annas to Caiaphas. Thus 
in the same book of the Antiquities[7] he writes 
as follows: "Valerius Graters[8] having put an end 
to the priesthood of Ananus[9] appoints 
Ishmael,[10] the son of Fabi, high priest. And 
having removed him after a little he appoints 
Eleazer,[11] the son of Ananus the high priest, to 
the same office. And having removed him also at 
the end of a year he gives the high priesthood to 
Simon,[12] the son of Camithus. But he likewise 
held the honor no more than a year, when Josephus, 
called also Caiaphas,[13] succeeded him." 
Accordingly the whole time of our Saviour's 
ministry is shown to have been not quite four full 
years, four high priests, from Annas to the 
accession of Caiaphas, having held office a year 
each. The Gospel therefore has rightly indicated 
Caiaphas as the high priest under whom the Saviour 
suffered. From which also we can see that the time 
of our Saviour's ministry does not disagree with 
the foregoing investigation.
5   Our Saviour and Lord, not long after the 5 
beginning of his ministry, called the twelve 
apostles,[14] and these alone of all his disciples 
he named apostles, as an especial honor. And again 
he appointed seventy others whom he sent out two 
by two before his face into every place and city 
whither he himself was about to come.[15]

CHAPTER XI.

Testimonies in Regard to John the Baptist and
Christ.

1   NOT long after this John the Baptist was 
beheaded by the younger Herod,[1] as is stated in 
the Gospels.[2] Josephus also records the same 
fact,[3] making mention of Herodias[4]  by name, 
and stating that, although she was the wife of his 
brother, Herod made her his own wife after 
divorcing his former lawful wife, who was the 
daughter of Aretas,[5] king of Petra, and 
separating Herodias from her husband while he was 
still alive.
2   It was on her account also that he slew John, 
and waged war with Aretas, because of the disgrace 
inflicted on the daughter of the latter. Josephus 
relates that in this war, when they came to 
battle, Herod's entire army was destroyed,[6] and 
that he suffered this calamity on account of his 
crime against John.
3   The same Josephus confesses in this account 
that John the Baptist was an exceedingly righteous 
man, and thus agrees with the things written of 
him in the Gospels. He records also that Herod 
lost his kingdom on account of

98

the same Herodias, and that he was driven into 
banishment with her, and condemned to live at 
Vienne in Gaul.[7]
4   He relates these things in the eighteenth book 
of the Antiquities, where he writes of John in the 
following words:[8] "It seemed to some of the Jews 
that the army of Herod was destroyed by God, who 
most justly avenged John called the Baptist.
5   For Herod slew him, a good man and one who 
exhorted the Jews to come and receive baptism, 
practicing virtue and exercising righteousness 
toward each other and toward God; for baptism 
would appear acceptable unto Him when they 
employed it, not for the remission of certain 
sins, but for the purification of the body, as the 
soul had been already purified in righteousness.
6   And when others gathered about him (for they 
found much pleasure in listening to his words), 
Herod feared that his great influence might lead 
to some sedition, for they appeared ready to do 
whatever he might advise. He therefore considered 
it much better, before any new thing should be 
done under John's influence, to anticipate it by 
slaying him, than to repent after revolution had 
come, and when he found himself in the midst of 
difficulties.[9] On account of Herod's suspicion 
John was sent in bonds to the above-mentioned 
citadel of Mach'ra,[10] and there slain."
7   After relating these things concerning John, 
he makes mention of our Saviour in the same work, 
in the following words:[11] "And there lived at 
that time Jesus, a wise man, if indeed it be 
proper to call him a man. For he was a doer of 
wonderful works, and a teacher of such men as 
receive the truth in gladness. And he attached to 
himself many of the Jews, and many also of the 
Greeks. He was the Christ.
8   When Pilate, on the accusation of our 
principal men, condemned him to the cross, those 
who had loved him in the beginning did not cease 
loving him. For he appeared unto them again alive 
on the third day, the divine prophets having told 
these and countless other wonderful things 
concerning him. Moreover, the race of Christians, 
named after him, continues down to the present 
day."
9   Since an historian, who is one of the Hebrews 
themselves, has recorded in his work these things 
concerning John the Baptist and our Saviour, what 
excuse is there left for not convicting them of 
being destitute of all shame, who have forged the 
acts against them?[12] But let this suffice here.

CHAPTER XII.

The Disciples of our Saviour.

1   THE names of the apostles of our Saviour are 
known to every one from the Gospels.[1] But there 
exists no catalogue of the seventy disciples.[2] 
Barnabas, indeed, is said to have been one of 
them, of whom the Acts of the apostles makes 
mention in various places,[3]

99

and especially Paul in his Epistle to the 
Galatians.[4]
2   They say that Sosthenes also, who wrote to  
the Corinthians with Paul, was one of them.[5]  
This is the account of Clement[6] in the fifth  
book of his Hypotyposes, in which he also says 
that Cephas was one of the seventy disciples,[7] a 
man who bore the same name as the apostle Peter, 
and the one concerning whom Paul says, "When 
Cephas came to Antioch I withstood him to his 
face."[8]
3     Matthias,[9] also, who was numbered with the 
apostles in the place of Judas, and the one who 
was honored by being made a candidate with 
him,[10] are like-wise said to have been deemed 
worthy of the same calling with the seventy. They 
say that Thaddeus[11] also was one of them, 
concerning whom I shall presently relate an 
account which has come down to us.[12] And upon 
examination you will find that our Saviour had 
more than seventy disciples, according to the 
testimony of Paul, who says that after his 
resurrection from the dead he appeared first to 
Cephas, then to the twelve, and after them to 
above five hundred brethren at once, of whom some 
had fallen asleep;[13] but the majority were still 
living 4 at the time he wrote.
4    Afterwards he says he appeared unto James, 
who was one of the so-called brethren of the 
Saviour.[14] But, since in addition to these, 
there were many others who were called apostles, 
in imitation of the Twelve, as was Paul himself, 
he adds: "Afterward he appeared to all the 
apostles."[15] So much in regard to these persons. 
But the story concerning Thaddeus is as follows.

100

CHAPTER XIII.

Narrative concerning the Prince of the Edessences.
1   The divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus 
Christ being noised abroad among all men on 
account of his wonder-working power, he attracted 
countless numbers from foreign countries lying far 
away from Judea, who had the opening of being 
cured of their diseases and of all kinds of 
sufferings.
2    For instance the King Abgarus,[1] who ruled 
with great
glory the nations beyond the Euphrates, being 
afflicted with a terrible disease which it was 
beyond the power of human skill to cure, when he 
heard of the name of Jesus, and of his miracles, 
which were attested by all with one accord sent a 
message to him by a courier and begged him to heal 
his disease.
3    But he did not at that time comply with his 
request; yet he deemed him worthy of a personal 
letter in which he said that he would send one of 
his disciples to cure his disease, and at the same 
time promised salvation to himself and all his 
house.
4    Not long afterward his  promise was 
fulfilled. For after his resurrection from the 
dead and his ascent into heaven, Thomas,[2] one of 
the twelve apostles, under divine impulse sent 
Thaddeus, who was also numbered among the seventy 
disciples of Christ,[3] to Edessa,[4] as a 
preacher and evangelist of the teaching of Christ.
5    And all that our Saviour had promised 
received through him its fulfillment. You have 
written evidence of these things taken from the 
archives of Edessa,[5] which was at that time a 
royal city. For in the public registers there, 
which contain accounts of ancient times and the 
acts of Abgarus, these things have been found 
preserved down to the present time. But there is 
no better way than to hear the epistles themselves 
which we have taken from the archives and have 
literally translated from the Syriac language[6] 
in the following manner. Copy of an epistle 
written by Abgarus the ruler to Jesus, tend sent 
to him at Jerusalem by Ananias[7] the swift 
courier.
6   "Abgarus, ruler Of Edessa, to Jesus the 6 
excellent Saviour who has appeared in the country 
of Jerusalem, greeting. I have heard the reports 
of thee and of thy cures as performed by thee 
without medicines or herbs. For it is said that 
thou makest the blind to see and the lame to walk, 
that thou cleansest lepers and castest out impure 
spirits and demons, and that thou healest those 
afflicted with lingering disease, and raisest the 
dead.
7    And having heard all these things concerning 
thee, I have concluded that one of two things must 
be true: either thou art God, and having come down 
from heaven thou doest these things, or else thou, 
who doest these things, art the Son of God.[8]
8   I have therefore written to thee to ask thee 
that thou wouldest take the trouble to come to me 
and heal the disease which I have. For I have 
heard that the Jews are murmuring against thee and 
are plotting to injure thee. But I have a very 
small yet noble city which is great enough for us 
both."

101

The answer of Jesus to the ruler Abgarus by the
courier Ananias.

9  "Blessed art thou who hast believed in me 
without having seen me.[9] For it is written 
concerning me, that they who have seen me will not 
believe in me, and that they who have not seen me 
will believe and be saved.[10] But in regard to 
what thou hast written me, that I should come to 
thee, it is necessary for me to fulfill all things 
here for which I have been sent, and after I have 
fulfilled them thus to be taken up again to him 
that sent me. But after I have been taken up I 
will send to thee one of my disciples, that he may 
heal thy disease and give life to thee and thine."
10  To these epistles there was added the 
following account in the Syriac language. "After 
the ascension of Jesus, Judas,[11] who was also 
called Thomas, sent to him Thaddeus, an 
apostle,[12] one of the Seventy. When he was come 
he lodged with Tobias,[13] the son of Tobias. When 
the report of him got abroad, it was told Abgarus 
that an apostle of Jesus was come, as he had 
written him.
11   Thaddeus began then in the power of God to 
heal every disease and infirmity, insomuch that 
all wondered. And when Abgarus heard of the great 
and wonderful things which he did and of the cures 
which he performed, he began to suspect that he 
was the one of whom Jesus had written him, saying, 
'After I have been taken up I will send to thee 
one of my disciples who will heal thee.'
12    Therefore, summoning Tobias, with whom 
Thaddeus lodged, he said, I have heard that a 
certain man of power has come and is lodging in 
thy house. Bring him to me. And Tobias coming to 
Thaddeus said to him, The ruler Abgarus summoned 
me and told me to bring thee to him that thou 
mightest heal him. And Thaddeus said, I will go, 
for I have been sent to him with power.
13   Tobias therefore arose early on the following 
day, and taking Thaddeus came to Abgarus. And when 
he came, the nobles were present and stood about 
Abgarus. And immediately upon his entrance a great 
vision appeared to Abgarus in the countenance of 
the apostle Thaddeus. When Abgarus saw it he 
prostrated himself before Thaddeus, while all 
those who stood about were astonished; for they 
did not see the vision, which appeared to Abgarus 
alone.
14    He then asked Thaddeus if he were in truth a 
disciple of Jesus the Son of God, who had said to 
him, 'I will send thee one of my disciples, who 
shall heal thee and give thee life.' And Thaddeus 
said, Because thou hast mightily believed in him 
that sent me, therefore have I 'been sent unto 
thee. And still further, if thou believest in him, 
the petitions of thy heart shall be granted thee 
as thou believest.
15     And Abgarus said to him, So much have I 
believed in him that I wished to take an army and 
destroy those Jews who crucified him, had I not 
been deterred from it by reason of the dominion of 
the Romans. And Thaddeus said, Our Lord has 
fulfilled the will of his Father, and having 
fulfilled it has been taken up to his Father. And 
Abgarus said to him, I too have believed in him 
and in his Father.
16    And Thaddeus said to him, Therefore I place 
my hand upon thee in his name. And when he had 
done it, immediately Abgarus was cured of the 
disease and of the suffering which he had.
17    And Abgarus marvelled, that as he had heard 
concerning Jesus, so he had received in very deed 
through his disciple Thaddeus, who healed him 
without medicines and herbs, and not only him, but 
also Abdus[14] the son of Abdus, who was afflicted 
with the gout; for he too came to him and fell at 
his feet, and having received a benediction by the 
imposition of his hands, he was healed. The same 
Thaddeus cured also many other inhabitants of the 
city, and did wonders and marvelous works, and 
preached

102

18 the word of God. And afterward Abgarus said, 
Thou, O Thaddeus, doest these things with the 
power of God, and we marvel. But, in addition to 
these things, I pray thee to inform me in regard 
to the coming of Jesus, how he was born; and in 
regard to his power, by what power he performed 
those deeds of which I have heard.
19    And Thaddeus said, Now indeed will I keep 
silence, since I have
been sent to proclaim the word publicly. But 
to-morrow assemble for me all thy citizens, and I 
will preach in their presence and sow among them 
the word of God, concerning the coming of Jesus, 
how he was born; and concerning his mission, for 
what purpose he was sent by the Father; and 
concerning the power of his works, and the 
mysteries which he proclaimed in the world, and by 
what power he did these things; and concerning his 
new preaching, and his abasement and humiliation, 
and how he humbled himself, and died and debased 
his divinity and was crucified, and descended into 
Hades,[15] and burst the bars which from eternity 
had not been broken,[16] and raised the dead; for 
he descended alone, but rose with many, and thus 
ascended to his Father.[17]
20   Abgarus 20 therefore commanded the citizens 
to assemble early in the morning to hear the 
preaching of Thaddeus, and afterward he ordered 
gold and silver to be given him. But he refused to 
take it, saying, If we have forsaken that which 
was our own, how shall we take that which is 
another's? These things were done in the three 
hundred and  fortieth year."[18]
I have inserted them here in their proper place, 
translated from the Syriac[19] literally, and I 
hope to good purpose.

BOOK II.

INTRODUCTION.

1   WE have discussed in the preceding book those 
subjects in ecclesiastical history which it was 
necessary to treat by way of introduction, and 
have accompanied them with brief proofs. Such were 
the divinity of the saving Word, and the antiquity 
of the doctrines which we teach, as well as of 
that evangelical life which is led by Christians, 
together with the events which have taken place in 
connection with Christ's recent appearance, and in 
connection with his passion and with the choice of 
the apostles.
2    In the present book let us examine the events 
which took place after his ascension, confirming 
some of them from the divine Scriptures, and 
others from such writings as we shall refer to 
from time to time.

CHAffER I.

The Course pursued by the Apostles after the
Ascension of Christ.

1   First, then, in the place of Judas, the 
betrayer, Matthias,[1] who, as has been shown[2] 
was also one of the Seventy, was chosen to the 
apostolate. And there were appointed to the 
diaconate,[2a] for the service of the 
congregation, by prayer and the laying on of the 
hands of the apostles, approved men,

104

seven in number, of whom Stephen was one.[3] He 
first, after the Lord, was stoned to death at the 
time of his ordination by the slayers of the Lord, 
as if he had been promoted for this very 
purpose.[4] And thus he was the first to receive 
the crown, corresponding to his name,[5] which 
belongs to the martyrs of Christ, who are worthy 
of the meed of victory. 2    Then James, whom the 
ancients surnamed the Just[6] on account of the 
excellence of his virtue, is recorded to have been 
the first to be made bishop of the church of 
Jerusalem. This James was called the brother of 
the Lord[7] because he was known as a son of 
Joseph,[8] and Joseph was supposed to be the 
father of Christ, because the Virgin, being 
betrothed to him, "was found with child by the 
Holy Ghost before they came together,"[9] as the 
account of the holy Gospels shows.
3     But Clement in the sixth book of his 
Hypotyposes[10] writes thus: "For they say that 
Peter and James and John after the ascension of 
our Saviour, as if also preferred by our Lord, 
strove not after honor, but chose James the Just 
bishop of Jerusalem."[11]
4    But the same writer, in the seventh book of 
the same work, relates also the following things 
concerning him: "The Lord after his resurrection 
imparted knowledge to James the Just and to John 
and Peter, and they imparted it to the rest of the 
apostles, and the rest of the apostles to the 
seventy, of whom Barnabas was one.[12] But there 
were two Jameses:[13] one called the Just, who was 
thrown from the pinnacle of the temple and was 
beaten to death with a club by a fuller,[14] and 
another who was beheaded."[15] Paul also makes 
mention of the same James the Just, where he 
writes, "Other of the apostles saw I none, save 
James the Lord's brother."[16]
5    At that time also the promise of our Saviour 
to the king of the Osrhoenians was fulfilled. For 
Thomas, under a divine impulse, sent Thaddeus to 
Edessa as a preacher and evangelist of the 
religion of Christ, as we have shown a little 
above from the document found there?
7    When he came to that place he healed Abgarus 
by the word of Christ; and after bringing all the 
people there into the right attitude of mind by 
means of his works, and leading them to adore the 
power of Christ, he made them disciples of the 
Saviour's teaching. And from that time down to the 
present the whole city of the Edessenes has been 
devoted to the name of Christ,[18] offering no 
common proof of the beneficence of our Saviour
toward them also.
8    These things have been drawn from ancient 
accounts; but let us now turn again to the divine 
Scripture. When the first and greatest persecution 
was instigated by the Jews against the church of 
Jerusalem in connection with the martyrdom of 
Stephen, and when all the disciples, except the 
Twelve, were scattered throughout Judea and 
Samaria,[19] some, as the divine Scripture says, 
went as far as Phoenicia and Cyprus and Antioch, 
but could not yet venture to impart the word of 
faith to the nations, and therefore preached it to 
the Jews alone.[20]
9    During this time Paul was still persecuting 
the church, and entering the houses of believers 
was dragging men and women away and committing 
them to prison.[21]
10     Philip also, one of those who with Stephen 
had been entrusted with the diaconate, being among 
those who were scattered abroad, went down to 
Samaria,[22] and being filled with the divine 
power, he first preached the word to the 
inhabitants of that country. And divine grace 
worked so mightily with him that even Simon Magus 
with many others was attracted by his

105

11 words.[23] Simon was at that time so 
celebrated, and had acquired, by his jugglery, 
such influence over those who were deceived by 
him, that he was thought to be the great power of 
God.[24] But at this time, being amazed at the 
wonderful deeds wrought by Philip through the 
divine power, he reigned and counterfeited faith 
in Christ, even going so far as to receive 
baptism.[25]
12   And what is surprising, the same thing is 
done even to this day by those who follow his most 
impure heresy.[26] For they, after the manner of 
their forefather, slipping into the Church, like a 
pestilential and leprous disease greatly afflict 
those into whom they are able to infuse the deadly 
and terrible poison concealed in themselves.[27] 
The most of these have been expelled as soon as 
they have been caught in their wickedness, as 
Simon himself, when detected by Peter, received 
the merited punishment.[28] 
13   But as the preaching of the Saviour's   
Gospel was daily advancing, a certain providence 
led from the land of the Ethiopians an officer of 
the queen of that country,[29] for Ethiopia even 
to the present day is ruled, according to 
ancestral custom, by a woman. He, first among the 
Gentiles, received of the mysteries of the divine 
word from Philip in consequence of a revelation, 
and having become the first-fruits of believers 
throughout the world, he is said to have been the 
first on returning to his country to proclaim the 
knowledge of the God of the universe and the 
life-giving sojourn of our Saviour among men;[30]  
so that through him in truth the prophecy obtained 
its fulfillment, which declares that "Ethiopia 
stretcheth out her hand unto God."[31]
14   In addition to these, Paul, that "chosen 
vessel,"[32] "not of men neither through men, but 
by the revelation of Jesus Christ himself and of 
God the Father who raised him from the dead,"[33] 
was appointed an apostle, being made worthy of the 
call by a vision and by a voice which was uttered 
in a revelation from heaven.[34]

CHAPTER II.

How Tiberius was affected when informed by 
Pilate concerning Christ.

1   AND when the wonderful resurrection and 
ascension of our Saviour were already noised 
abroad, in accordance with an ancient custom which 
prevailed among the rulers of the provinces, of 
reporting to the emperor the novel occurrences 
which took place in them, in order that nothing 
might escape him, Pontius Pilate informed 
Tiberius[1] of the reports which were noised 
abroad through all Palestine concerning the 
resurrection of our Saviour Jesus from the dead.
2    He gave an account also of other wonders 
which he had learned of him, and how, after his 
death, having risen from the dead, he was now 
believed by many to be a God.[2] They say that 
Tiberius referred the matter to the Senate,[3] but 
that they rejected it, ostensibly because they had 
not first examined into the matter (for an ancient 
law prevailed

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that no one should be made a God by the Romans 
except by a vote and decree of the Senate), but in 
reality because the saving teaching of the divine 
Gospel did not need the confirmation and 
recommendation of men.
3   But although the Senate of the Romans rejected 
the proposition made in regard to our Saviour, 
Tiberius still retained the opinion which he had 
held at first, and contrived no hostile measures 
against Christ.[4] 4   These things are recorded 
by Tertullian,[5] a man well versed in the laws of 
the Romans,[6] and in other respects of high 
repute, and one of those especially distinguished 
in Rome.[7] In his apology for the Christians,[8] 
which was written by him in the Latin language, 
and has been translated into Greek,[9] he writes 
as follows:[10]
5    "But in order that we may give an account of 
these laws from their origin, it was an ancient 
decree n that no one should be consecrated a God 
by the emperor until the Senate had expressed its 
approval. Marcus Aurelius did thus concerning a 
certain idol, Alburnus.[12] And this is a point in 
favor of our doctrine,[13] that among you divine 
dignity is conferred by human decree. If a God 
does not please a man he is not made a God. Thus, 
according to this custom, it is necessary for man 
to be gracious to God.
6    Tiberius, therefore, under whom the name of 
Christ made its entry into the world, when this 
doctrine was reported to him from Palestine, where 
it first began, communicated with the Senate, 
making it clear to them that he was pleased with 
the doctrine.[14] But the Senate, since it had not 
itself proved the matter, rejected it. But 
Tiberius continued to hold his own opinion, and 
threatened death to the accusers of the 
Christians."[15] Heavenly providence had wisely 
instilled this into his mind in order that the 
doctrine of the Gospel, unhindered at its 
beginning, might spread in all directions 
throughout the world.

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CHAPTER III.

The Doctrine of Christ soon spread throughout
All the World.

1   THUS, under the influence of heavenly power, 
and with the divine co-operation, the doctrine of 
the Saviour, like the rays of the sun, quickly 
illumined the whole world;[1] and straightway, in 
accordance with the divine Scriptures,[2] the 
voice of the inspired evangelists and apostles 
went forth through all the earth, and their words 
to the end of the world.
2   In every city and village, churches were 
quickly established, filled with multitudes of 
people like a replenished threshing-floor. And 
those whose minds, in consequence of errors which 
had descended to them from their forefathers, were 
fettered by the ancient disease of idolatrous 
superstition, were, by the power of Christ 
operating through the teaching and the wonderful 
works of his disciples, set free, as it were, from 
terrible masters, and found a release from the 
most cruel bondage. They renounced with abhorrence 
every species of demoniacal polytheism, and 
confessed that there was only one God, the creator 
of all things, and him they honored with the rites 
of true piety, through the inspired and rational 
worship which has been planted by our Saviour 
among men.
3    But the divine grace being now poured out 
upon the rest of the nations Cornelius, of C'sarea 
in Palestine, with his whole house, through a 
divine revelation and the agency of Peter, first 
received faith in Christ;[3] and after him a 
multitude of other Greeks in Antioch,[4] to whom 
those who were scattered by the persecution of 
Stephen had preached the Gospel. When the church 
of Antioch was now increasing and abounding, and a 
multitude of prophets from Jerusalem were on the 
ground,[5] among them Barnabas and Paul and in 
addition many other brethren, the name of 
Christians first sprang up there,[6] as from a 
fresh and life-giving fountain.[7]And Agabus, one 
of the prophets who was with them, uttered a 
prophecy concerning the famine which was about to 
take place,[8] and Paul and Barnabas were sent to 
relieve the necessities of the brethren.[9] 

CHAPTER IV.

After the Death of Tiberius, Caius appointed
Agrippa King of the Jews, having punished Herod 
with Perpetual Exile. Tiberius died, after having 
reigned about twenty-two years,[1] and Caius 
succeeded him in the empire.[2] He immediately 
gave the government of the Jews to Agrippa,[3] 
making him king over the tetrarchies of Philip and 
of Ly-sanias; in addition to which he bestowed 
upon him, not long afterward, the tetrarchy of 
Herod,[4] having punished Herod (the one under 
whom the Saviour suffered[5]) and his wife 
Herodias with perpetual exile[6] on account of 
numerous crimes. Josephus is a witness to these 
facts.[7] Under this emperor, Philo[8] became 
known; 

108

a man most celebrated not only among many of our 
own, but also among many scholars without the 
Church. He was a Hebrew by birth, but was inferior 
to none of those who held high dignities in 
Alexandria. How exceedingly he labored in the 
Scriptures and in the studies of his nation is 
plain to all from the work which he has done. How 
familiar he was with philosophy and with the 
liberal studies of foreign nations, it is not 
necessary to say, since he is reported to have 
surpassed all his contemporaries in the study of 
Platonic and Pythagorean. philosophy, to which he 
particularly devoted his attention.[9]

CHAPTER V.

Philo's Embassy to Caius in Behalf of the Jews.

1   PHILO has given us an account, in five books, 
of the misfortunes of the Jews under Caius.[1] He 
recounts at the same time the madness of Caius: 
how he called himself a god, and performed as 
emperor innumerable acts of tyranny; and he 
describes further the miseries of the Jews under 
him, and gives a report of the embassy upon which 
he himself was sent to Rome in behalf of his 
fellow-countrymen in Alexandria;[2] how when he 
appeared before Caius in behalf of the laws of his 
fathers he received nothing but laughter and 
ridicule, and almost incurred the risk of his 
life. Josephus also makes mention of these things 
in the eighteenth book of his Antiquities, in the 
following words: a "A sedition having arisen in 
Alexandria between the Jews that dwell there and 
the Greeks,[4] three deputies were chosen from 
each faction and went to Caius.
3   One of the Alexandrian deputies was Apion,[5] 
who uttered many slanders against the Jews; among 
other things saying that they neglected the honors 
due to C'sar. For while all other subjects of Rome 
erected altars and temples to Caius, and in all 
other respects treated him just as they did the 
gods, they alone considered it disgraceful to 
honor him with statues and to swear by his name. 
And when Apion 4 had uttered many severe charges 
by which he hoped that Caius would be aroused, as 
indeed was likely, Philo, the chief of the Jewish 
embassy, a man celebrated in every respect, a 
brother of Alexander the Alabarch,[6] and not 
unskilled in philosophy, was prepared to enter

109

upon a defense in reply to his accusations. But 
Caius prevented him and ordered him to leave, and 
being very angry, it was plain that he meditated 
some severe measure against them. And Philo 
departed covered with insult and told the Jews 
that were with him to be of good courage; for 
while Caius was raging against them he was in fact 
already contending with God." Thus far Josephus. 
And Philo himself, in the work On the Embassy[7] 
which he wrote, describes accurately and in detail 
the things which were done by him at that time. 
But I shall omit the most of them and record only 
those things which will make clearly evident to 
the reader that the misfortunes of the Jews came 
upon them not long after their daring deeds 
against Christ and on account of the same. And in 
the first place he relates that at Rome in the 
reign of Tiberius, Sejanus, who at that time 
enjoyed great influence with the emperor, made 
every effort to destroy the Jewish nation 
utterly;[8] and that in Judea, Pilate, under whom 
the crimes against the Saviour were committed, 
attempted something contrary to the Jewish law in 
respect to the temple, which was at that time 
still standing in Jerusalem, and excited them to 
the greatest tumults.[9]

CHAPTER VI.

The Misfortunes which overwhelmed the Jews
after their Presumption against Christ.

1   After the death of Tiberius, Caius received 
the empire, and, besides innumerable other acts of 
tyranny against many people, he greatly afflicted 
especially the whole nation of the Jews[1] These 
things we may learn briefly from the words of 
Philo, who writes as follows:[2] "So great was the 
caprice of Caius in his2. conduct toward all, and 
especially toward the nation of the Jews. The 
latter he so bitterly hated that he appropriated 
to himself their places of worship in the other 
cities,[3] and beginning with Alexandria he filled 
them with images and statues of himself (for in 
permitting others to erect them he really erected 
them himself). The temple in the holy city, which 
had hitherto been left untouched, and had been 
regarded as an inviolable asylum, he altered and 
transformed into a temple of his own, that it 
might be called the temple of the visible Jupiter, 
the younger Caius."[4] Innumerable other terrible 
and 3 almost indescribable calamities which came 
upon the Jews in Alexandria during the reign of 
the same emperor, are recorded by the same author 
in a second work, to which he gave the title, On 
the Virtues.[5] With him agrees also Josephus, who 
likewise indicates that the misfortunes of the 
whole nation began with the time of Pilate, and 
with their daring crimes against the Saviour.[6] 
Hear what be says in 4 the second book of his 
Jewish War, where he writes as follows:[7] "Pilate 
being sent to Judea as procurator by Tiberius, 
secretly carried veiled images of the emperor, 
called ensigns,[8] to Jerusalem by night. The 
following day this caused the greatest disturbance 
among the Jews. For those who were near were 
confounded at the sight, beholding their laws, as 
it were, trampled under foot. For they allow no 
image to be set up in their city." Comparing 5 
these things with the writings of the evangelists, 
you will see that it was not long before there 
came upon them the penalty for the exclamation 
which they had uttered under the same Pilate, when 
they cried out that they had no other king than 
C'sar.[9] The same 6 writer further records that 
after this another calamity overtook them. He 
writes as follows:[10] "After this he. stirred up 
another tumult by snaking use of the holy 
treasure, which is called Corban,[11] in the 
construction of an aqueduct

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7  three hundred stadia in length.[12] The 
multitude were greatly displeased at it, and when 
Pilate was in Jerusalem they surrounded his 
tribunal and gave utterance to loud complaints. 
But he, anticipating the tumult, had distributed 
through the crowd armed soldiers disguised in 
citizen's clothing, forbidding them to use the 
sword, but commanding them to strike with clubs 
those who should make an outcry. To them he now 
gave the preconcerted signal from the tribunal. 
And the Jews being beaten, many of them perished 
in consequence of the blows, while many others 
were trampled under foot by their own countrymen 
in their flight, and thus lost their lives. But 
the multitude, overawed by the fate of those who
8 were slain, held their peace." In addition   to 
these the same author records[13] many other 
tumults which were stirred up in Jerusalem itself, 
and shows that from that time seditions and wars 
and mischievous plots followed each other in quick 
succession, and never ceased in the city and in 
all Judea until finally the siege of Vespasian 
overwhelmed them. Thus the divine vengeance 
overtook the Jews for the crimes which they dared 
to commit against Christ.

CHAPTER VII. Pilate's Suicide.

IT is worthy of note that Pilate himself, who was 
governor in the time of our Saviour, is reported 
to have fallen into such misfortunes under Caius, 
whose times we are recording, that he was forced 
to become his own murderer and executioner;[1] and 
thus divine vengeance, as it seems, was not long 
in overtaking him. This is stated by those Greek 
historians who have recorded the Olympiads, 
together with the respective events which have 
taken place in each period.[2]

CHAPTER VIII.

The Famine which took Place in the Reign of
Claudius.

Caius had held the power not quite four 1 
years,[1] when he was succeeded by the emperor 
Claudius. Under him the world was visited with a 
famine,[2] which writers that are entire strangers 
to our religion have recorded in their 
histories.[3] And thus the prediction of Agabus 
recorded in the Acts of the Apostles,[4] according 
to which the whole world was to be visited by a 
famine, received its fulfillment. And 2 Luke, in 
the Acts, after mentioning the famine in the time 
of Claudius, and stating that the brethren of 
Antioch, each according to his ability, sent to 
the brethren of Judea by the hands of Paul and 
Barnabas,[5] adds the following account.
CHAPTER IX.
The Martyrdom of James the Apostle.  "[1] Now 
about that time" (it is clear that  1 he means the 
time of Claudius) "Herod the King[2] stretched 
forth his hands to vex certain of the Church. And 
he killed James the brother of John with the 
sword." And 2 concerning this James, Clement, in 
the seventh book of his Hypotyposes,[3] relates a 
story

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which is worthy of mention; telling it as he 
received it from those who had lived before him. 
He says that the one who led James to the 
judgment-seat, when he saw him bearing his 
testimony, was moved, and confessed that he was 
himself also a Christian.
3   They were both therefore, he says, led away 
together;
and on the way he begged James to forgive him. And 
he, after considering a little, said, "Peace be 
with thee," and kissed him. And thus they were 
both beheaded at the same time.
4   And then, as the divine Scripture says,[4] 
Herod, upon the death of James, seeing that the 
deed pleased the Jews, attacked Peter also and 
committed him to prison, and would have slain him 
if he had not, by the divine appearance of an 
angel who came to him by night, been wonderfully 
released from his bonds, and thus liberated for 
the service of the Gospel. Such was the providence 
of God in respect to Peter.

CHAPTER X.

Agrippa, who was also called Herod, having 
persecuted the Apostles, immediately experienced 
the Divine Vengeance.
1   THE consequences of the king's undertaking 
against the apostles were no, long deferred, but 
the avenging minister of divine justice overtook 
him immediately after his plots against them, as 
the Book of Acts records.[1] For when he had 
journeyed to C'sarea, on a notable feast-day, 
clothed in a splendid and royal garment, he 
delivered an address to the people from a lofty 
throne in front of the tribunal. And when all the 
multitude applauded the speech, as if it were the 
voice of a god and not of a man, the Scripture 
relates that an angel of the Lord smote him, and 
being eaten of worms he gave up the ghost.[2]
2   We must admire the account of Josephus for its 
agreement with the divine Scriptures in regard to 
this wonderful event; for he clearly bears witness 
to the truth in the nineteenth book of his 
Antiquities, where he relates the wonder in the 
following words:[3] 
3   "He had completed the third year of his reign 
over all Judea[4] when he  came to C'sarea, which 
was formerly called Strato's Tower.[5] There he 
held games in honor of C'sar, learning that this 
was a festival observed in behalf of C'sar's 
safety.[6] At this festival was collected a great 
multitude of the highest and most honorable men in 
the province.
4   And on the second day of the games he 
proceeded to the theater at break of day, wearing 
a garment entirely of silver and of wonderful 
texture. And there the silver, illuminated by the 
reflection of the sun's earliest rays, shone 
marvelously, gleaming so brightly as to produce a 
sort of fear and terror in those who gazed upon 
him.
5   And immediately his flatterers, some from one 
place, others from another, raised up their voices 
in a way that was not for his good, calling him a 
god, and saying, 'Be thou merciful; if up to this 
time we have feared thee as a man, henceforth we 
confess that thou art superior to the nature of 
mortals.'
6   The king did not rebuke them, nor did he 
reject their impious
flattery. But after a little, looking up, he saw 
an angel sitting above his head.[7] And this he 
quickly perceived would be the cause of evil as

112

it had once been the cause of good fortune,[8] and 
he was smitten with a heart-piercing pain.
7   And straightway distress, beginning with the 
greatest violence, seized his bowels. And looking 
upon his friends he said, 'I, your god, am now 
commanded to depart this life; and fate thus I on 
the spot disproves the lying words you have just 
uttered concerning me. He who has been called 
immortal by you is now led away to die; but our 
destiny must be accepted as God has determined it. 
For we have passed our life by no means 
ingloriously, but in that splendor which is 
pronounced happiness.'9
8   And when he had said this he labored with an 
increase of pain. He was accordingly carried in 
haste to the palace, while the report spread among 
all that the king would undoubtedly soon die. But 
the multitude, with their wives and children, 
sitting on sackcloth after the custom of their 
fathers, implored God in behalf of the king, and 
every place was filled with lamentation and 
tears.[10] And the king as he lay in a lofty 
chamber, and saw them below lying prostrate on the 
ground, could not refrain from weeping himself.
9   And after suffering continually for five days 
with pain in the bowels, he departed this life, in 
the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the 
seventh year of his reign.[11] Four years he ruled 
under the Emperor Caius--three of them over the 
tetrarchy of Philip, to which was added in the 
fourth year that of Herod[12] --and three years 
during the reign of the Emperor Claudius."
10  I marvel greatly that Josephus, in these 
things as well as in others, so fully agrees with 
the divine Scriptures. But if there should seem to 
any one to be a disagreement in respect to the 
name of the king, the time at least and the events 
show that the same person is meant, whether the 
change of name has been caused by the error of a 
copyist, or is due to the fact that he, like so 
many, bore two names.[13]

CHAPTER XI.

The Impostor Theudas and his Followers.

1   LUKE, in the Acts, introduces Gamaliel as 
saying, at the consultation which was held 
concerning the apostles, that at the time referred 
to,[1] "rose up Theudas boasting himself to be 
somebody; who was slain; and all, as many as 
obeyed him, were scattered."[2] Let us therefore 
add the account of Josephus concerning this man. 
He records in the work mentioned just above, the 
following circumstances:[3]
2   "While Fadus was procurator of Judea[4] a 
certain impostor called Theudas[5] persuaded

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a very great multitude to take their possessions 
and follow him to the river Jordan. For he said 
that he was a prophet, and that the river should 
be divided at his command, and afford them an easy 
passage.
3   And with these words he deceived many. But 
Fadus did not permit them to enjoy their folly, 
but sent a troop of horsemen against them, who 
fell upon them unexpectedly and slew many of them 
and took many others alive, while they took 
Theudas himself captive, and cut off his head and 
carried it to Jerusalem." Besides this he also 
makes mention of the famine, which took place in 
the reign of Claudius, in the following words.

CHAPTER XII.

Helen, the Queen of the Osrhoenians.

1     [1]"AND at this time" it came to pass that 
the great famine a took place in Judea, in which 
the queen Helen,[4] having purchased grain from 
Egypt with large sums, distributed it to the 
needy."
You will find this statement also in agreement 
with the Acts of the Apostles, where it is said 
that the disciples at Antioch, "each according to 
his ability, determined to send relief to the 
brethren that dwelt in Judea; which also they did, 
and sent it to the elders by 3  the hands of 
Barnabas and Paul."[5] But splendid monuments[6] 
of this Helen, Of whom the historian has made 
mention, are still shown in the suburbs of the 
city which is now called 'lia,[7] But she is said 
to have been queen of the Adiabeni.[8]

CHAPTER XIII.
Simon Magus.[1]
But faith in our Saviour and Lord Jesus  1 Christ 
having now been diffused among all men,[2] the 
enemy of man's salvation contrived a plan for 
seizing the imperial city for himself. He 
conducted thither the above-mentioned Simon,[3] 
aided him in his deceitful arts, led many of the 
inhabitants of Rome astray, and thus brought them 
into his own power. This is  2 stated by 
Justin,[4] one of our distinguished writers who 
lived not long after the time of the apostles. 
Concerning him I shall speak in the proper 
place.[5] Take and read the work of this

114

man, who in the first Apology[6] which he 
addressed   to Antonine in behalf of our religion 
writes 3  as follows:[7] "And after the ascension 
of   the Lord into heaven the demons put forward 
certain men who said they were gods, and who were 
not only allowed by you to go unpersecuted, but 
were even deemed worthy of honors. One of them was 
Simon, a Samaritan of the village of Gitto,[8] who 
in the reign of Claudius C'sar[9] performed in 
your imperial city some mighty acts of magic by 
the art of demons operating in him, and was 
considered a god, and as a god was honored by you 
with a statue, which was erected in the river 
Tiber,[10] between the two bridges, and bore this 
inscription in the Latin tongue, Simoni Deo 
Sancto, that is, To Simon the Holy God.[11] And 
nearly all the Samaritans and a few even of other 
nations confess and worship him as the first God. 
And there went around with him at that time a 
certain Helena[12] who had formerly been a 
prostitute in Tyre of Phoenicia; and her they call 
the first idea that proceeded from him."[13] 
Justin relates these things, and Iren'us also 5 
agrees with him in the first book of his work, 
Against Heresies, where he gives an account of the 
man[14] and of his profane and impure teaching. It 
would be superfluous to quote his account here, 
for it is possible for those who wish to know the 
origin and the lives and the false doctrines of 
each of the heresiarchs that have followed him, as 
well as the customs practiced by them all, to find 
them treated at length in the above-mentioned work 
of Iren'us. We 6 have understood that Simon was 
the author of all heresy.[15] From his time down 
to the present those who have followed his heresy 
have reigned the sober philosophy of the 
Christians, which is celebrated among all on 
account of its purity of life. But they 
nevertheless have embraced again the superstitions 
of idols, which they seemed to have renounced; and 
they fall down before pictures and images of Simon 
himself and of the above-mentioned Helena who was 
with him; and they venture to worship them with 
incense and sacrifices and libations. But those 
matters which they keep 7 more secret than these, 
in regard to which they say that one upon first 
hearing them would be astonished, and, to use one 
of the written phrases in vogue among them, would 
be confounded,[16] are in truth full of amazing 
things, and of madness and folly, being of such a 
sort that it is impossible not only to commit them 
to writing, but also for modest men even to utter 
them with the lips on account of their excessive 
baseness and lewdness.[17] For what 8 ever could 
be conceived of, viler than the
vilest thing -- all that has been outdone by this 
most abominable sect, which is composed of those 
who make a sport of those miserable females that 
are literally overwhelmed with all kinds of 
vices.[18]

CHAPTER XIV.

The Preaching of the Apostle Peter in Rome.

1   The evil power,[1] who hates all that is   
good and plots against the salvation of men, 
constituted Simon at that time the father and 
author of such wickedness,[2] as if to make him a 
mighty antagonist of the great, inspired apostles 
of our Saviour. For that divine and celestial 
grace which co-operates with its ministers, by 
their appearance and presence, quickly 
extinguished the kindled flame of evil, and 
humbled and cast down through them "every high 
thing that exalted itself against the knowledge of 
God."[3] Wherefore neither the conspiracy of Simon 
nor that of any of the others who arose at that 
period could accomplish anything in those 
apostolic times. For everything was conquered and 
subdued by the splendors of the truth and by the 
divine word itself which had but lately begun to 
shine from heaven upon men, and which was then 
flourishing upon earth, and dwelling in the 
apostles themselves. Immediately[4] the 
above-mentioned impostor was smitten in the eyes 
of his mind by a divine and miraculous flash, and 
after the evil deeds done by him had been first 
detected by the apostle Peter in Judea,[5] he fled 
and made a great journey across the sea from the 
East to the West, thinking that only thus could he 
live according to his mind. And coming to the city 
of Rome,[6] by the mighty co-operation of that 
power which was lying in wait there, he was in a 
short time so successful in his undertaking that 
those who dwelt there honored him as a god by the 
6  erection of a statue.[7] But this did not last  
long. For immediately, during the reign of 
Claudius, the all-good and gracious Providence, 
which watches over all things, led Peter, that 
strongest and greatest of the apostles, and the 
one who on account of his virtue was the speaker 
for all the others, to Rome s against this great 
corrupter of life. He like a noble commander of 
God, clad in divine armor, carried the costly 
merchandise of the light of the understanding from 
the East to those who dwelt in the West, 
proclaiming the light itself, and the word which 
brings salvation to souls, and preaching the 
kingdom of heaven.[9]

CHAPTER XV.

The Gospel according to Mark.

AND thus when the divine word had made its home 
among them,[1] the power of

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Simon was quenched and immediately destroyed, 
together with the man himself.[2] And so greatly 
did the splendor of piety illumine the minds of 
Peter's hearers that they were not satisfied with 
hearing once only, and were not content with the 
unwritten teaching of the divine Gospel, but with 
all sorts of entreaties they besought Mark,[3] a 
follower of Peter, and the one whose Gospel is 
extant, that he would leave them a written 
monument of the doctrine which had been orally 
communicated to them. Nor did they cease until 
they had prevailed with the man, and had thus 
become the occasion of the written Gospel which 
bears the name of Mark.[4] And they say that Peter 
when he had 2 learned, through a revelation of the 
Spirit, of that which had been done, was pleased 
with the zeal of the men, and that the work 
obtained the sanction of his authority for the 
purpose of being used in the churches.[5] Clement 
in the eighth book of his Hypotyposes gives this 
account, and with him agrees the bishop of 
Hierapolis named Papias.[6] And Peter makes 
mention of Mark in his first epistle which they 
say that he wrote in Rome itself, as is indicated 
by him, when he calls the city, by a figure, 
Babylon, as he does in the following words: "The 
church that is at Babylon, elected together with 
you, saluteth you; and so doth Marcus my son."[7]

CHAPTER XVI.

Mark first proclaimed Christianity to the In-
habitants of Egypt.

And they say that this Mark was the first  1 that 
was sent to Egypt, and that he proclaimed the 
Gospel which he had written, and first established 
churches in Alexandria. 1 And the multitude of 
believers, both men 2 and women, that were 
collected there at the very outset, and lived 
lives of the most philosophical and excessive 
asceticism, was so great, that Philo thought it 
worth while to describe their pursuits, their 
meetings, their entertainments, and their whole 
manner of life."[2]

CHAPTER XVII.

Philo's Account of the Ascetics of Egypt.

1  It is also said that Philo in the reign of 
Claudius became acquainted at Rome with Peter, who 
was then preaching there.[1] Nor is this indeed 
improbable, for the work of which we have spoken, 
and which was composed by him some years later, 
clearly contains those rules of the Church which 
are even to this day observed among us. And since 
he describes as accurately as possible the life of 
our ascetics, it is clear that he not only knew, 
but that he also approved, while he venerated and 
extolled, the apostolic men of his time, who were 
as it seems of the Hebrew race, and hence 
observed, after the manner of the Jews, the 3 most 
of the customs of the ancients. In the work to 
which he gave the title, On a Contemplative Life 
or on Suppliants,[2] after affirming in the first 
place that he will add to those things which he is 
about to relate nothing contrary to truth or of 
his own invention,[3] he says that these men were 
called Therapeut' and the women that were with 
them Therapeutrides.[4] He then adds the reasons 
for such a name, explaining it from the fact that 
they applied remedies and healed the souls of 
those who came to them, by relieving them like 
physicians, of evil passions, or from the fact 
that they served and worshiped the Deity in purity 
and sincerity. Whether Philo himself gave them 
this 4 name, employing an epithet well suited to 
their mode of life, or whether the first of them 
really called themselves so in the beginning, 
since the name of Christians was not yet 
everywhere known, we need not discuss here. He 
bears witness, however, that first of all 5 they 
renounce their property. When they begin the 
philosophical[5] mode of life, he says, they give 
up their goods to their relatives, and then, 
renouncing all the cares of life, they go forth 
beyond the walls and dwell in lonely fields and 
gardens, knowing well that intercourse with people 
of a different character is unprofitable and 
harmful. They did this at that time, as seems 
probable, under the influence of a spirited and 
ardent faith, practicing in emulation the 
prophets' mode of life. For in the Acts of 6 the 
Apostles, a work universally acknowledged as 
authentic,[6] it is recorded that all the

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companions of the apostles sold their possessions 
and their property and distributed to all 
according to the necessity of each one, so that no 
one among them was in want. "For as many as were 
possessors of lands or houses," as the account 
says, "sold them and brought the prices of the 
things that were sold, and laid them at the 
apostles' feet, so that distribution was made unto 
every man according as he had need."[7]
Philo bears witness to facts very much like those 
here described and then adds the following 
account:[8] "Everywhere in the world is this 
race[9] found. For it was fitting that both 
Greek[9a] and Barbarian should share in what is 
perfectly good. But the race particularly abounds 
in Egypt, in each of its so-called nomes,[10] and 
especially about Alexandria. The best men from 
every quarter emigrate, as if to a colony of the 
Therapeut''s fatherland,[11]  to a certain very 
suitable spot which lies above the lake Maria[12] 
upon a low hill excellently situated on account of 
its security and the 9 mildness of the atmosphere" 
And then a    little further on, after describing 
the kind of houses which they had, he speaks as 
follows concerning their churches, which were 
scattered about here and there:[13]  "In each 
house there is a sacred apartment which is called 
a sanctuary and monastery,[14] where, quite alone, 
they perform the mysteries of the religious life. 
They bring nothing into it, neither drink nor 
food, nor any of the other things which contribute 
to the necessities of the body, but only the laws, 
and the inspired oracles of the prophets, and 
hymns and such other things as augment and 
makeperfect their knowledge and piety." 10  And 
after some other matters he says:[15]    "The 
whole interval, from morning to evening, is for 
them a time of exercise. For they read the holy 
Scriptures, and explain the philosophy of their 
fathers in an allegorical manner, regarding the 
written words as symbols of hidden truth which is 
communicated in obscure 11 figures. They have also 
writings of ancient men, who were the founders of 
their sect, and who left many monuments of the 
allegorical method. These they use as models, and 
imitate their principles." These things 12 seem to 
have been stated by a man who had heard them 
expounding their sacred writings. But it is highly 
probable that the works of the ancients, which he 
says they had, were the Gospels and the writings 
of the apostles, and probably some expositions of 
the ancient prophets, such as are contained in the 
Epistle to the Hebrews, and in many others of 
Paul's Epistles. Then again he writes as 13 
follows concerning the new psalms which they 
composed: 16 "So that they not only spend their 
time in meditation, but they also compose songs 
and hymns to God in every variety of metre and 
melody, though they divide them, of course, into 
measures of more than common solemnity." The same 
book contains an 14 account of many other things, 
but it seemed necessary to select those facts 
which exhibit the characteristics of the 
ecclesiastical mode of life. But if any one thinks 
that what 15 has been said is not peculiar to the 
Gospel polity, but that it can be applied to 
others besides those mentioned, let him be 
convinced by the subsequent words of the same 
author, in which, if he is unprejudiced, he will 
find undisputed testimony on this subject. Philo's 
words are as follows:[17] "Having laid down 16 
temperance as a sort of foundation in the soul, 
they build upon it the other virtues. None of them 
may take food or drink before sunset, since they 
regard philosophizing as a work worthy of the 
light, but attention to the wants of the body as 
proper only in the darkness, and therefore assign 
the day to the former, but to the latter a small 
portion of the night. But 17 some, in whom a great 
desire for knowledge dwells, forget to take food 
for three days; and some are so delighted and 
feast so luxuriously upon wisdom, which furnishes 
doctrines richly and without stint, that they 
abstain even twice as long as this, and are 
accustomed, after six days, scarcely to take 
necessary food." These statements of Philo we 
regard as referring clearly and indisputably to 
those of our communion.  But if after these things 
any one still obstinately persists in denying the 
reference, let him renounce his incredulity and be 
convinced by yet more striking examples, which are 
to be found nowhere else than in the evangelical 
religion of the Christians.[18] For they say 19 
that there were women also with those of whom we 
are speaking, and that the most of them were aged 
virgins[19] who had preserved

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their chastity, not out of necessity, as some of 
the priestesses among the Greeks,[20] but rather 
by their own choice, through zeal and a desire for 
wisdom. And that in their earnest desire to live 
with it as their companion they paid no attention 
to the pleasures of the body, seeking not mortal 
but immortal progeny, which only the 20 pious soul 
is able to bear of itself. Then after a little he 
adds still more emphatically:[21] "They expound 
the Sacred Scriptures figuratively by means of 
allegories. For the whole law seems to these men 
to resemble a living organism, of which the spoken 
words constitute the body, while the hidden sense 
stored up within the words constitutes the soul. 
This hidden meaning has first been particularly 
studied by this sect, which sees, revealed as in a 
mirror of names, the surpassing beauties of the 
thoughts." Why is it necessary to add to these 
things their meetings and the respective 
occupations of the men and of the women during 
those meetings, and the practices which are even 
to the present day habitually observed by us, 
especially such as we are accustomed to observe at 
the feast of the Saviour's passion, with fasting 
and night watching and study of the divine Word. 
These things the above-mentioned author has 
related in his  own work, indicating a mode of 
life which has been preserved to the present time 
by us alone,  recording especially the vigils kept 
in connection  with the great festival, and the 
exercises performed during those vigils, and the 
hymns customarily recited by us, and describing 
how, while one sings regularly in time, the others 
listen in silence, and join in chanting only the 
close of the hymns; and how, on the days referred 
to they sleep on the ground on beds of straw, and  
to use his own words,[22] "taste no wine at all, 
nor  any flesh, but water is their only drink, and 
therelish with their bread is salt and hyssop."  
23 In addition to this Philo describes the order   
of dignities which ists among those who carry on 
the services of the church, mentioning the 
diaconate, and the office of bishop, which takes 
the precedence over all the others.[23] But 
whosoever desires a more accurate knowledge of 
these matters may get it from the history already 
cited. But that Philo, when he 24 wrote these 
things, had in view the first heralds of the 
Gospel and the customs handed down from the 
beginning by the apostles, is clear to every one.

CHAPTER XVIII.

The Works of Philo[1] that have came down to us.

Copious in language, comprehensive in I thought, 
sublime and elevated in his views of divine 
Scripture, Philo has produced manifold and various 
expositions of the sacred books. On the one hand, 
he expounds in order the events recorded in 
Genesis in the books to which he gives the title 
Allegories of the Sacred Laws;[2] on the other 
hand, he makes successive divisions-of the 
chapters in the Scriptures which are the subject 
of investigation, and gives objections and 
solutions, in the books which he quite suitably 
calls Questions and Answers an Genesis and 
Exodus.[3] There are, besides these,[2] treatises 
expressly worked out by him on certain subjects, 
such as the two books On Agriculture,[4] and the 
same number On Drunken-

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ness'[5] and some others distinguished by 
different titles corresponding to the contents of 
each; for instance, Concerning the things which 
the Sober Mind desires and execrates,[6] On the 
Confusion of Tongues,[7] On Flight and 
Discovery,[8] On Assembly for the sake of 
Instruction,[9] On the question, Who is heir to 
things divine?' or On the division of things into 
equal and unequal,[10] and still further the work 
On the three Virtues which 3 with others have been 
described by Moses.[11]   In addition to these is 
the work On those whose Names have been changed 
and why they have  been changed,[12] in which he 
says that he had  written also two hooks On 
Covenants? And there is also a work of his On 
Emigration,[14] and one On the life of a Wise Man 
made perfect in Righteousness, or On unwritten 
taws;[15] and still further the work On Giants or 
On the Immutability of God,[16] and a first, 
second, third, fourth and fifth book On the 
proposition, that Dreams according to Moses are 
sent by God.[17] These are the hooks on Genesis 
that have come down to us. But on Exodus we are 
acquainted with the first, second, third, fourth 
and fifth books of Questions and Answers,'[18] 
also with that On tire Tabernacle,[19] and that On 
the ten Commandments,[20] and the four books

121

On the laws which refer especially to the 
principal divisions of the ten Commandments,[21] 
and another On animals intended for sacrifice and 
On the kinds of sacrifice,[22] and another On the 
re--wards fixed in the law for the good, and on 
the punishments and curses fixed for the 
wicked.[23] 6  In addition to all these there are 
extant   also some single-volumed works of his; as 
for instance, the work On Providence,[24] and the 
book composed by him On the Jews,[25] and The 
Statesman;[26] and still further, Alexander, or On 
the possession of reason by the irrational 
animals?: Besides these there is a work On the 
proposition that every wicked man is a slave, to 
which is subjoined the work On the proposition 
that every goad man is free.[28] After 7 these was 
composed by him the work On the contemplative 
life, or On suppliants,[29] from which we have 
drawn the facts concerning the life of the 
apostolic men; and still further, the 
Interpretation of the Hebrew names in the law and 
in the prophets are said to be the result of his 
industry.[30] And he is said to have 8 read in the 
presence of the whole Roman Senate during the 
reign of Claudius[31] the work which he had 
written, when he came to Rome under Coins, 
concerning Coins' hatred of the gods, and to 
which, with ironical reference to its character, 
he had given the title On the Virtues.[32] And his 
discourses were so much admired as to be deemed 
worthy of a place in the libraries.  At this time, 
while Paul was completing 9 his journey "from 
Jerusalem and round about unto Illyricum,"[33] 
Claudius drove the Jews out of Rome; and Aquila 
and Priscilla, leaving Rome with the other Jews, 
came to Asia, and there abode with the apostle 
Paul, who was confirming the churches of that 
region whose

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foundations he had newly laid. The sacred book of 
the Acts informs us also of these things.[34]

CHAPTER XIX.

The Calamity which befell the Jews in Jerusalem
an the Day of the _Passover.

1   While Claudius was still emperor, it    
happened that so great a tumult and disturbance 
took place in Jerusalem at the feast of the 
Passover, that thirty thousand of those Jews alone 
who were forcibly crowded together at the gate of 
the temple perished,[1] being trampled under foot 
by one another. Thus the festival became a season 
of mourning for all the nation, and there was 
weeping in every house. These things are related 
literally[2] by Josephus.
But Claudius appointed Agrippa,[3] son of Agrippa, 
king of the Jews, having sent Felix[4] as 
procurator of the whole country of Samaria and 
Galilee, and of the land called Perea.[5] And 
after he had reigned thirteen years and eight 
months a he died, and left Nero as his successor 
in the empire.

CHAPTER XX.

The Events which took _Place in Jerusalem dur-
ing the Reign of Nero.

Josephus again, in the twentieth book of his 
Antiquities, relates the quarrel which arose among 
the priests during the reign of Nero, while Felix 
was procurator of Judea. His words are as 
follows[1]: "There arose a 2 quarrel between the 
high priests on the one hand and the priests and 
leaders of the people of Jerusalem on the 
other.[2] And each of them collected a body of the 
boldest and most restless men, and put himself at 
their head, and whenever they met they hurled 
invectives and stones at each other. And there was 
no one that would interpose; but these things were 
done at will as if in a city destitute of a ruler. 
And so great was the shamelessness and audacity of 
the high priests that they dared to send their 
servants to the threshing-floors to seize the 
tithes due to the priests; and thus those of the 
priests that were poor were seen to be perishing 
of want. In this way did the violence of the 
factions prevail over all justice." And the same 4 
author again relates that about the same time 
there sprang up in Jerusalem a certain kind of 
robbers,[3]" who by  day," as he says, "and in the 
middle of the city slew those who met them." For, 
especially at the feasts, 5 they mingled with the 
multitude, and with short swords, which they 
concealed under their  garments, they stabbed the 
most distinguished men. And when they fell, the 
murderers themselves were among those who 
expressed their indignation. And thus on account 
of the con-

123

fidence which was reposed in them by all, 6 they 
remained undiscovered. The first that was slain by 
them was Jonathan the
high priest;[4] and after him many were killed 
every day, until the fear became worse than the 
evil itself, each one, as in battle, hourly 
expecting death.

CHAPTER XXI.

The Egyptian, who is mentioned also in the Acts
of the Apostles.

1   After other matters he proceeds as follows:[1] 
"But the Jews were afflicted with a greater plague 
than these by the Egyptian false prophet.[2] For 
there appeared in the land an impostor who aroused 
faith in himself as a prophet, and collected about 
thirty thousand of those whom he had deceived, and 
led them from the desert to the so-called Mount of 
Olives whence he was prepared to enter Jerusalem 
by force and to overpower the Roman garrison and 
seize the government of the people, using those 
who made the attack with him as body  2.  guards. 
But Felix anticipated his attack, and went out to 
meet him with the Roman legionaries, and all the 
people joined in the defense, so that when the 
battle was fought the Egyptian fled with a few 
followers, but the most of them were destroyed or 
taken captive."  8  Josephus relates these events 
in the second  book of his History.[3] But it is 
worth while comparing the account of the Egyptian 
given here with that contained in the Acts of the 
Apostles. In the time of Felix it was said to Paul 
by the centurion in Jerusalem, when the multitude 
of the Jews raised a disturbance against the 
apostle, "Art not thou he Who before these days 
made an uproar, and led out into the wilderness 
four thousand men that were murderers?"[4] These 
are the events which took place in the time of 
Felix.[5]

CHAPTER XXII.

Paul having been sent bound from Judea to Rome, 
made his Defense, and was acquitted of every 
Charge.  Festus[1]  was sent by Nero to be Felix's 
1 successor. Under him Paul, having made his 
defense, was sent bound to Rome[2] Aristarchus was 
with him, whom he also somewhere in his epistles 
quite naturally calls his fellow-prisoner.[3]

124

And Luke, who wrote the Acts of the Apostles,[4] 
brought his history to a close at this point, 
after stating that Paul spent two whole years at 
Rome as a prisoner at large, and preached the word 
of God without restraint.[5] Thus after he had 
made his defense it is said that the apostle was 
sent again upon the ministry of preaching,[6] and 
that upon coming to the same city a second time he 
suffered martyrdom.[7] In this imprisonment he 
wrote his second epistle to Timothy,[8] in which 
he mentions his first 3  defense and his impending 
death. But hear   his testimony on these matters: 
"At my first answer," he says, "no man stood with 
me, but all men forsook me: I pray God that it may 
not be laid to their charge. Notwithstanding the 
Lord stood with me, and strengthened me; that by 
me the preaching might be fully known, and that 
all the Gentiles might hear: and I was delivered 
out of the mouth of the lion."[9] He plainly 
indicates in these words that 4 on the former 
occasion, in order that the preaching might be 
fulfilled by him, he was rescued from the mouth of 
the lion, referring, in this expression, to Nero, 
as is probable on account of the latter's cruelty. 
He did not therefore afterward add the similar 
statement, "He will rescue me from the mouth of 
the lion"; for he saw in the spirit that his end 
would not be long delayed. Wherefore he 5 adds to 
the words, "And he delivered me from the mouth of 
the lion," this sentence: "The Lord shall deliver 
me from every evil work, and will preserve me unto 
his heavenly kingdom,"[10] indicating his speedy 
martyrdom; which he also foretells still more 
clearly in the same epistle, when he writes, "For 
I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my 
departure is at hand."[11] In his second 6 epistle 
to Timothy, moreover, he indicates that Luke was 
with him when he wrote,[12] but at  his first 
defense not even he.[13] Whence it is probable 
that Luke wrote the Acts of the Apostles at that 
time, continuing his history down to the period 
when he was with Paul.[14] But 7 these things have 
been adduced by us to show that Paul's martyrdom 
did not take place at the time of that Roman 
sojourn which Luke

125

8 records. It is probable indeed that as Nero was 
more disposed to mildness in the beginning, Paul's 
defense of his doctrine was more easily received; 
but that when he had advanced to the commission of 
lawless deeds of daring, he made the apostles as 
well as others the subjects of his attacks.[15]

CHAPTER XXIII

The Martyrdom of James, who was called the
Brother of the Lord.

1   But after Paul, in consequence of his    
appeal to C'sar, had been sent to Rome by Festus, 
the Jews, being frustrated in their hope of 
entrapping him by the snares which they had laid 
for him, turned against James, the brother of the 
Lord,[1] to whom the episcopal seat at Jerusalem 
bad been entrusted by the apostles.[2] The 
following daring measures were undertaken by them 
against him. Leading him into their midst they 
demanded of him that he should renounce faith in 
Christ in the presence of all the people. But, 
contrary to the opinion of all, with a clear 
voice, and with greater boldness than they had 
anticipated, he spoke out before the whole 
multitude and confessed that our Saviour and Lord 
Jesus is the  Son of God. But they were unable to 
bear  longer the testimony of the man who, on 
account of the excellence of ascetic virtue[3] and 
of piety which he exhibited in his life, was  
esteemed by all as the most just of men, and  
consequently they slew him. Opportunity for  this 
deed of violence was furnished by the prevailing 
anarchy, which was caused by the fact  that Festus 
had died just at this time in Judea,  and that the 
province was thus without a governor and head.[4] 
The manner of James' death has been already 
indicated by the  above-quoted words of Clement, 
who records that he was thrown from the pinnacle 
of the temple, and was beaten to death with a 
club.[5]  But Hegesippus,[6] who lived immediately 
after the apostles, gives the most accurate 
account in   the fifth book of his Memoirs.[7] He 
writes  4 as follows: "James, the brother of the 
Lord, succeeded to the government of the Church in 
conjunction with the apostles.[8] He has been 
called the Just[9] by all from the time of our 
Saviour to the present day; for there were many 
that bore the name of James. He was holy 5 from 
his mother's womb; and he drank no wine nor strong 
drink, nor did he eat flesh. No razor came upon 
his head; he did not anoint himself with oil, and 
he did not use the bath. He alone was permitted to 
enter 6 into the holy place ; for he wore not 
woolen but linen garments. And he was in the habit 
of entering alone into the temple, and was 
frequently found upon his knees begging 
forgiveness for the people, so that his knees 
became hard like those of a camel, in consequence 
of his constantly bending them in his worship of 
God, and asking forgiveness for the people.[10] 
Because 7 of his exceeding great justice he was 
called the Just, and Oblias,[11] which signifies 
in Greek, Bulwark of the people' and 
'Justice,'[12] in accordance with what the 
prophets declare concerning him.[13] Now some of 
the seven  8 sects, which existed among the people 
and which have been mentioned by me in the 
Memoirs,[14]  asked him, 'What is the gate of 
Jesus ?[15]

126

and he replied that he was the Saviour. On account 
of these words some believed that Jesus is the 
Christ. But the sects mentioned above did not 
believe either in a resurrection or in one's 
coming to give to every man according to his 
works.[16]  But as many as believed did so on 
account of James. 10 Therefore when many even of 
the rulers   believed, there was a commotion among 
the Jews and Scribes and Pharisees, who said that 
there was danger that the whole people  would be 
looking for Jesus as the Christ. Coming therefore 
in a body to James they said, 'We entreat thee, 
restrain the people; for they are gone astray in 
regard to Jesus, as if he were the Christy We 
entreat thee to persuade all that have come to the 
feast of the Passover concerning Jesus; for we all 
have confidence in thee. For we bear thee witness, 
as do all the people, that thou art just, and dost 
not respect per 11 sons.[18] Do thou therefore 
persuade the  multitude not to be led astray 
concerning Jesus. For the whole people, and all of 
us also, have confidence in thee. Stand therefore 
upon the pinnacle of the temple,[19] that from 
that high position thou mayest be clearly seen, 
and that thy words may be readily heard by all the 
people. For all the tribes, with the Gentiles 
also, are come together on account of the 
Passover.' The aforesaid Scribes and Pharisees 
therefore placed James upon the pinnacle of the 
temple, and cried out to him and said:  Thou just 
one, in whom we ought all to have: confidence, 
forasmuch as the people are led, astray after 
Jesus, the crucified one, declare  to us, what is 
the gate of Jesus.'[20] And he answered with a 
loud voice,' Why do ye ask me concerning Jesus, 
the Son of Man ? He himself sitteth in heaven at 
the right hand of the great Power, and is about to 
come upon the clouds of heaven.'[21] And when many 
were 14 fully convinced and gloried in the 
testimony of James, and said, 'Hosanna to the Son 
of David,' these same Scribes and Pharisees said 
again to one another,' We have done badly in 
supplying such testimony to Jesus. But let us go 
up and throw him down, in order that they may be 
afraid to believe him.' And 15 they cried out, 
saying, 'Oh! oh! the just man is also in error.' 
And they fulfilled the Scripture written in 
Isaiah,[22] ' Let us take away [23] the just man, 
because he is troublesome to us: therefore they 
shall eat the fruit of their doings.' So they went 
up and threw down 16 the just man, and said to 
each other, 'Let us stone James the Just.' And 
they began to stone him, for he was not killed by 
the fall; but he turned and knelt down and said, 
'I entreat thee, Lord God our Father,[24] forgive 
them, for they know not what they do.'[25] And 17 
while they were thus stoning him one of the 
priests of the sons of Rechab, the son of the 
Rechabites,[26] who are mentioned by Jeremiah the 
prophet,[27] cried out, saying, 'Cease, what do 
ye? The just one prayeth for you[28]

127

18 And one of them, who was a fuller, took  the 
club with which he beat out clothes and struck the 
just man on the head. And thus he suffered 
martyrdom.[29] And they buried him on the spot, by 
the temple, and his monument still remains by the 
temple.[30] He became a true witness, both to Jews 
and Greeks, that Jesus is the Christ. And 
immediately Vespasian besieged them."[31] 19  
These things are related at length by Hegesippus, 
who is in agreement with Clement.[32] James was so 
admirable a man and so celebrated among all for 
his justice, that the more sensible even of the 
Jews were of the opinion that this was the cause 
of the siege of Jerusalem, which happened to them 
immediately after his martyrdom for no other 
reason than  20  their daring act against him. 
Josephus, at    least, has not hesitated to 
testify this in his writings, where he says,[33] 
"These things happened to the Jews to  avenge 
James the Just, who was a brother of Jesus, that 
is called theChrist. For the Jews slew him, 
although 21 he was a most just man." And the same  
writer records his death also in the twentieth 
book of his Antiquities in the following 
words:[34] "But the emperor, when he learned of 
the death of Festus, sent Albinus[35] to be 
procurator of Judea. But the younger Ananus,[36] 
who, as we have already said,[37] had obtained the 
high priesthood, was of an exceedingly bold and 
reckless disposition. He belonged, moreover, to 
the sect of the Sadducees, who are the most cruel 
of all the Jews in the execution of judgment, as 
we have already shown.[38] Ananus,22 therefore, 
being of this character, and supposing that he had 
a favorable opportunity on account of the fact 
that Festus was dead, and Albinus was still on the 
way, called together the Sanhedrim, and brought 
before them the brother of Jesus, the so-called 
Christ, James by name, together with some 
others,[39] and accused them of violating the law, 
and condemned them to be stoned.[40] But those in 
the city who 23 seemed most moderate and skilled 
in the law were very angry at this, and sent 
secretly to the king,[41] requesting him to order 
Ananus to cease such proceedings. For he had not 
done right even this first time. And certain of 
them also went to meet Albinus, who was journeying 
from Alexandria, and reminded him that it was not 
lawful for Ananus to summon the Sanhedrim without 
his knowledge.[42] And Albinus, being 24

128

persuaded by their representations, wrote in anger 
to Ananus, threatening him with punishment. And  
the king, Agrippa, in consequence, deprived him, 
of the high priesthood,[43] which he had held 
threemonths, and appointed Jesus, the son of 25 
Damnaeus."[44] These things are recorded in regard 
to James, who is said to be the author of the 
first of the so-called catholic[45] epistles. But 
it is to be observed that it is disputed;[46] at 
least, not many of the ancients have mentioned it, 
as is the case likewise with the epistle that 
bears the name of Jude,[47] which is also one of 
the seven so-called catholic epistles. 
Nevertheless we know that these also,[48] with the 
rest, have been read publicly in very many 
churches.[49]

CHAPTER XXIV.

Annianus the First Bishop of the Church of
Alexandria after Mark.

WHEN Nero was in the eighth year of his reign,[1] 
Annianus[2] succeeded Mark the evangelist in the 
administration of the parish of Alexandria.[3]

CHAffER XXV.

The Persecution under Nero in which Paul and Peter 
were honored at Rome with Martyrdom in Behalf of 
Religion.  WHEN the government of Nero was now 1 
firmly established, he began to plunge into unholy 
pursuits, and armed himself even against the 
religion of the God of the universe. To describe 
the greatness of his depravity2 does not lie 
within the plan of the present work. As there are 
many indeed that have recorded his history in most 
accurate narratives,[1] every one may at his 
pleasure learn from them the coarseness of the 
man's extraordinary madness, under the influence 
of which, after he had accomplished the 
destruction of so many myriads without any reason, 
he ran into such blood-guiltiness that he did not 
spare even his nearest relatives and dearest 
friends, but destroyed his mother and his brothers 
and his wife,[2] with very many others of his own 
family

129

as he would private and public enemies, with 
various kinds of deaths. But with all these things 
this particular in the catalogue of his crimes was 
still wanting, that he was the first of the 
emperors who showed himself an enemy of the divine 
religion. 4 The Roman Tertullian is likewise a 
witness of this. He writes as follows:[3]  
"Examine your records. There you will find that 
Nero was the first that persecuted this 
doctrine,[4] particularly then when after subduing 
all the east, he exercised his cruelty against all 
at Rome.[5] We glory in having such a man the 
leader in our punishment. For whoever knows him 
can understand that nothing was condemned by Nero 
unless it was something 5 of great excellence." 
Thus publicly announcing himself as the first 
among God's chief enemies, he was led on to the 
slaughter of the apostles. It is, therefore, 
recorded that Paul was beheaded in Rome itself,[6] 
and that Peter likewise was crucified under 
Nero.[7] This account of Peter and Paul is 
substantiated by the fact that their names are 
preserved in the cemeteries of that place even to 
the present day. It is confirmed likewise by 
Caius,[8]  6

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a member of the Church,[9] who arose[10] under 
Zephyrinus,[11] bishop of Rome. He, in a published 
disputation with Proclus,[12] the leader of the 
Phrygian heresy,[13] speaks as follows concerning 
the places where the sacred corpses 7 of the 
aforesaid apostles are laid: "But[14] I can show 
the trophies of the apostles. For if you will go 
to the Vatican[15] or to the Ostian way,[16] you 
will find the trophies of those who laid the 
foundations of this church."[17] 8 And that they 
both suffered martyrdom at the same time is stated 
by Dionysius, bishop of Corinth,[18] in his 
epistle to the Romans,[19]  in the following 
words: "You have thus by such an admonition bound 
together the planting of Peter and of Paul at Rome 
and Corinth. For both of them planted and likewise 
taught us in our Corinth.[20] And they taught 
together in like manner in Italy, and suffered 
martyrdom at the same time."[21] I have quoted 
these things in order that the truth of the 
history might be still more confirmed.

CHAPTER XXVI.

The Jews, afflicted with Innumerable Evils, 
commenced the Last War against the Romans. 
Josephus again, after relating many things  1 in 
connection with the calamity which came upon the 
whole Jewish nation, records,[1] in addition to 
many other circumstances, that a great many[2] of 
the most honorable among the Jews were scourged in 
Jerusalem itself and then crucified by Florus.[3] 
It happened that he was procurator of Judea when 
the war began to be kindled, in the twelfth year 
of Nero.[4]

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2  Josephus says[5] that at that time a terrible 
commotion was stirred up throughout all Syria in 
consequence of the revolt of the Jews, and that 
everywhere the latter were destroyed without 
mercy, like enemies, by the inhabitants of the 
cities, "so that one could see cities filled with 
unburied corpses, and the dead bodies of the aged 
scattered about with the bodies of infants, and 
women without even a covering for their nakedness, 
and the whole province full of indescribable 
calamities, while the dread of those things that 
were threatened was greater than the sufferings 
themselves which they anywhere endured."[6] Such 
is the account of Josephus; and such was the 
condition of the Jews at that time.

BOOK III.

CHAPTER I.

The Parts of the World in which the Apostles
preached Christ.

1   Such was the condition of the Jews. Meanwhile 
the holy apostles and disciples of our Saviour 
were dispersed throughout the world.[1] 
Parthia,[2] according to tradition, was allotted 
to Thomas as his field of labor, Scythia[3] to 
Andrew,[4] and Asia[5] to John,[6] who, after he 
had lived some time there,[7] died at Ephesus. 
Peter appears to have preached 6 in 2 Pontus, 
Galatia, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia[9] to the 
Jews of the dispersion. And at last, having come 
to Rome, he was crucified head-downwards;[10] for 
he had requested that he might suffer in this way. 
What do we need to say concerning Paul, who 
preached the Gospel of Christ from Jerusalem to 
Illyricum,[11] and afterwards suffered martyrdom 
in Rome under

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Nero?[12] These facts are related by Origen in the 
third volume of his Commentary on Genesis.[13]

CHAPTER II.

The First Ruler of the Church of Rome.

After the martyrdom of Paul and of Peter, Linus[1] 
was the first to obtain the episcopate of the 
church at Rome. Paul mentions him, when writing to 
Timothy from Rome, in the salutation at the end of 
the epistle.[2]

CHAPTER III.

The Epistles of the Apostles.

One epistle of Peter, that called the first, is 
acknowledged as genuine.[1] And this the ancient 
elders[2] used freely in their own writings as an 
undisputed work.[3] But we have learned that his 
extant second Epistle does not belong to the 
canon;[4] yet, as it has appeared profitable to 
many, it has been used with the other 
Scriptures.[5] The so-called Acts 2 of Peter,[6] 
however, and the Gospel[7] which bears his name, 
and the Preaching[8] and the

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Apocalypse,[9] as they are called, we know have 
not been universally accepted,[10] because no 
ecclesiastical writer, ancient or modern, has made 
use of testimonies drawn from them.[11] 3  But in 
the course of my history I shall be careful to 
show, in addition to the official succession, what 
ecclesiastical writers have from time to time made 
use of any of the disputed works,[12] and what 
they have said in regard to the canonical and 
accepted writings,[13] as well as in regard to 
those which are not of this class. Such are the 
writings that bear the name of Peter, only one of 
which I know to be genuine[14] and acknowledged by 
the ancient elders.[15] 5  Paul's fourteen 
epistles are well known and undisputed.[16] It is 
not indeed right to overlook the fact that some 
have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews,[17] 
saying that it is dis-

Please choose an option.

135

puted[18] by the church of Rome, on the ground 
that it was not written by Paul. But what has been 
said concerning this epistle by those who lived 
before our time I shall quote in the proper 
place.[19] In regard to the so-called Acts of 
Paul,[20] I have not found them among the 
undisputed writings.[21]
6   But as the same apostle, in the salutations at 
the end of the Epistle to the Romans,[22] has made 
mention among others of Hermas, to whom the book 
called The Shepherd[23] is ascribed, it should be 
observed that this too has been disputed by some, 
and on their account cannot be placed among the 
acknowledged books; while by others it is 
considered quite indispensable, especially to 
those who need instruction in the elements of the 
faith. Hence, as we know, it has been publicly 
read in churches, and I have found that some  of 
the most ancient writers used it. This will serve 
to show the divine writings that are undisputed as 
well as those that are not universally 
acknowledged.

136

CHAPTER IV.

The First Successors of the Apostles.

1   THAT Paul preached to the Gentiles and laid 
the foundations of the churches "from Jerusalem 
round about even unto Illyricum," is evident both 
from his own words,[1] and from theaccount which 
Luke has given in the Acts.[2]
2   And in how many provinces Peter  preached 
Christ and taught the doctrine of the new covenant 
to those of the circumcision is clear from his own 
words in his epistle already mentioned as 
undisputed,[3] in which he writes to the Hebrews 
of the dispersion in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, 
Asia, and Bithynia.[4] But the number and the 
names of those among them that became true and 
zealous followers of the apostles, and were judged 
worthy to tend the churches rounded by them, it is 
not easy to tell, except those mentioned in the 
writings of Paul. For he had innumerable 
fellow-laborers, or "fellow-soldiers," as he 
called them,[5] and most of them were honored by 
him with an imperishable memorial, for he gave 
enduring testimony 5 concerning them in his own 
epistles. Luke also in the Acts speaks of his 
friends, and mentions them by name.[6]
6     Timothy, so it is recorded, was the first to 
receive the episcopate of the parish in 
Ephesus,[7] Titus of the churches in Crete.[8] But 
Luke,[9] who was of Antiochian parentage and a 
physician by 7 profession,[10] and who was 
especially intimate with Paul and well acquainted 
with the rest of the apostles,[11] has left us, in 
two inspired books, proofs of that spiritual 
healing art which he learned from them. One of 
these books is the Gospel,[12] which he  testifies 
that he wrote as those who were from the beginning 
eye witnesses and ministers of the word delivered 
unto him, all of whom, as he says, he followed 
accurately from the first.[13] The other book is 
the Acts of the Apostles[14] which he

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composed not from the accounts of others, but from 
what he had seen himself. And they say that Paul 
meant to refer to Luke's Gospel wherever, as if 
speaking of some gospel of his own, he used the 
words, "according to my Gospel."[15] As to the 
rest of his followers, Paul testifies that 
Crescens was sent to Gaul;[16] but Linus, whom he 
mentions in the Second Epistle to Timothy[17] as 
his companion at Rome, was Peter's successor in 
the episcopate of the church there, as has already 
been shown.[18] Clement also, who was ap 10 
pointed third bishop of the church at Rome, was, 
as Paul testifies, his co-laborer and 
fellow-soldier.[19] Besides these, that Areopa 11 
gite, named Dionysius, who was the first to 
believe after Paul's address to the Athenians in 
the Areopagus (as recorded by Luke in the 
Acts)[20] is mentioned by another Dionysius, an

138

ancient writer and pastor of the parish in 
Corinth,[21] as the first bishop of the church at  
12. Athens. But the events connected with the 
apostolic succession we shall relate at the proper 
time. Meanwhile let us continue the course of our 
history.

CHAPTER V.

The Last Siege of the Jews after Christ.

AFTER Nero had held the power thirteen years,[1] 
and Galba and Otho had ruled a year and six 
months,[2] Vespasian, who had become distinguished 
in the campaigns against the Jews, was proclaimed 
sovereign in Judea and received the title of 
Emperor from the armies there.[3] Setting out 
immediately, therefore, for Rome, he entrusted the 
conduct of the war
2.  against the Jews to his son Titus.[4] For the  
Jews after the ascension of our Saviour, in 
addition to their crime against him, had been 
devising as many plots as they could against his 
apostles. First Stephen was stoned to death by 
them,[5] and after him James, the son of Zebedee 
and the brother of John, was beheaded,[6] and 
finally James, the first that had obtained the 
episcopal seat in Jerusalem after the ascension of 
our Saviour, died in the manner already 
described.[7] But the rest of the apostles, who 
had been incessantly plotted against with a view 
to their destruction, and had been driven out of 
the land of Judea, went unto all nations to preach 
the Gospel,[8] relying upon the power of Christ, 
who had said to them, "Go ye and make disciples of 
all the nations in my name."[9] 
But the people of the church in Jerusalem had been 
commanded by a revelation, vouchsafed to approved 
men there before the war, to leave the city and to 
dwell in a certain town of Perea called Pella.[10] 
And when those that believed in Christ had come 
thither from Jerusalem, then, as if the royal city 
of the Jews and the whole land of Judea were 
entirely destitute of holy men, the judgment of 
God at length overtook those who had committed 
such outrages against Christ and his apostles, and 
totally destroyed that generation of impious men. 
But the number of calamities which every 4 where 
fell upon the nation at that time; the extreme 
misfortunes to which the inhabitants of Judea were 
especially subjected, the thousands of men, as 
well as women and children, that perished by the 
sword, by famine, and by other forms of death 
innumerable,--all these things, as well as the 
many great sieges which were carried on against 
the cities of Judea, and the excessive. sufferings 
endured by those that fled to Jerusalem itself, as 
to a city of perfect safety, and finally the 
general course of the whole war, as well as its 
particular occurrences in detail, and how at last 
the abomination of desolation, proclaimed by the 
prophets,[11] stood in the very temple of God, so 
celebrated of old, the temple which was now 
awaiting its total and final destruction by 
fire,-- all these things any one that wishes may 
find accurately described in the history written 
by Josephus.[12]
But it is necessary to state that this writer 5 
records that the multitude of those who were 
assembled from all Judea at the time of the 
Passover, to the number of three million 
souls,[13] were shut up in Jerusalem "as in a 
prison," to use his own words. For it was right 6 
that in the very days in which they had inflicted 
suffering upon the Saviour and the Benefactor of 
all, the Christ of God, that in those days, shut 
up "as in a prison," they should meet with 
destruction at the hands of divine justice.
But passing by the particular calamities 7 which 
they suffered from the attempts made upon them by 
the sword and by other means, I think it necessary 
to relate only the misfortunes which the famine 
caused, that those who read 

139

this work may have some means of knowing that  God 
was not long in executing vengeance upon them for 
their wickedness against the Christ of God.
CHAPTER VI.

The Famine which oppressed them.

TAKING the fifth book of the History of  Josephus 
again in our hands, let us go through the tragedy 
of events which then occurred.[1] "For the 
wealthy," he says, "it was equally dangerous to 
remain. For under pretense that they were going to 
desert men were put to death for their wealth. The 
madness of the seditions increased with the famine 
and both the miseries were inflamed more and more 
day by day. Nowhere was food to be seen; but, 
bursting into the houses men searched them 
thoroughly, and whenever they found anything to 
eat they tormented the owners on the ground that 
they had denied that they had anything; but if 
they found nothing, they tortured them on the 
ground that they 4     had more carefully 
concealed it. The proof of their having or not 
having food was found in the bodies of the poor 
wretches. Those of them who were still in good 
condition they assumed were well supplied with 
food, while those who were already wasted away 
they passed by, for it seemed absurd to slay those 
who were   5  on the point of perishing for want. 
Many, indeed, secretly sold their possessions for 
one measure of wheat, if they belonged to the 
wealthier class, of barley if they were poorer. 
Then shutting themselves up in the innermost parts 
of their houses, some ate the grain uncooked on 
account of their terrible want, while others baked 
it according as necessity and  6  fear dictated. 
Nowhere were tables set, but, snatching the yet 
uncooked food from the fire, they tore it in 
pieces. Wretched was the fare, and a lamentable 
spectacle it was to see the more powerful secure 
an abundance while the 7  weaker mourned. Of all 
evils, indeed, famine is the worst, and it 
destroys nothing so effectively as shame. For that 
which under other circumstances is worthy of 
respect, in the midst of famine is despised. Thus 
women snatched the food from the very mouths of 
their husbands and children, from their fathers, 
and what was most pitiable of all, mothers from 
their babes, And while their dearest ones were 
wasting away in their arms, they Were not ashamed 
to take away froth them the last
8    drops that supported life. And even while 
they were eating thus they did not remain 
undiscovered. But everywhere the rioters appeared, 
to rob them even of these portions of food. For 
whenever they saw a house shut up, they regarded 
it as a sign that those inside were taking food. 
And immediately bursting open the doors they 
rushed in and seized what they were eating, almost 
forcing it out of their very throats. Old men who 
clung to their  9 food were beaten, and if the 
women concealed it in their hands, their hair was 
torn for so doing. There was pity neither for gray 
hairs nor for infants, but, taking up the babes 
that clung to their morsels of food, they dashed 
them to the ground. But to those that anticipated 
their entrance and swallowed what they were about 
to seize, they were still more cruel, just as if 
they had been wronged by them. And  10  they, 
devised the most terrible modes of torture to 
discover food, stopping up the privy passages of 
the poor wretches with bitter herbs, and piercing 
their seats with sharp rods. And men suffered 
things horrible even to hear of, for the sake of 
compelling them to confess to the possession of 
one loaf of bread, or in order that they might be 
made to disclose a single drachm of barley which 
they had concealed. But the tormentors themselves 
did not suffer hunger. Their conduct might indeed 
have seemed less barbarous if they had been driven 
to it by necessity; but they did it for the sake 
of exercising their madness and of providing 
sustenance for themselves for days to come. And 
when any one crept out of the  12  city by night 
as far as the outposts of the Romans to collect 
wild herbs and grass, they went to meet him; and 
when he thought he had already escaped the enemy, 
they seized what he had brought with him, and even 
though oftentimes the man would entreat them, and, 
calling upon the most awful name of God, adjure 
them to give him a portion of what he had obtained 
at the risk of his life, they would give him 
nothing back. Indeed, it was fortunate if the one 
that was plundered was not also slain."
To this account Josephus, after relating other 
things, adds the following:[2] "The  13  
possibility of going out of the city being brought 
to an end,[3] all hope of safety for the Jews was 
cut off. And the famine increased and devoured the 
people by houses and families. And the rooms were 
filled with dead women and children, the lanes of 
the city with the corpses of old men. Children and 
youths, 14 swollen with the famine, wandered about 
the market-places like shadows, and fell down 
wherever the death agony overtook them. The sick 
were not strong enough to bury even their own 
relatives, and those who had the strength

140

hesitated because of the multitude of the dead and 
the uncertainty as to their own fate. Many, 
indeed, died while they were burying others,
and many betook themselves to their graves
15   before death came upon them. There was  
neither weeping nor lamentation under these 
misfortunes; but the famine stifled the natural 
affections. Those that were dying a lingering 
death looked with dry eyes upon those that had 
gone to their rest before them. Deep silence and 
death-laden night encircled the city.
16    But the robbers were more terrible than 
these miseries; for they broke open the houses, 
which were now mere sepulchres, robbed the dead 
and stripped the covering from their bodies, and 
went away with a laugh. They tried the points of 
their swords in the dead bodies, and some that 
were lying on the ground still alive they thrust 
through in order to test their weapons. But those 
that prayed that they would use their right hand 
and their sword upon them, they contemptuously 
left to be destroyed by the famine. Every one of 
these died with eyes fixed upon the temple; and 
they left the seditious
17    alive. These at first gave orders that the  
dead should be buried out of the public treasury, 
for they could not endure the stench. But 
afterward, when they were not able to do this, 
they threw the bodies from the walls  18   into 
the trenches. And as Titus went around and saw the 
trenches filled with the dead, and the thick blood 
oozing out of the putrid bodies, he groaned aloud, 
and, raising his hands, called God to witness that 
this was  19  not his doing." After speaking of 
some    other things, Josephus proceeds as 
follows:[4] "I cannot hesitate to declare what my 
feelings compel me to. I suppose, if the Romans 
had longer delayed in coming against these guilty 
wretches, the city would have been swallowed up by 
a chasm, or overwhelmed with a flood, or struck 
with such thunderbolts as destroyed Sodom. For it 
had brought forth a generation of men much more 
godless than were those that suffered such 
punishment. By their madness indeed was the whole 
people brought to destruction." 
20    And in the sixth book he writes as 
follows:[5] "Of those that perished by famine in 
the city the number was countless, and the 
miseries they underwent unspeakable. For if so 
much as the shadow of food appeared in any house, 
there was war, and the dearest friends engaged in 
hand-to-hand conflict with one another, and 
snatched from each other the most wretched 
supports of life. Nor would they believe 21 that 
even the dying were without food; but the robbers 
would search them while they were expiring, lest 
any one should feign death while concealing food 
in his bosom. With mouths gaping for want of food, 
they stumbled and staggered along like mad dogs, 
and beat the doors as if they were drunk, and in 
their impotence they would rush into the same 
houses twice or thrice in one hour. Necessity 
compelled them to eat anything  22 they could 
find, and they gathered and devoured things that 
were not fit even for the filthiest of irrational 
beasts. Finally they did not abstain even from 
their girdles and shoes, and they stripped the 
hides off their shields and devoured them. Some 
used even wisps of old hay for food, and others 
gathered stubble and sold the smallest weight of 
it for four Attic drachm'.[6]
"But why should I speak of the shamelessness which 
was displayed during the famine toward inanimate 
things? For I am going to relate a fact such as is 
recorded neither by Greeks nor Barbarians; 
horrible to relate, incredible to hear. And indeed 
I should gladly have omitted this calamity, that I 
might not seem to posterity to be a teller of 
fabulous tales, if I had not innumerable witnesses 
to it in my own age. And besides, I should render 
my country poor service if I suppressed the 
account of the sufferings which she endured.
"There was a certain woman named Mary that dwelt 
beyond Jordan, whose father was Eleazer, of the 
village of Bathezor[7] (which signifies the house 
of hyssop). She was distinguished for her family 
and her wealth, and had fled with the rest of the 
multitude to Jerusalem and was shut up there with 
them during the siege. The tyrants had robbed her 
of the  25  rest of the property which she had 
brought with her into the city from Perea. And the 
remnants of her possessions and whatever food was 
to be seen the guards rushed in daily and snatched 
away from her. This made the woman terribly angry, 
and by her frequent reproaches and imprecations 
she aroused the anger of the rapacious villains 
against herself. But no one either through anger 
or pity would slay her; and she grew weary of 
finding food for others to eat. The search, too, 
was already become everywhere difficult, and the 
famine was piercing her bowels and marrow, and 
resentment was raging more violently than famine. 
Taking, therefore, anger and necessity as her 
counsellors, she proceeded to do a most unnatural 
thing. Seizing her child, a boy which was sucking 
at her breast, she said, Oh, wretched child, m 
war, in famine, in sedition, for what do I pre-

141

serve thee? Slaves among the Romans we shall be 
even if we are allowed to live by them. But even 
slavery is anticipated by the famine, and the 
rioters are more cruel than both. Come, be food 
for me, a fury for these rioters, (8) and a 
bye-word to the world, for this is all that is 
wanting to complete the calamities of the Jews. 
And when she had said this she slew her son; 98 
and having roasted him, she ate one half herself, 
and covering up the remainder, she kept it. Very 
soon the rioters appeared on the scene, and, 
smelling the nefarious odor, they threatened to 
slay her 'immediately unless she should show them 
what she had prepared. She replied that she had 
saved an excellent portion for them, and with that 
she uncovered the 99 remains of the child. They 
were immediately seized with horror and amazement 
and stood transfixed at the sight. But she said 
This is my own son, and the deed is mine. Eat for 
I too have eaten. Be not more merciful than a 
woman, nor more compassionate than a mother. But 
if you are too pious and shrinkfrom my sacrifice, 
I have already (9) eaten of 80 it; let the rest 
also remain for me. At these words the men went 
out trembling, in this one case being affrighted; 
yet with difficulty did they yield that food to 
the mother. Forthwith the whole city was filled 
with the awful crime, and as all pictured the 
terrible deed before their own eyes, they trembled 
as if they 81 had done it themselves. Those that 
were   suffering from the famine now longed for 
death; and blessed were they that had died before 
hearing and seeing miseries like these."
32  Such was the reward which the Jews received 
for their wickedness and impiety, against the 
Christ of God.

CHAPTER VII.
The Predictions of Christ.
1It is fitting to add to these accounts the true 
prediction of our Saviour in which he 2foretold 
these very events. His words are
as follows: (1) "Woe unto them that are with 
child, and to them that give suck in those days! 
But pray ye that your flight be not in the winter, 
neither on the Sabbath day; For there shall be 
great tribulation, such as was not since the 
beginning of the world to this time, no, nor ever 
shall be." The historian, reckoning the whole 
number (3) of the slain, says that eleven hundred 
thousand persons perished by famine and sword, (2) 
and that the rest of the rioters and robbers, 
being betrayed by each other after the taking of 
the city, were slain. (3) But the tallest of the 
youths and those that were distinguished for 
beauty were preserved for the triumph. Of the rest 
of the multitude, those that were over seventeen 
years of age were sent as prisoners to labor in 
the works of Egypt, (4)  while still more were 
scattered through the provinces to meet their 
death in the theaters by the sword and by beasts. 
Those under seventeen years of age were carried 
away to be sold as slaves, and of these alone the 
number reached ninety thousand. (5) These things 4 
took place in this manner in the second year of 
the reign of Vespasian, (6) in accordance with the 
prophecies of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 
who by divine power saw them beforehand as if they 
were already present, and wept and mourned 
according to the statement of the holy 
evangelists, who give the very words which be 
uttered, when, as if addressing Jerusalem herself, 
he said: (7) "If thou hadst 5 known, even thou, in 
this day, the things which belong unto thy peace! 
But now they are hid from thine eyes. For the days 
shall come upon thee, that thine enemies shall 
cast a rampart about thee, and compass thee round, 
and keep thee in on every side, and shall lay thee 
and thy children even with the ground." And 6 
then, as if speaking concerning the people, he 
says, (8) "For there shall be great distress in 
the land, and wrath upon this people. And they 
shall fall by the edge of the sword, and shall be 
led away captive into all nations. And Jerusalem 
shall be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the 
times of the Gentiles be fulfilled." And again: 
(9) "When ye shall see Jerusalem com-

142

passed with armies, then know that the desolation 
thereof is nigh." 7  If any one compares the words 
of our Saviour with the other accounts of the 
historian concerning the whole war, how can one 
fail to wonder, and to admit that the 
foreknowledge and the prophecy of our Saviour were 
8 truly divine and marvellously strange. (10) 
Concerning those calamities, then, that befell the 
whole Jewish nation after the Saviour's passion 
and after the words which the multitude of the 
Jews uttered, when they begged the release of the 
robber and murderer, but besought that the Prince 
of Life should be taken from their midst, (11) it 
is not necessary to add anything to the 9 account 
of the historian. But it may be proper to mention 
also those events which exhibited the graciousness 
of that all-good Providence which held back their 
destruction full forty years after their crime 
against Christ,--during which time many of the 
apostles and disciples, and James himself the 
first bishop there, the one who is called the 
brother of the Lord,  were still alive, and 
dwelling in Jerusalem itself, remained the surest 
bulwark of the place. Divine Providence thus still 
proved itself long-suffering toward them in order 
to see whether by repentance for what they had 
done they might obtain pardon and salvation; and 
in addition to such long-suffering, Providence 
also furnished wonderful signs of the things which 
were about to happen to them if they did not 
repent. 10 Since these matters have been thought 
worthy of mention by the historian already cited, 
we cannot do better than to recount them for the 
benefit of the readers of this work.

CHAPTER VIII.

The Signs which preceded the War.

1   Taking, then, the work of this author,  read 
what he records in the sixth book of his History. 
His words are as follows: (1) "Thus were the 
miserable people won over at this time by the 
impostors and false prophets; (2) but they did not 
heed nor give credit to the visions and signs that 
foretold the approaching desolation. On the 
contrary, as if struck by lightning, and as if 
possessing neither eyes nor understanding, they 
slighted the proclamations of God. At one time a 
star, in form like a sword, stood over the city, 
and a comet, which lasted for a whole year; and 
again before the revolt and before the 
disturbances that led to the war, when the people 
were gathered for the feast of unleavened bread, 
on the eighth of the month Xanthicus, (3) at the 
ninth hour of the night, so great a light shone 
about the altar and the temple that it seemed to 
be bright day; and this continued for half an 
hour. This seemed to the unskillful a good sign, 
but was interpreted by the sacred scribes as 
portending those events which very soon took 
place. And at the same feast a cow, led 3 by the 
high priest to be sacrificed, brought forth a lamb 
in the midst of the temple. And the eastern gate 
of the inner temple, 4 which was of bronze and 
very massive, and which at evening was closed with 
difficulty by twenty men, and rested upon 
iron-bound beams, and had bars sunk deep in the 
ground, was seen at the sixth hour of the night to 
open of itself. And not many days after the feast, 
5 on the twenty-first of the month Artemisium, (4) 
a certain marvelous vision was seen which passes 
belief. The prodigy might seem fabulous were it 
not related by those who saw it, and were not the 
calamities which followed deserving of such signs. 
For before the setting of the sun chariots and 
armed troops were seen throughout the whole region 
in mid-air, wheeling through the clouds and 
encircling the cities. And at the feast which is 
called Pentecost, 6 when the priests entered the 
temple at night, as was their custom, to perform 
the services, they said that at first they 
perceived a movement and a noise, and afterward a 
voice as of a great multitude, saying, 'Let us go 
hence.' (5) But what follows is still more  7 
terrible; for a certain Jesus, the son of Ananias, 
a common countryman, four years before the war, 
(6) when the city was particularly

143

prosperous and peaceful, came to the feast, at 
which it was customary for all to make tents at 
the temple to the honor of God, (7) and suddenly 
began to cry out: 'A voice from the east, a voice 
from the west, a voice from the four winds, a 
voice against Jerusalem and the temple, a voice 
against bridegrooms and brides, a voice against 
all the people.' Day and night he went 8 through 
all the alleys crying thus. But certain of the 
more distinguished citizens, vexed at the ominous 
cry, seized the man and beat him with many 
stripes. But without uttering a word in his own 
behalf, or saying anything in particular to those 
that were present, he continued to cry out in the 
same words as before. And the rulers, thinking, as 
was true, that the man was moved by a higher 
power, brought him before the Roman governor. (8) 
And then, though he was scourged to the bone, he 
neither made supplication nor shed tears, but, 
changing his voice to the most lamentable tone 
possible, he answered each stroke with the words, 
'Woe, woe unto Jerusalem.'" 10  The same historian 
records another fact still more wonderful than 
this. He says (9) that a certain oracle was found 
in their sacred writings which declared that at 
that time a certain person should go forth from 
their country to rule the world. He himself 
understood 11 that this was fulfilled in 
Vespasian. But Vespasian did not rule the whole 
world, but only that part of it which was subject 
to the Romans. With better right could it be 
applied to Christ; to whom it was said by the 
Father, "Ask of me, and I will give thee the 
heathen for thine inheritance, and the ends of the 
earth for thy possession." (10) At that very time, 
indeed, the voice of his holy apostles "went 
throughout all the earth, and their words to the 
end of the world." (11)

CHAFFER IX.

Josethus and the Works which he has left. AFTER 
all this it is fitting that we should know 
something in regard to the origin and family of 
Josephus, who has contributed so much to the 
history in hand. He himself gives us information 
on this point in the following words: (1) 
"Josephus, the son of Mattathias, a priest of 
Jerusalem, who himself fought against the Romans 
in the beginning and was compelled to be present 
at what happened afterward." He was the most noted 
of all the Jews of that day, not only among his 
own people, but also among the Romans, so that he 
was honored by the erection of a statue in Rome, 
(2) and his works were deemed worthy of a place in 
the library. (3) He wrote the whole of the 
Antiquities of the Jews (4) in twenty books, and a 
history of the war with the Romans which took 
place in his time, in seven books? He himself 
testifies that the latter work was not only 
written in Greek, but that it was also translated 
by himself

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into his native tongue. (6) He is worthy of credit 
here because of his truthfulness in other 4  
matters. There are extant also two other books of 
his which are worth reading. They treat of the 
antiquity of the Jews, (7) and in them he replies 
to Apion the Grammarian, who had at that time 
written a treatise against the Jews, and also to 
others who had attempted to vilify the hereditary 
institutions of the Jewish people. 5  In the first 
of these books he gives the number of the 
canonical books of the so-called Old Testament. 
Apparently (8) drawing his information from 
ancient tradition, he shows what books were 
accepted without dispute among the Hebrews. His 
words are as follows.

CHAPTER X.

The Manner in which Josephus mentions the
Divine Books.

1   "We have not, therefore, a multitude of books 
disagreeing and conflicting with one another; but 
we have only twenty-two, which contain the record 
of all time and are justly held to be divine. Of 
these, five are by 2 Moses, and contain the laws 
and the tradi-

145

tion respecting the origin of man, and continue 
the history (2) down to his own death. This period 
embraces nearly three thousand years. (3) From the 
death of Moses to the death of Artaxerxes, who 
succeeded Xerxes as king of Persia, the prophets 
that followed Moses wrote the history of their own 
times in thirteen books. (4) The other four books 
contain hymns to God, and precepts for the 
regulation of the life of men. From the time of 
Artaxerxes to our own day all the events have been 
recorded, but the accounts are not worthy of the 
same confidence that we repose in those which 
preceded them, because there has not been during 
this time an exact 5 succession of prophets. (5) 
How much we are attached to our own writings is 
shown plainly by our treatment of them. For 
although so great a period has already passed by, 
no one has ventured either to add to or to take 
from them, but it is inbred in all Jews from their 
very birth to regard them as the teachings of God, 
and to abide by them, and, if necessary, 
cheerfully to die for them."
These remarks of the historian I have thought 
might advantageously be introduced in this 
connection. Another work of no little merit 6 has 
been produced by the same writer, On the Supremacy 
of Reason, (6) which some have called Maccabaicum, 
(7) because it contains an account of the 
struggles of those Hebrews who contended manfully 
for the true religion, as is related in the books 
called Maccabees. And at the end of the twentieth 
book of (7) his Antiquities (8) Josephus himself 
intimates that he had purposed to write a work in 
four books concerning God and his existence, 
according to the traditional opinions of the Jews, 
and also concerning the laws, why it is that they 
permit some things while prohibiting others. (9) 
And the same writer also mentions in his own works 
other books written by himself. (9) In (8) 
addition to these things it is proper to quote 
also the words that are found at the close of his 
Antiquities, (10) in confirmation of the testimony 
which we have drawn from his accounts. In that 
place he attacks Justus of Tiberias, (11) who, 
like himself, had attempted to write a history of 
contemporary events, on the ground that he had not 
written truthfully. Having brought many

146

other accusations against the man, he continues in 
these words: (12) "I indeed was not afraid 9 in 
respect to my writings as you were, (13) but,  on 
the contrary, I presented my books to the emperors 
themselves when the events were almost under men's 
eyes. For I was conscious that I had preserved the 
truth in my account, and hence was not 
disappointed in my expectation 10 of obtaining 
their attestation. And I presented my history also 
to many others, some of whom were present at the 
war, as, for instance, King Agrippa (14) and some 
of his 11 relatives. For the Emperor Titus desired 
so much that the knowledge of the events should be 
communicated to men by my history alone, that he 
indorsed the books with his own hand and commanded 
that they should be published. And King Agrippa 
wrote sixty-two epistles testifying to the 
truthfulness of my account." Of these epistles 
Josephus subjoins two. (15) But this will suffice 
in regard to him. Let us now proceed with our 
history.

CHAFFER XI.

Symeon rules the Church of Jerusalem after AFTER 
the martyrdom of James (1) and the conquest of 
Jerusalem which immediately followed, (2) it is 
said that those of the apostles and disciples of 
the Lord that were still living came together from 
all directions with those that were related to the 
Lord according to the flesh (3) (for the majority 
of them also were still alive) to take counsel as 
to who was worthy to succeed James. They all with 
one 2 consent pronounced Symeon, (4) the son of 
Clopas, of whom the Gospel also makes mention; (5) 
to be worthy of the episcopal throne of that 
parish. He was a cousin, as they say, of the 
Saviour. For Hegesippus records that Clopas was a 
brother of Joseph. (6)

CHAFFER XII.

Vespasian commands the Descendants of David to be  
He also relates that Vespasian after the conquest 
of Jerusalem gave orders that all that belonged to 
the lineage of David should be sought out, in 
order that none of the royal race might be left 
among the Jews; and in consequence of this a most 
terrible persecution again hung over the Jews. (1)

147

CHAPTER XIII.

Anencletus, the Second Bishop of  Rome.

After Vespasian had reigned ten years Titus, his 
son, succeeded him. (1) In the second year of his 
reign, Linus, who had been bishop of the church of 
Rome for twelve years, (2) delivered his office to 
Anencletus. (3) But Titus was succeeded by his 
brother Domitian after he had reigned two years 
and the same number of months. (4)

CHAPTER XIV.

Abilius, the Second Bishop of Alexandria.
In the fourth year of Domitian, Annianus, (1) the 
first bishop of the parish of Alexandria, died 
after holding office twenty-two years, and was 
succeeded by Abilius, (2) the second bishop.

CHAPTER XV.

Clement, the Third Bishop of Rome.

In the twelfth year of the same reign Clement 
succeeded Anencletus (1) after the latter had been 
bishop of the church of Rome for twelve years. The 
apostle in his Epistle to the Philippians informs 
us that this Clement was his fellow-worker. His 
words are as follows: (2) "With Clement arid the 
rest of my fellow-laborers whose names are in the 
book of life."

CHAPTER XVI.

The Epistle of Clement.

There is extant an epistle of this Clement (1) 
which is acknowledged to be genuine and is of 
considerable length and of remarkable merit. (2)  
He wrote it in the name of the church of Rome to 
the church of Corinth, when a sedition had arisen 
in the latter church. (3) We know that this 
epistle also has been publicly used in a great 
many churches both in former times and in our own. 
(4) And of the fact that a sedition did take place 
in the church of Corinth at the time referred to 
Hegesippus is a trustworthy witness. (5)

CHAPTER XVII.

The Persecution under Domitian.

Domitian, having shown great cruelty toward many, 
and having unjustly put to death no small number 
of well-born and notable men at Rome, and having 
without cause exiled and confiscated the property 
of a great many other illustrious men, finally 
became a successor of Nero in his. hatred and 
enmity toward God. He was in fact the second that 
stirred up a persecution against us, (1) although 
his father Vespasian had undertaken nothing 
prejudicial to us. (2)

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CHAPTER XVIII.

The Apostle John and the Apocalypse.

1   It is said that in this persecution the 
apostle and evangelist John, who was still alive, 
was condemned to dwell on the island of Patmos in 
consequence of his testimony to the divine word. 
(1) Irenaeus, in the fifth book of his work 
Against Heresies, where he discusses the number of 
the name of Antichrist which is given in the 
so-called Apocalypse of John, (2) speaks as 
follows concerning him: a "If it were necessary 
for his name to be proclaimed openly at the 
present time, it would have been declared by him 
who saw the revelation. For it was seen not long 
ago, but almost in our own generation, at the end 
of the reign of Domitian."
4   To such a degree, indeed, did the teaching of 
our faith flourish at that time that even those 
writers who were far from our religion did not 
hesitate to mention in their histories the 
persecution and the martyrdoms which took place 
during it. (4) And they, indeed, accurately 
indicated the time. For they recorded that in the 
fifteenth year of Domitian (5) Flavia Domitilla, 
daughter of a sister of Flavius Clement, who at 
that time was one of the consuls of Rome, (6) was 
exiled with many others to the island of Pontia in 
consequence of testimony borne to Christ.

CHAPTER XIX.

Domitian commands the Descendants of David
to be slain.

But when this same Domitian had commanded that the 
descendants of David should be slain, an ancient 
tradition says (1) that some of the heretics 
brought accusation against the descendants of Jude 
(said to have been a brother of the Saviour 
according to the flesh), on the ground that they 
were of the lineage of David and were related to 
Christ himself. Hegesippus relates these facts in 
the following words.

CHAPTER XX.

The Relatives of our Saviour.

"Of the family of the Lord there were still 1 
living the grandchildren of Jude, who is said to 
have been the Lord's brother according to the 
flesh. (1) Information was given that they 
belonged to the family of David, and they 2 were 
brought to the Emperor Domitian by the Evocatus. 
(2) For Domitian feared the com-

149

ing of Christ as Herod also had feared it. And he 
asked them if they were descendants of David, and 
they confessed that they were. Then he asked them 
how much property they had, or how much money they 
owned. And both of them answered that they had 
only nine thousand denarii, (8) half of which 
belonged to each of them; and this property did 
not consist of silver, but of a piece of land 
which contained only thirty-nine acres, and from 
which they raised their taxes (4) and supported 
themselves by their own labor." (5) 5 Then they 
showed their hands, exhibiting the hardness of 
their bodies and the callousness produced upon 
their hands by continuous toil as evidence of 
their own labor.  And when they were asked 
concerning Christ and his kingdom, of what sort it 
was and where and when it was to appear, they, 
answered that it was not a temporal nor an earthly 
kingdom, but a heavenly and angelic one, which 
would appear at the end of the world, when he 
should come in glory to judge the quick and the 
dead, and to give unto every one according to his 
works. Upon hearing this, Domitian did not pass 
judgment against them, but, despising them as of 
no account, he let them go, and by a decree put a 
stop to the persecution of the Church. But when 
they were released they ruled the churches because 
they were witnesses (6) and were also relatives of 
the Lord. (7) And peace being established, they 
lived until the time of Trojan. These things are 
related by Hegesippus.
9  Tertullian also has mentioned Domitian in the 
following words: (8) "Domitian also, who possessed 
a share of Nero's cruelty, attempted once to do 
the same thing that the latter did. But because he 
had, I suppose, some intelligence, (9) he very 
soon ceased, and even 10 recalled those whom he 
had banished." But after Domitian had reigned 
fifteen years, (16) and Nerva had succeeded to the 
empire, the Roman Senate, according to the writers 
that record the history of those days, (11) voted 
that Domitian's honors should be cancelled, and 
that those who had been unjustly banished should 
return to their homes and have their property 
restored to them. It was at this time 11 that the 
apostle John returned from his banishment in the 
island and took up his abode at Ephesus, according 
to an ancient Christian tradition. (12)

CHAPTER XXI.

Cerdon becomes the Third Ruler of the Church
of Alexandria.

After Nerva had reigned a little more  1 than a 
year (1) he was succeeded by Trojan. It was during 
the first year of his reign that Abilius, (2) who 
had ruled the church of Alexandria for thirteen 
years, was succeeded by Cerdon. (3) He was the 
third that presided2 over that church after 
Annianus, (4) who was the first. At that time 
Clement still ruled the church of Rome, being also 
the third that held the episcopate there after 
Paul and Peter. Linus was the first, and after him 
came 3 Anencletus, (5)

CHAPTER XXII.

Ignatius, the Second Bishop of Antioch.
AT this time Ignatius (1) was known as the second 
bishop of Antioch, Evodius having been the first. 
(2) Symeon (3) likewise was at that time the 
second ruler of the church of Jerusalem, the 
brother of our Saviour having been the first.

150

CHAPTER XXIII.

Narrative concerning John the Apostle.

1   At that time the apostle and evangelist  John, 
the one whom Jesus loved, was still living in 
Asia, and governing the churches of that region, 
having returned after the death of Domitian from 
his exile on the island. (1) 2  And that he was 
still alive at that time (2) may be established by 
the testimony of two witnesses. They should be 
trustworthy who have maintained the orthodoxy of 
the Church; and such indeed were Irenaeus and 
Clement 3 of Alexandria. (3) The former in the 
second book of his work Against Heresies, writes 
as follows: (4) "And all the elders that 
associated with John the disciple of the Lord in 
Asia bear witness that John delivered it to them. 
For he remained among them until the time of 
Trajan." (5) And in the third book of the same 
work he attests the same thing in the following 
words: (6) "But the church in Ephesus also, which 
was founded by Paul, and where John remained until 
the time of Trajan, is a faithful witness of the 
apostolic tradition." 5 Clement likewise in his 
book entitled What Rich Man can be saved? (7) 
indicates the time, (8) and subjoins a narrative 
which is most attractive to those that enjoy 
hearing what is beautiful and profitable. Take and 
read the account which rims as follows: (9) 
"Listen to a tale, which is not a mere tale, 6 but 
a narrative (10) concerning John the apostle, 
which has been handed down and treasured up in 
memory. For when, after the tyrant's death, (11) 
he returned from the isle of Patmos to Ephesus, he 
went away upon their invitation to the neighboring 
territories of the Gentiles, to appoint bishops in 
some places, in other places to set in order whole 
churches, elsewhere to choose to the ministry some 
one (12) of those that were pointed out by the 
Spirit. When he 7 had come to one of the cities 
not far away (the name of which is given by some 
(13)), and had consoled the brethren in other 
matters, he finally turned to the bishop that had 
been appointed, and seeing a youth of powerful 
physique, of pleasing appearance, and of ardent 
temperament, he said, 'This one I commit to thee 
in all earnestness in the presence of the Church 
and with Christ as witness.' And when the bishop 
had accepted the Charge and had promised all, he 
repeated the same injunction with an appeal to the 
same witnesses, and then departed for Ephesus. But 
the presbyter, (14) 8 taking home the youth 
committed to him,

151

reared, kept, cherished, and finally baptized (15) 
him. After this he relaxed his stricter care and 
watchfulness, with the idea that in putting upon 
him the seal of the Lord (16) he had given him a 
perfect protection. But some youths  9 of his own 
age, idle and dissolute, and accustomed to evil 
practices, corrupted him when he was thus 
prematurely freed from restraint. At first they 
enticed him by costly entertainments; then, when 
they went forth at night for robbery, they took 
him with them, and finally they demanded that he 
should unite with them in some greater crime. He 
gradually 10 became accustomed to such practices, 
and on account of the positiveness of his 
character, (17) leaving the right path, and taking 
the bit in his teeth like a hard-mouthed and 
powerful horse, he rushed the more violently down 
into the depths. And finally despairing of 
salvation in God, he no longer meditated what was 
insignificant, but having committed some great 
crime, since he was now lost once for all, he 
expected to suffer a like fate with the rest. 
Taking them, therefore, and forming a band of 
robbers, he became a bold bandit-chief, the most 
violent, most bloody, most cruel of them all. Time 
passed, and some necessity having arisen, they 
sent for John. But he, when he had set in order 
the other matters on account of which he had come, 
said, 'Come, O bishop, restore us the deposit 
which both I and Christ committed to thee, the 
church, over which thou presidest, being witness. 
(7) But the bishop was 13 at first confounded, 
thinking that he was falsely charged in regard to 
money which he had not received, and he could 
neither believe the accusation respecting what he 
had not, nor could he disbelieve John. But when he 
said, 'I demand the young man and the soul of the 
brother,' the old man, groaning deeply and at the 
same time bursting into tears, said, 'He is dead.' 
'How and what kind of death?' 'He is dead to God,' 
he said; 'for he turned wicked and abandoned, and 
at last a robber. And now, instead of the church, 
he haunts the mountain with a band like himself.' 
But the 14 Apostle rent his clothes, and beating 
his head with great lamentation, he said, 'A fine 
guard I left for a brother's soul !But let a horse 
be brought me, and let some one show me the way.' 
He rode away from the church just as he was, and 
coming to the place, he was 15 taken prisoner by 
the robbers' outpost. He, however, neither fled 
nor made entreaty,

152

but cried out, 'For this did I come; lead 16 me to 
your captain.' The latter, meanwhile, was waiting, 
armed as he was. But when he recognized John 
approaching, he 17 turned in shame to flee. But 
John, forgetting his age, pursued him with all his 
might, crying out, 'Why, my son, dost thou flee 
from me, thine own father, unarmed, aged? Pity me, 
my son; fear not; thou hast still hope of life. I 
will give account to Christ for thee. If need be, 
I will willingly endure thy death as the Lord 
suffered death for us. For thee will I give up my 
life. Stand, believe; Christ hath sent 18 me.' And 
he, when he heard, first stopped and looked down; 
then he threw away his arms, and then trembled and 
wept bitterly. And when the old man approached, he 
embraced him, making confession with lamentations 
as he! was able, baptizing himself a second time 
with tears, and concealing only his right hand, 19 
But John, pledging himself, and assuring him on 
oath that he would find forgiveness with the 
Saviour, besought him, fell upon his knees, kissed 
his right hand itself as if now purified by 
repentance, and led him back to the church. And 
making intercession for him with copious prayers, 
and struggling together with him in continual 
fastings, and subduing his mind by various 
utterances, he did not depart, as they say, until 
he had restored him to the church, furnishing a 
great example of true repentance and a great proof 
of regeneration, a trophy of a visible 
resurrection."

CHAPTER XXIV.

The Order of the Gospels.

1   This extract from Clement I have inserted here 
for the sake of the history and for the benefit of 
my readers. Let us now point out the undisputed 
writings of this apostle. 2 And in the first place 
his Gospel, which is known to all the churches 
under heaven, must be acknowledged as genuine. (1) 
That it has with good reason been put by the 
ancients in the fourth place, after the other 
three Gospels, may be made evident in the 
following way. Those great and truly divine men, I 
mean 3 the apostles of Christ, were purified in 
their life, and were adorned with every virtue of 
the soul, but were uncultivated in speech. They 
were confident indeed in their trust in the divine 
and wonder-working power which was granted unto 
them by the Saviour, but they did not know how, 
nor did they attempt to proclaim the doctrines of 
their teacher in studied and artistic language, 
but employing only the demonstration of the divine 
Spirit, which worked with them, and the 
wonder-working power of Christ, which was 
displayed through them, they published the 
knowledge of the kingdom of heaven throughout the 
whole world, paying little attention to the 
composition of written works. And this  4 they did 
because they were assisted in their ministry by 
one greater than man. Paul, for instance, who 
surpassed them all in vigor of expression and in 
richness of thought, committed to writing no more 
than the briefest epistles, (2) although he had 
innumerable mysterious matters to communicate, for 
he had attained even unto the sights of the third 
heaven, had been carried to the very paradise of 
God, and had been deemed worthy to 'heat 
unspeakable utterances there. (3) And the rest of 
the followers of our Saviour, 5 the twelve 
apostles, the seventy disciples, and countless 
others besides, were not ignorant of these things. 
Nevertheless, of all the disciples (4) of the 
Lord, only Matthew and John have left us written 
memorials, and they, tradition says, were led to 
write only under the pressure of necessity. For 
Matthew, who had 6 at first preached to the 
Hebrews, when he was about to go to other peoples, 
committed his Gospel to writing in his native 
tongue, (5) and thus

153

compensated those whom he was obliged 7 to leave 
for the loss of his presence. And when Mark and 
Luke had already published their Gospels, (6) they 
say that John, who had employed all his time in 
proclaiming the Gospel orally, finally proceeded 
to write for the following reason. The three 
Gospels already mentioned having come into the 
hands of all and into his own too, they say that 
he accepted them and bore witness to their 
truthfulness; but that there was lacking in them 
an account of the deeds done by Christ at the 
beginning of his ministry. 8 (7) And this indeed 
is true. For it is evident that the three 
evangelists recorded only the deeds done by the 
Saviour for one year after the imprisonment of 
John the Baptist, (8) and indicated this in the 
beginning of their account. For Matthew, after the 
forty days'  9 fast and the temptation which 
followed it,  indicates the chronology of his work 
when he says: "Now when he heard that John was 
delivered up he withdrew from Judea into 
Galilee.'' (9) Mark likewise says: "Now after 10 
that John was delivered up Jesus came into 
Galilee." (10) And Luke, before commencing his 
account of the deeds of Jesus, similarly marks the 
time, when he says that Herod, "adding to all the 
evil deeds which he had done, shut up John in 
prison." (11) They say, therefore, 11 that the 
apostle John, being asked to do it for this 
reason, gave in his Gospel an account of the 
period which had been omitted by the earlier 
evangelists, and of the deeds done by the Saviour 
during that period; that is, of those which were 
done before the imprisonment of the Baptist. And 
this is indicated by him, they say, in the 
following words: "This beginning of miracles did 
Jesus "; (12) and again when he refers to the 
Baptist, in the midst of the deeds of Jesus, as 
still baptizing in [?]non near Salim; (13) where 
he states the matter clearly in the words: "For 
John was not yet cast into prison." (14) John 12 
accordingly, in his Gospel, records the deeds of 
Christ which were performed before the Baptist was 
cast into prison, but the other three evangelists 
mention the events which happened after that time. 
One who under- 13 stands this can no longer think 
that the Gospels are at variance with one another, 
inasmuch as the Gospel according to John contains 
the first acts of Christ, while the others give an 
account of the latter part of his life. And the 
genealogy of our Saviour according to the flesh 
John quite naturally omitted, because it had been 
already given by Matthew and Luke, and began with 
the doctrine of his divinity, which had, as it 
were, been reserved for him, as their superior, by 
the divine Spirit. (15) These 14 things may 
suffice, which we have said concerning the Gospel 
of John. The cause which led to the composition of 
the Gospel of Mark has been already stated by us. 
(16) But as for Luke, 15 in the beginning of his 
Gospel, he states

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He states that since many others had more rashly 
undertaken to compose a narrative of the events of 
which he had acquired perfect knowledge, he 
himself, feeling the necessity of freeing us from 
their uncertain opinions, delivered in his own 
Gospel an accurate account of those events in 
regard to which he had learned the full truth, 
being aided by his intimacy and his stay with Paul 
and by his acquaintance with 16 the rest of the 
apostles. (17) So much for our own account of 
these things. But in a more fitting place we shall 
attempt to show by quotations from the ancients, 
what others have said concerning them. 17  But of 
the writings of John, not only his Gospel, but 
also the former of his epistles, has been accepted 
without dispute both now and in ancient times. 
(18) But the other two 18 are disputed. (19) In 
regard to the Apocalypse, the opinions of most men 
are still divided. (20) But at the proper time 
this question

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likewise shall be decided from the testimony of 
the ancients. 

CHAPTER XXV.

The Divine Scriptures that are accept  and those 
that are not. (1)

1   Since we are dealing with this subject it is 
proper to sum up the writings of the New Testament 
which have been already mentioned. First then must 
be put the holy quaternion of the Gospels; (2) 
following them the Acts of the Apostles. (3) After 
this must2 be reckoned the epistles of Paul; (4) 
next in

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order the extanfinal former epistle of John, (5) 
and likewise the epistle of Peter, (6) must be 
maintained. (6) After them is to be placed, if it 
really seem proper, the Apocalypse of John, (7) 
concerning which we shall give the different 
opinions at the proper time. (8) These then belong 
among the accepted writings. (9) Among the 
disputed writings, (10) which are nevertheless 
recognized n by many, are extant the so-called 
epistle of James (12) and that of Jude, (13) also 
the second epistle of Peter, (14) and those that 
are called the second and third of John, (15) 
whether they belong to the evangelist or to 
another person of the same name. Among the 
rejected 4 writings (16) must be reckoned also the 
Acts of    Paul, (17) and the so-called Shepherd, 
(18) and the Apocalypse of Peter, (19) and in 
addition to these the extant epistle of Barnabas, 
(20) and the so-called Teachings of the Apostles; 
(21) and besides, as I said, the Apocalypse of 
John, if it seem proper, which some, as I said, 
reject, (22) but which others class with the 
accepted books. (23) And 5 among these some have 
placed also the Gospel according to the Hebrews, 
(24) with which

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those of the Hebrews that have accepted Christ are 
especially delighted. And all these may be 
reckoned among the disputed books. (25) But we 
have nevertheless felt compelled to give a 
catalogue of these also, distinguishing those 
works which according to ecclesiastical tradition 
are true and genuine and commonly accepted, (26) 
from those others which, although not canonical 
but disputed, (27) are yet at the same time known 
to most ecclesiastical writers--we have felt 
compelled to give this catalogue in order that we 
might be able to know both these works and those 
that are cited by the heretics under the name of 
the apostles, including, for instance, such books 
as the Gospels of Peter, (28) of Thomas, (29) of 
Matthias, (30) or of any others besides them, and 
the Acts of Andrew (81) and John (82) and the 
other apostles, which no one belonging to the 
succession of ecclesiastical writers has deemed 
worthy of mention in his writings. And further, 
the character of the style is at 7 variance with 
apostolic usage, and both the thoughts and the 
purpose of the things that are related in them are 
so completely out of accord with true orthodoxy 
that they clearly show themselves to be the 
fictions of heretics. (33) Wherefore they are not 
to be placed even among the rejected (34) 
writings, but are all of them to be cast aside as 
absurd and impious. Let us now proceed with our 
history.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Menander the Sorcerer.

Menander, (1) who succeeded Simon Magus, (2)  
showed himself in his conduct another in-

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strument of diabolical power, (3) not inferior to 
the former. He also was a Samaritan and carried 
his sorceries to no less an extent than his 
teacher had done, and at the same time reveled in 
still more marvelous tales than he. For he said 
that he was himself the Saviour, who had been sent 
down from invisible aeons for 2  the salvation of 
men; (4) and he taught that no one could gain the 
mastery over the world-creating angels themselves 
(5) unless he had first gone through the magical 
discipline imparted by him and had received 
baptism from him. Those who were deemed worthy of 
this would partake even in the present life of 
perpetual immortality, and would never die, but 
would remain here forever, and without growing old 
become immortal. (6) These facts can be easily 3 
learned from the works of Irenaeus. (7) And 
Justin, in the passage in which he mentions Simon, 
gives an account of this man also, in the 
following words: (8) "And we know that a certain 
Menander, who was also a Samaritan, from the 
village of Capparattea, (9) was a disciple of 
Simon, and that he also, being driven by the 
demons, came to Antioch (10) and deceived many by 
his magical art. And he persuaded his followers 
that they should not die. And there are 4 still 
some of them that assert this." And it was indeed 
an artifice of the devil to endeavor, by means of 
such sorcerers, who assumed the name of 
Christians, to defame the great mystery of 
godliness by magic art, and through them to make 
ridiculous the doctrines of the Church concerning 
the immortality of the soul and the resurrection 
of the dead. (11) But they that have chosen these 
men as their saviours have fallen away from the 
true hope.

CHAPTER XXVII.

The Heresy of the Ebionites. (1)

The evil demon, however, being unable to tear 
certain others from their allegiance

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to the Christ of God, yet found them susceptible 
in a different direction, and so brought them over 
to his own purposes. The ancients quite properly 
called these men Ebionites, because they held poor 
and mean opinions concerning Christ. (2) For they 
considered him a plain and common man, who was 
justified only because of his superior virtue, and 
who was the fruit of the intercourse of a man with 
Mary. In their opinion the observance of the 
ceremonial law was altogether necessary, on the 
ground that they could not be saved by faith in 
Christ 3 alone and by a corresponding life. (3) 
There were others, however, besides them, that 
were of the same name, (4) but avoided the strange 
and absurd beliefs of the former, and did not deny 
that the Lord was born of a virgin and of the Holy 
Spirit. But nevertheless, inasmuch as they also 
refused to acknowledge that he pre-existed, being 
God, Word, and Wisdom, they turned aside into the 
impiety of the former, especially when they, like 
them, endeavored to observe strictly the bodily 
worship of the law. (6) These men, 4 moreover, 
thought that it was necessary to reject all the 
epistles of the apostle, whom they called an 
apostate from the law; (7) and they used only the 
so-called Gospel according to the Hebrews (8) and 
made small account of the rest. The Sabbath and 
the rest of the discipline 5 of the Jews they 
observed just like them, but at the same time, 
like us, they celebrated the Lord's days as a 
memorial of the

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6  resurrection of the Saviour. (9) Wherefore, in 
consequence of such a course they received the 
name of Ebionites, which signified the poverty of 
their understanding. For this is the name by which 
a poor man is called among the Hebrews. (10)

CHAPTER XXVIII. Cerinthus the Heresiarch.
1   We have understood that at this time 
Cerinthus, (1) the author of another heresy, made 
his appearance. Caius, whose words we quoted 
above, (2) in the Disputation which is ascribed to 
him, writes as follows concerning this man: "But 
Cerinthus also, by means 2 of revelations which he 
pretends were written by a great apostle, brings 
before us marvelous things which he falsely claims 
were shown him by angels; and he says that after 
the resurrection the kingdom of Christ will be set 
up on earth, and that the flesh dwelling in 
Jerusalem will again be subject to desires and 
pleasures. And being an enemy of the Scriptures of 
God, he asserts, with the purpose of deceiving 
men, that there is to be a period of a thousand 
years a for marriage festivals." (4) And 
Dionysius, (5) who 3 was bishop of the parish of 
Alexandria in our day, in the second book of his 
work On the Promises, where he says some things 
concerning the Apocalypse of John which he draws 
from tradition, mentions this same man in the 
following words: (6)  "But (they say that) 4 
Cerinthus, who founded the sect which was called, 
after him, the Cerinthian, desiring reputable 
authority for his fiction, prefixed the name. For 
the doctrine which he taught was this: that the 
kingdom of Christ will be an

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5 earthly one. And as he was himself devoted to 
the pleasures of the body and altogether sensual 
in his nature, he dreamed that that kingdom would 
consist in those things which he desired, namely, 
in the delights of the belly and of sexual 
passion, that is to say, in eating and drinking 
and marrying, and in festivals and sacrifices and 
the slaying of victims, under the guise of which 
he thought he could indulge his appetites with a 
better grace." These are the 6 words of Dionysius. 
But Irenaeus, in the  first book of his work 
Against Heresies, (7) gives some more abominable 
false doctrines of the same man, and in the third 
book relates a story which deserves to be 
recorded. He says, on the authority of Polycarp, 
that the apostle John once entered a bath to 
bathe; but, learning that Cerinthus was within, he 
sprang from the place and rushed out of the door, 
for he could not bear to remain under the same 
roof with him. And he advised those that were with 
him to do the same, saying, "Let us flee, lest the 
bath fall for Cerinthus, the enemy of the truth, 
is within." (8)

CHAPTER XXIX.

Nicolaus and the Sect named after him.

1   At this time the so-called sect of the 
Nicolaitans made its appearance and lasted for a 
very short time. Mention is made of it in the 
Apocalypse of John. (1) They boasted that the 
author of their sect was Nicolaus, one of the 
deacons who, with Stephen, were appointed by the 
apostles for the purpose of ministering to the 
poor. (2) Clement of Alexandria, in the third book 
of his Stromata, relates the following things 
concerning him. (3) "They say that he had 2 a 
beautiful wife, and after the ascension of the 
Saviour, being accused by the apostles of 
jealousy, he led her into their midst and gave 
permission to any one that wished to marry her. 
For they say that this was in accord with that 
saying of his, that one ought to abuse the flesh. 
And those that have followed his heresy, imitating 
blindly and foolishly that which was done and 
said, commit fornication without shame. But I 
understand that Nicolaus had to do 3 with no other 
woman than her to whom he was married, and that, 
so far as his children are concerned, his 
daughters continued in a state of virginity until 
old age, and his son remained uncorrupt. If this 
is so, when he brought his wife, whom he jealously 
loved, into the midst of the apostles, he was 
evidently renouncing his passion; and when he used 
the expression, 'to abuse the flesh,' he was 
inculcating self-control in the face of those 
pleasures that are eagerly pursued. For I suppose 
that, in accordance with the command of the 
Saviour, he did not wish to serve two masters, 
pleasure and the Lord. (4) But they 4 say that 
Matthias also taught in the same manner that we 
ought to fight against and abuse the flesh, and 
not give way to it for the sake of pleasure, but 
strengthen the soul by faith and knowledge." (5) 
So much concerning those who then attempted to 
pervert the truth, but in less time than it has 
taken to tell it became entirely extinct.

CHAPTER XXX.
The Apostles that were married. Clement, indeed, 
whose words we have  1 just quoted, after the 
above-mentioned facts gives a statement, on 
account of those who rejected marriage, of the 
apostles that had wives. (1)

162

"Or will they," says he, (2) "reject even the 
apostles? For Peter (3) and Philip (4) begat 
children; and Philip also gave his daughters in 
marriage. And Paul does not hesitate, in one of 
his epistles, to greet his wife, (5) whom he did 
not take about with him, that he might not be 
inconvenienced 2 in his ministry." And since we 
have mentioned this subject it is not improper to 
subjoin another account which is given by the same 
author and which is worth reading. In the seventh 
book of his Stromata he writes as follows: (6) 
"They say, accordingly, that when the blessed 
Peter saw his own wife led oat to die, he rejoiced 
because of her summons and her return home, and 
called to her very encouragingly and comfortingly, 
addressing her by name, and saying, 'Oh thou, 
remember the Lord.' Such was the marriage of the 
blessed, and their perfect disposition toward 
those dearest to them." This account being in 
keeping with the subject in hand, I have related 
here in its proper place.

CHAPTER XXXI.

The Death of John and Philip.

The time and the manner of the death of Paul and 
Peter as well as their burial places, have been 
already shown by us. (1) The time2, of John's 
death has also been given in a general way, (2) 
but his burial place is indicated by an epistle of 
Polycrates (3) (who was bishop of the parish of 
Ephesus), addressed to Victor, (4) bishop of Rome. 
In this epistle he mentions him together with the 
apostle Philip and his daughters in the following 
words: (5) "For in 3 Asia also great lights have 
fallen asleep, which shall rise again on the last 
day, at the coming of the Lord, when he shall come 
with glory from heaven and shall seek out all the 
saints. Among these are Philip, one of the twelve 
apostles, (6) who sleeps in Hierapolis, (7) and 
his two aged virgin daughters, and another 
daughter who lived in the Holy Spirit and now 
rests at Ephesus; (8) and

163

moreover John, who was both a witness (9) and a 
teacher, who reclined upon the bosom of the Lord, 
and being a priest wore the sacerdotal plate. (10) 
He also sleeps at Ephesus." (11) So much 
concerning their death. And in the Dialogue of 
Caius which we mentioned a little above, (12) 
Proclus, (13) against whom he directed his 
disputation, in agreement with what has been 
quoted, (14) speaks thus concerning the death of 
Philip and his daughters: "After him (15) there 
were four prophetesses, the daughters of Philip, 
at Hierapolis in Asia. Their tomb is there and the 
tomb of their father." Such is his state-merit. 
But Luke, in the Acts of the Apostles, mentions 
the daughters of Philip who were at that time at 
Caesarea in Judea with their father, and were 
honored with the gift of prophecy. His words are 
as follows: "We came unto Caesarea; and entering 
into the house of Philip the evangelist, who was 
one of the seven, we abode with him. Now this man 
had four daughters, virgins, which did prophesy." 
(16) We have thus set forth in these pages6 what 
has come to our knowledge concerning the apostles 
themselves and the apostolic age, and concerning 
the sacred writings which they have left us, as 
well as concerning those which are disputed, but 
nevertheless have been publicly used by many in a 
great number of churches, (17) and moreover,  
concerning those that are altogether rejected and 
are out of harmony with apostolic orthodoxy. 
Having done this, let us now proceed with our 
history.

CHAPTER XXXII.

Symeon, Bishop of Jerusalem, suffers Martyrdom.

It is reported that after the age of Nero and 1 
Domitian, under the emperor whose times we are now 
recording, (1) a persecution was stirred up 
against us in certain cities in consequence of a 
popular uprising. (2) In this persecution we have 
understood that Symeon, the son of Clopas, who, as 
we have shown, was the second bishop of the church 
of Jerusalem, (3) suffered martyrdora. Hegesippus, 
whose words we have2 already quoted in various 
places, (4) is a witness to this fact also. 
Speaking of certain heretics (5) he adds that 
Symeon was accused by them at this time; and since 
it was clear that he was a Christian, he was 
tortured in various ways for many days, and 
astonished even the judge himself and his 
attendants in the highest degree, and finally he 
suffered a death similar to that of our Lord. (6) 
But there is nothing like hearing the historian 3 
himself, who writes as follows: "Certain of these 
heretics brought accusation against Symeon, the 
son of Clopas, on the ground that he was a 
descendant of David (7) and a Christian;

164

and thus he suffered martyrdom, at the age of one 
hundred and twenty years, (8) while Trajan was 
emperor and Atticus governor." (9) 4 And the same 
writer says that his accusers also, when search 
was made for the descendants of David, were 
arrested as belonging to that family. (10) And it 
might be reasonably assumed that Symeon was one of 
those that saw and heard the Lord, (11) judging 
from the length of his life, and from the fact 
that the Gospel makes mention of Mary, the wife of 
Clopas, (12) who was the father of Symeon, as has 
been already shown. (13) The same historian says 
that there were also others, descended from one of 
the so-called brothers of the Saviour, whose name 
was Judas, who, after they had borne testimony 
before Domitian, as has been already recorded, 
(14) in behalf of faith in Christ, lived until the 
same reign. He writes as follows: "They came, 
therefore, and took the lead of every church (14a) 
as witness (15) and as relatives of the Lord. And 
profound peace being established in every church, 
they remained until the reign of the Emperor 
Trajan, (16) and until the above-mentioned Symeon, 
son of Clopas, an uncle of the Lord, was informed 
against by the heretics, and was himself in like 
manner accused for the same cause (17) before the 
governor Atticus. (18) And after being tortured 
for many days he suffered martyrdom, and all, 
including even the proconsul, marveled that, at 
the age of one hundred and twenty years, he could 
endure so much. And orders were given that he 
should be crucified." In addition to these things 
the same 7 man, while recounting the events of 
that period, records that the Church up to that 
time had remained a pure and uncorrupted virgin, 
since, if there were any that attempted to corrupt 
the sound norm of the preaching of salvation, they 
lay until then concealed in obscure darkness. But 
when the sacred college of  8 apostles had 
suffered death in various forms, and the 
generation of those that had been deemed worthy to 
hear the inspired wisdom with their own ears had 
passed away, then the league of godless error took 
its rise as a result of the folly of heretical 
teachers, (19) who, because none of the apostles 
was still living, attempted henceforth, with a 
bold face, to proclaim, in opposition to the 
preaching of the truth, the 'knowledge which is 
falsely so-called.' (20) 

CHAPTER XXXIII.

Trajan forbids the Christians to be sought after.

So great a persecution was at that time  1 opened 
against us in many places that Plinius Secundus, 
one of the most noted of governors, being 
disturbed by the great number of martyrs, 
communicated with the emperor concerning the 
multitude of those that were put to death for

165

their faith. (1) At the same time, he informed him 
in his communication that he had not heard of 
their doing anything profane or contrary to the 
laws,--except that they arose at dawn (2) and sang 
hymns to Christ as a God; but that the), renounced 
adultery and murder and like criminal offenses, 
and did all things in accordance with the laws. In 
reply to this Trajan2. made the following decree: 
that the race of Christians should not be sought 
after, but when  found should be punished. On 
account of this the persecution which had 
threatened to be a most terrible one was to a 
certain degree checked, but there were still left 
plenty of pretexts for those who wished to do us 
harm. Sometimes the people, sometimes the rulers 
in various places, would lay plots against us, so 
that, although no great persecutions took place, 
local persecutions were nevertheless going on in 
particular provinces, (3) and many of the faithful 
endured martyrdom in various forms. We have taken 
our account from the 3 Latin Apology of Tertullian 
which we mentioned above. (4) The translation runs 
as follows: (5) "And indeed we have found that 
search for us has been forbidden. (6) For when 
Plinius Secundus, the governor of a province, had 
condemned certain Christians and deprived them of 
their dignity, (7) he was confounded by the 
multitude, and was uncertain what further course 
to pursue. He therefore communicated with Trajan 
the emperor, informing him that, aside from their 
unwillingness to sacrifice, (8) he had found no 
impiety in them. And he reported this also, 4 that 
the Christians arose (9) early in the

166

morning and sang hymns unto Christ as a God, and 
for the purpose of preserving their discipline 
(10) forbade murder, adultery, avarice, robbery, 
and the like. In reply to this Trajan wrote that 
the race of Christians should not be sought after, 
but when found should be punished." Such were the 
events which took place at that time.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Evarestus, the Fourth Bishop of the Church of 
Rome.
In the third year of the reign of the emperor 
mentioned above, (1) Clement (2) committed the 
episcopal government of the church of Rome to 
Evarestus, (3) and departed this life after he had 
superintended the teaching of the divine word nine 
years in all.

CHAPTER XXXV.

Justus, the Third Bishop of` Jerusalem.

But when Symeon also had died in the manner 
described, (1) a certain Jew by the name of Justus 
(2) succeeded to the episcopal throne in 
Jerusalem. He was one of the many thousands of the 
circumcision who at that time believed in Christ.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

Ignatius and his Epistles.

1      At that time Polycarp, (1) a disciple of 
the apostles, was a man of eminence in Asia, 
having been entrusted with the episcopate of the 
church of Smyrna by those who had seen and heard 
the Lord. 2      And at the same time Papias, (2) 
bishop of the parish of Hierapolis, (3) became 
well known, as did also Ignatius, who was chosen 
bishop of Antioch, second in succession to Peter, 
and whose fame is still celebrated by a great 
many. (4)

167

Report says that he was sent from Syria to Rome, 
and became food for wild beasts on account of his 
testimony to Christ. (5) And 4 as he made the 
journey through Asia under the strictest military 
surveillance, he fortified the parishes in the 
various cities where he stopped by oral homilies 
and exhortations, and warned them above all to be 
especially on their guard against the heresies 
that were then beginning to prevail, and exhorted 
them to hold fast to the tradition of the 
apostles. Moreover, he thought it necessary to 
attest that tradition in writing, and to give it a 
fixed form for the sake of greater security. So 
when he came to 5 Smyrna, where Polycarp was, he 
wrote an epistle to the church of Ephesus, (6) in 
which he.

168

mentions Onesimus, its pastor; (7) and another to 
the church of Magnesia, situated upon the 
Maeander, in which he makes mention again of a 
bishop Damas; and finally one to the church of 
Tralles, whose bishop, he states, was at that 6 
time Polybius. In addition to these he wrote also 
to the church of Rome, entreating them not to 
secure his release from martyrdom, and thus rob 
him of his earnest hope. In confirmation of what 
has been said it is proper to quote briefly from 
this epistle. He writes 7 as follows: (8) "From 
Syria even unto Rome I fight with wild beasts, by 
land and by sea, by night and by day, being bound 
amidst ten leopards? that is, a company of 
soldiers who only become worse when they are well 
treated. In the midst of their wrongdoings, 
however, I am more fully learning discipleship, 
but I 8 am not thereby justified. (10) May I have 
joy of the beasts that are prepared for me; and I 
pray that I may find them ready; I will even coax 
them to devour me quickly that they may not treat 
me as they have some whom they have refused to 
touch through fear. (11) And if they are 
unwilling, I will compel them. Forgive me. 9 I 
know what is expedient for me. Now do I begin to 
be a disciple. May naught of things visible and 
things invisible envy me; (12) that I may attain 
unto Jesus Christ. Let fire and cross and attacks 
of wild beasts, let wrenching of bones, cutting of 
limbs, crushing of the whole body, tortures of the 
devil,--let all these come upon me if only I may 
attain unto Jesus Christ." 10 These things he 
wrote from the above-mentioned city to the 
churches referred to. And when he had left Smyrna 
he wrote again from Troas (13) to the 
Philadelphians and to the church of Smyrna; and 
particularly to Polycarp, who presided over the 
latter church. And since he knew him well as an 
apostolic man, he commended to him, like a true 
and good shepherd, the flock at Antioch, and 
besought him to care diligently for it. (14) And 
the same man, 11 writing to the Smyrnaeans, used 
the following words concerning Christ, taken I 
know not whence: (15) "But I know and believe that 
he was in the flesh after the resurrection. And 
when he came to Peter and his companions he said 
to them, Take, handle me, and see that I am not an 
incorporeal spirit. (16) And immediately they 
touched him and believed." (17) Irenaeus 12 also 
knew of his martyrdom and mentions his epistles in 
the following words: (18) "As one of our people 
said, when he was condemned to the beasts on 
account of his testimony unto God, I am God's 
wheat, and by the teeth of wild beasts am I 
ground, that I may be found pure bread." Polycarp 
also mentions these 13 letters in the epistle to 
the Philippians which is ascribed to him. (19) His 
words are as follows: (20) "I exhort all of you, 
therefore, to be obedient and to practice all 
patience such as ye saw with your own eyes not 
only in the blessed Ignatius and Rufus and 
Zosimus, (21) but also in others from among 
yourselves as well as in Paul himself and the rest 
of the apostles; being persuaded that all these 
ran not in vain, but in faith and righteousness, 
and that they are gone to their rightful place 
beside the Lord, with whom also they suffered. For 
they loved not the present world, but him that 
died for our sakes and was raised by God for us." 
And afterwards 14 he adds: (22) "You have written 
to me, both you and Ignatius, that if any one go 
to Syria he may carry with him the letters from 
you. And this I will do if I have a suitable 
opportunity, either I myself or one whom I send to 
be an ambassador for you also. The epistles 15 of 
Ignatius which were sent to us by him and the 
others which we had with us we sent to you as you 
gave charge. They are appended to this epistle, 
and from them you will be able

169

to derive great advantage. For they comprise faith 
and patience, and every kind of edification that 
pertaineth to our Lord." So much concerning 
Ignatius. But he was succeeded by Heros (23) in 
the episcopate of the church of Antioch.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

The Evangelists that were still Eminent at that
Time.

1   Among those that were celebrated at that time 
was Quadratus, (1) who, report says, was renowned 
along with the daughters of Philip for his 
prophetical gifts. And there were many others 
besides these who were known in those days, and 
who occupied the first place among the successors 
of the apostles. And they also, being illustrious 
disciples of such great men, built up the 
foundations of the churches which had been laid by 
the apostles in every place, and preached the 
Gospel more and more widely and scattered the 
saving seeds of the kingdom of heaven far and near 
throughout the whole world. (2) For indeed most of 
the disciples of that time, animated by the divine 
word with a more ardent love for philosophy, (3) 
had already fulfilled the command of the Saviour, 
and had distributed their goods to the needy. (4) 
Then starting out upon long journeys they 
performed the office of evangelists, being filled 
with the desire to preach Christ to those who had 
not yet heard the word of faith, and to deliver to 
3  them the divine Gospels. And when they   had 
only laid the foundations of the faith in foreign 
places, they appointed others as pastors, and 
entrusted them with the nurture of those that had 
recently been brought in, while they themselves 
went on again to other countries and nations, with 
the grace and the co-operation of God. For a great 
many wonderful works were done through them by the 
power of the divine Spirit, so that at the first 
hearing whole multitudes of men eagerly embraced 
the religion of the Creator of the universe. But 
since 4
it is impossible for us to enumerate the names of 
all that became shepherds or evangelists in the 
churches throughout the world in the age 
immediately succeeding the apostles, we have 
recorded, as was fitting, the names of those only 
who have transmitted the apostolic doctrine to us 
in writings still extant.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

The Epistle of Clement and the Writings falsely
ascribed to him.

Thus Ignatius has done in the epistles  1 which we 
have mentioned, (1) and Clement in his epistle 
which is accepted by all, and which he wrote in 
the name of the church of Rome to the church of 
Corinth. (2) In this epistle he gives many 
thoughts drawn from the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
and also quotes verbally some of its expressions, 
thus showing most plainly that it is not a recent 
production. Wherefore it2. has seemed reasonable 
to reckon it with the other writings of the 
apostle. For as Paul had written to the Hebrews in 
his native tongue, some say that the evangelist 
Luke, others that this Clement himself, translated 
the epistle. The 3 latter seems more probable, 
because the epistle of Clement and that to the 
Hebrews have a similar character in regard to 
style, and still further because the thoughts 
contained in the two works are not very different. 
(3)
But it must be observed also that there is 4 said 
to be a second epistle of Clement. But we do not 
know that this is recognized like the former, for 
we do not find that the ancients have made any use 
of it. (4) And certain men  5

170

lengthy writings under his name, containing 
dialogues of Peter and Apion. (5) But no mention 
has been made of these by the ancients; for they 
do not even preserve the pure stamp of apostolic 
orthodoxy. The acknowledged writing of Clement is 
well known. We have spoken also of the works of 
Ignatius and Polycarp. (6)

CHAPTER XXXIX.

The Writings of Papias.

1   There are extant five books of Papias, which 
bear the title Expositions of Oracles of the Lord. 
(1) Irenaeus makes mention of these as the only 
works written by him, (2) in the following words: 
(3) "These things are attested by Papias, an 
ancient man who was a hearer of John and a 
companion of Polycarp, in his fourth book. For 
five books have been written by him." These are 
the words of Irenaeus. But Papias himself in the 
preface to his discourses by no means declares 
that he was himself a hearer and eye-witness of 
the holy apostles, but he shows by the words which 
he uses that he received the doctrines of the 
faith from those who were their friends. (4) He 
says: "But I shall not hesitate also to put down 
for you along with my interpreta-

177

his episcopate, [12] was succeeded by Telesphorus, 
[13] the seventh in succession from the apostles. 
In the meantime, after the lapse of a year and 
some months, Eumenes, [14] the sixth in order, 
succeeded to the leadership of the Alexandrian 
church, his predecessor having held office eleven 
years. [15]

CHAPTER VI.

The Last Siege of the Jews under Adrian.

1   As the rebellion of the Jews at this time   
grew much more serious, [1] Rufus, governor of 
Judea, after an auxiliary force had been sent him 
by the emperor, using their madness as a pretext, 
proceeded against them without mercy, and 
destroyed indiscriminately thousands of men and 
women and children, and in accordance with the 
laws of war reduced their country to a state of 
complete subjection. The leader of the Jews at 
this time was a man by the name of Barcocheba [2] 
(which signifies a star), who possessed the 
character of a robber and a murderer, but 
nevertheless, relying upon his name, boasted to 
them, as if they were slaves, that he possessed 
wonderful powers; and he pretended that he was a 
star that had come down to them out of heaven to 
bring them light in the midst of their 
misfortunes. The war raged most fiercely in the 
eighteenth 3 year of Adrian, [3] at the city of 
Bithara, [4] which was a very secure fortress, 
situated not far from Jerusalem. When the siege 
had lasted a long time, and the rebels had been 
driven to the last extremity by hunger and thirst, 
and the instigator of the rebellion had suffered 
his just punishment, the whole nation was 
prohibited from this time on by a decree, and by 
the commands of Adrian, from ever going up to the 
country about Jerusalem. For the emperor gave 
orders that they should not even see from a 
distance the land of their fathers. Such is the 
account of Aristo of Pella. [5] And4 thus, when 
the city had been emptied of the Jewish nation and 
had suffered the total destruction of its ancient 
inhabitants, it was colonized by a different race, 
and the Roman city which subsequently arose 
changed its name and was called Aelia, in honor of 
the emperor AElius Adrian. And as the church there 
was now com-

178

posed of Gentiles, the first one to assume the 
government of it after the bishops of the 
circumcision was Marcus. [6]

CHAPTER VII.

The Persons that became at that Time Leaders of 
Knowledge falsely so-called. [1]

1   As the churches throughout the world were now 
shining like the most brilliant stars, and faith 
in our Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ was 
flourishing among the whole human race, [2] the 
demon who hates everything that is good, and is 
always hostile to the truth, and most bitterly 
opposed to the salvation of man,  turned all his 
arts against the Church. [3] In the beginning he 
armed himself against it with 2,external 
persecutions. But now, being shut off from the use 
of such means, [4] he devised all sorts of plans, 
and employed other methods in his conflict with 
the Church, using base and deceitful men as 
instruments for the ruin of souls and as ministers 
of destruction. Instigated by him, impostors and 
deceivers, assuming the name of our religion, 
brought to the depth of ruin such of the believers 
as they could win over  and at the same time, by 
means of the deeds  which they practiced, turned 
away from the path which leads to the word of 
salvation those 3  who were ignorant of the faith. 
Accordingly there proceeded from that Menander,  
whom we have already mentioned as the successor of 
Simon, [3] a certain serpent-like power, 
double-tongued and two-headed, which produced the 
leaders of two different heresies, Saturninus, an 
Antiochian by birth, [6] and Basilides, an 
Alexandrian. [7] The former of these established 
schools of godless heresy in Syria, the latter in 
Alexandria. Irenaeus states [8] that the 4 false 
teaching of Saturninus agreed in most respects 
with that of Menander, but that Basilides, under 
the pretext of unspeakable mysteries, invented 
monstrous fables, and carried the fictions of his 
impious heresy quite beyond bounds. But as there 
were at that time a  5 great many members of the 
Church [9] who were fighting for the truth and 
defending apostolic and ecclesiastical doctrine 
with uncommon eloquence, so there were some also 
that furnished posterity through their writings 
with means of defense against the heresies to 
which we have referred. [10] Of these there  6 has 
come down to us a most powerful refutation of 
Basilides by Agrippa Castor, [11] one of

179

the most renowned writers of that day, which shows 
the terrible imposture of the man. 7 While 
exposing his mysteries he says that   Basilides 
wrote twenty-four books upon the Gospel, [12] and 
that he invented prophets for himself named 
Barcabbas and Barcoph, [13] and others that had no 
existence, and that he gave them barbarous names 
in order to amaze those who marvel at such things; 
that he taught also that the eating of meat 
offered to idols and the unguarded renunciation of 
the faith in times of persecution were matters of 
indifference; [14] and that he enjoined upon his 
followers, like 8 Pythagoras, a silence of five 
years. [15] Other similar things the 
above-mentioned writer has recorded concerning 
Basilides, and has 9 ably exposed the error of his 
heresy. Irenaeus also writes [16] that Carpocrates 
was a contemporary of these men, and that he was 
the father of another heresy, called the heresy of 
the Gnostics, [17] who did not wish to transmit 
any longer the magic arts of Simon, as that one 
[18] had done, in secret, but openly. [19] For 
they boasted -- as of something great -- of love 
potions that were carefully prepared by them, and 
of certain demons that sent them dreams and lent 
them their protection, and of other similar 
agencies; and in accordance with these things they 
taught that it was necessary for those who wished 
to enter fully into their mysteries, or rather 
into their abominations, to practice all the worst 
kinds of wickedness, on the ground that they could 
escape the cosmic powers, as they called them, in 
no other way than by discharging their 

180

obligations to them all by infamous-conduct. Thus 
it came to pass that the malignant demon, making 
use of these ministers, on the one hand enslaved 
those that were so pitiably led astray by them to 
their own destruction, while on the other hand he 
furnished to the unbelieving heathen abundant 
opportunities for slandering the divine word, 
inasmuch as the reputation of these men brought 
infamy 11 upon the whole race of Christians. In 
this way, therefore, it came to pass that there 
was spread abroad in regard to us among the 
unbelievers of that age, the infamous and most 
absurd suspicion that we practiced unlawful 
commerce with mothers and sisters, and 12 enjoyed 
impious feasts. [20] He did not, however, long 
succeed in these artifices, as the truth 
established itself and in time shone 13 with great 
brilliancy. For the machinations of its enemies 
were refuted by its power and speedily vanished. 
One new heresy arose after another, and the former 
ones always passed away, and now at one time, now 
at another, now in one way, now in other ways, 
were lost in ideas of various kinds and various 
forms. But the splendor of the catholic and only 
true Church, which is always the same, grew in 
magnitude and power, and reflected its piety and 
simplicity and freedom, and the modesty and purity 
of its inspired life and philosophy to every 
nation 14 both of Greeks and of Barbarians. At the 
same time the slanderous accusations which had 
been brought against the whole Church 21 also 
vanished, and there remained our teaching alone, 
which has prevailed over all, and which is 
acknowledged to be superior to all in dignity and 
temperance, and in divine and philosophical 
doctrines. So that none of them now ventures to 
affix a base calumny upon our faith, or any such 
slander as our ancient enemies formerly delighted 
to utter. Nevertheless, 15 in those times the 
truth again called forth many champions who fought 
in its defense against the godless heresies, 
refuting them not only with oral, but also with 
written arguments. [22]

CHAPTER VIII. Ecclesiastical Writers. Among these 
Hegesippus was well 1
known. [1] We have already quoted his words a 
number of times, [2] relating events which 
happened in the time of the apostles according to 
his account. He records in five2 books the true 
tradition of apostolic doctrine in a most simple 
style, and he indicates the time in which he 
flourished when he writes as follows concerning 
those that first set up idols: "To whom they 
erected cenotaphs and temples, as is done to the 
present day. Among whom is also Antinous, [3] a 
slave of the Emperor Adrian, in whose honor are 
celebrated also the Antinoian games, which were 
instituted in our day. For he [i.e. Adrian] also 
founded a city named after Antinous, [4] and 
appointed prophets." At the same time also Justin, 
a genuine lover 3 of the true philosophy, was 
still continuing to busy himself with Greek 
literature. [5] He indicates (his time in the 
Apology which he addressed to Antonine, where he 
writes as follows: [6] "We do not think it out of 
place to mention here Antinous also, who lived in 
our day, and whom all were driven by fear to 
worship as a god, although they knew who he was 
and whence he came." 4 The same writer, speaking 
of the Jewish war which took place at that time, 
adds the following: [7] "For in the late Jewish 
war Barcocheba, the leader of the Jewish 
rebellion, commanded that Christians alone [8] 
should be visited with terrible punishments unless 
they would deny and blaspheme Jesus Christ." And 
in the same work he shows that his conversion from 
Greek philosophy to Christianity [9] was not 
without reason, but that it was the result of 
deliberation on his part. His words are as 
follows: [10] "For I myself, while I was delighted 
with the doctrines of Plato, and heard the 
Christians slandered, and saw that they were 
afraid neither of death nor of anything else 
ordinarily looked upon as terrible, concluded that 
it was impossible that they could be living in 
wickedness and pleasure. For what pleasure-loving 
or intemperate man, or what man that counts it 
good to feast on human flesh, could welcome death 
that he might be deprived of his enjoyments, and 
would not rather strive to continue permanently 
his present life, and to escape the notice of the 
rulers, instead of giving himself up to be put to 
death?" The same writer, moreover, relates that 
Adrian having received from Serennius Granianus, 
[11] a most distinguished governor, a letter [12] 
in behalf of the Christians, in which he stated 
that it was not just to slay the Christians 
without a regular accusation and trial, merely for 
the sake of gratifying the outcries of the 
populace, sent a rescript [13] to Minucius 
Fundanus, [14] proconsul of Asia, comrounding him 
to condemn no one without an indictment and a 
well-grounded accusation. And he gives a copy of 
the epistle, preserving 7 the original Latin in 
which it was written, [15] and prefacing it with 
the following words: [18] "Although from the 
epistle of the greatest and most illustrious 
Emperor Adrian, your father, we have good ground 
to demand that you order judgment to be given as 
we have desired, yet we have asked this not 
because it was ordered by Adrian, but rather 
because we know that what we ask is just. And we 
have subjoined the copy of Adrian's epistle that 
you may know that we are

182

speaking the truth in this matter also. And 8  
this is the copy." After these words the author 
referred to gives the rescript in Latin, which we 
have translated into Greek as accurately as we 
could. [17] It reads as follows:

CHAPTER IX.

The Epistle of Adrian, decreeing that we should 
not be punished without a Trial.

1   "To Minucius Fundanus. I have received an 
epistle, [1] written to me by Serennius Granianus, 
a most illustrious man, whom you have succeeded. 
It does not seem right to me that the matter 
should be passed by without examination, lest the 
men [2] be harassed and opportunity be given to 
the informers for 2.  practicing villainy. If, 
therefore, the inhabitants of the province can 
clearly sustain this petition against the 
Christians so as to give answer in a court of law, 
let them pursue this course alone, but let them 
not have resort to men's petitions and outcries. 
For it is far more proper, if any one wishes to 
make an accusation, that you should examine into 
it. 3  If any one therefore accuses them and shows 
that they are doing anything contrary to the laws, 
do you pass judgment according to the heinousness 
of the crime. [3] But, by Hercules! if any one 
bring an accusation through mere calumny, decide 
in regard to his criminality, [4] and see to it 
that you inflict punishment." [5] Such are the 
contents of Adrian's rescript.

CHAPTER X.

The Bishops of Rome and of Alexandria during
the Reign of Antoninus.

Adrian having died after a reign of twenty-one 
years, [1] was succeeded in the government of the 
Romans by Antoninus, called the Pious. In the 
first year of his reign Telesphorus [2] died in 
the eleventh year of his episcopate, and Hyginus 
became bishop of Rome. [3] Irenaeus records that 
Telesphorus' death was made glorious by martyrdom, 
[4] and in the same connection he states that in 
the time of the above-mentioned Roman bishop 
Hyginus, Valentinus, the founder of a sect of his 
own, and Cerdon, the author of Marcion's error, 
were both well known at Rome. [5] He writes as 
follows: [6]

CHAPTER XI.
The Heresiarchs of that Age. "For Valentinus came 
to Rome under 1 Hyginus, flourished under Plus, 
and remained until Anicetus. [1] Cerdon [2] also, 
Mar-

189

by his martyrdom." After these words, before 
giving the account of Polycarp, they record the 
events which befell the rest of the martyrs, and 
describe the great firmness which they exhibited 
in the midst of their pains. For they say that the 
bystanders were struck with amazement when they 
saw them lacerated with scourges even to the 
innermost veins and arteries, so that the hidden 
inward parts of the body, both their bowels and 
their members, were exposed to view; and then laid 
upon sea-shells and certain pointed spits, and 
subjected to every species of punishment and of 
torture, and finally thrown as food to wild 
beasts. And they record that the most noble 
Germanicus [8] especially distinguished himself, 
overcoming by the grace of God the fear of bodily 
death implanted by nature. When indeed the 
proconsul [9] wished to persuade him, and urged 
his youth, and besought him, as he was very young 
and vigorous, to take compassion on himself, he 
did not hesitate, but eagerly lured the beast 
toward himself, all but compelling and irritating 
him, in order that he might the sooner be freed 
from their unrighteous and lawless life. After his 
glorious death the whole multitude marveling at 
the bravery of the God-beloved martyr and at the 
fortitude of the whole race of Christians, began 
to cry out suddenly, "Away with the atheists; [10] 
let Polycarp be sought." And when a very great 
tumult arose in consequence of the cries, a 
certain Phrygian, Quintus [11] by name, who was 
newly come from Phrygia, seeing the beasts and the 
additional tortures, was smitten with cowardice 
and gave up the attainment of salvation. But the 
above-mentioned epistle shows that he, too hastily 
and without proper discretion, had rushed forward 
with others to the tribunal, but when seized had 
furnished a clear proof to all, that it is not 
right for such persons rashly and recklessly to 
expose themselves to danger. Thus did matters turn 
out in connection with them.
But the most admirable Polycarp, when he first 
heard of these things, continued: undisturbed, 
preserved a quiet and unshaken mind, and 
determined to remain in the city. But being 
persuaded by his friends who en-treated and 
exhorted him to retire secretly, he went out to a 
farm not far distant from the city and abode there 
with a few companions, night and day doing nothing 
but wrestle with the Lord in prayer, beseeching 
and imploring, and asking peace for the churches 
throughout the whole world. For this was always 
his custom. And three days before his 10 arrest, 
while he was praying, he saw in a vision at night 
the pillow under his head suddenly seized by fire 
and consumed ; and upon this awakening he 
immediately interpreted the vision to those that 
were present, almost foretelling that which was 
about to happen, and declaring plainly to those 
that were with him that it would be necessary for 
him for Christ's sake to die by fire. Then, as 
those who were seeking him 11 pushed the search 
with vigor, they say that he was again constrained 
by the solicitude and love of the brethren to go 
to another farm. Thither his pursuers came after 
no long time, and seized two of the servants 
there, and tortured one of them for the purpose of 
learning from him Polycarp's hiding-place. And 
coming 12 late in the evening, they found him 
lying in an upper room, whence he might have gone 
to another house, but he would not, saying, "The 
will of God be done." And when 13 he learned that 
they were present, as the account says, he went 
down and spoke to them with a very cheerful and 
gentle countenance, so that those who did not 
already know the man thought that they beheld a 
miracle when they observed his advanced age and 
the gravity and firmness of his bearing, and they 
marveled that so much effort should be made to 
capture a man like him.  But he did not hesitate, 
but immediately 14 gave orders that a table should 
be spread for them. Then he invited them to 
partake of a bounteous meal, and asked of them one 
hour that he might pray undisturbed. And when they 
had given permission, he stood up and prayed, 
being full of the grace of the Lord, so that those 
who were present and heard him praying were 
amazed, and many of them now repented that such a 
venerable and godly old man was about to be put to 
death. In addition to 15 these things the 
narrative concerning him contains the following 
account: "But when at length he had brought his 
prayer to an end, after remembering all that had 
ever come into contact with him, small and great, 
famous and obscure, and the whole catholic Church 
throughout the world, the hour of departure being 
come, they put him upon an ass and brought him to 
the city, it being a great Sabbath. [12] And he 
was met by

190

Herod, [13] the captain of police, [14] and by his 
father Nicetes, who took him into their carriage, 
and sitting beside him endeavored to persuade him, 
saying, ' For what harm is there in saying, Lord 
Caesar, and sacrificing and saving your, 16 life 
?' He at first did not answer; but when they 
persisted, he said, ' I am not going to do what 
you advise me.' And when they failed to persuade 
him, they uttered dreadful words, and thrust him 
down with violence, so that as he descended from 
the carriage he lacerated his shin. But without 
turning round, he went on his way promptly and 
rapidly, as if nothing had happened to him, and 
was taken to the 17 stadium. But there was such a 
tumult in the stadium that not many heard a voice 
from heaven, which came to Polycarp as he was 
entering the place: ' Be strong, Polycarp, and 
play the man.' [15] And no one saw the speaker, 
but many of our people heard the voice. 18 And 
when he was led forward, there was a great tumult, 
as they heard that Polycarp was taken. Finally, 
when he came  up, the proconsul asked if he were 
Polycarp. And when he confessed that he was, he 
endeavored to persuade him to deny, saying, ' Have 
regard for thine age,' and other like things, 
which it is 19 their custom to say: ' Swear by the 
genius of Caesar; [16] repent and say, Away with 
the Atheists.' But Polycarp, looking with 
dignified countenance upon the whole crowd that 
was gathered in the stadium, waved his hand to 
them, and groaned, and raising his eyes toward 20 
heaven, said, ' Away with the Atheists.' But when 
the magistrate pressed him, and said,  Swear, and 
I will release thee; revile Christ,' Polycarp 
said,' Fourscore and six years [17] have I been 
serving him, and he hath done me no wrong; how 
then can I blaspheme my king who saved me ?    
"But when he again persisted, and said, 'Swear by 
the genius of Caesar,' Polycarp replied, ' If thou 
vainly supposest that I will swear by the genius 
of Caesar, as thou sayest, feigning to be ignorant 
who I am, hear plainly: I am a Christian. But if 
thou desirest to learn the doctrine of 
Christianity, assign a day and hear.' The 
proconsul said, ' Persuade 22 the people.' But 
Polycarp said, 'As for thee, I thought thee worthy 
of an explanation; for we have been taught to 
render to princes and authorities ordained by God 
the honor that is due, [18] so long as it does not 
injure us; [19] but as for these, I do not esteem 
them the proper persons to whom to make my 
defense.' [20] But the proconsul said, ' I have 23 
wild beasts; I will throw thee to them unless thou 
repent.' But he said, ' Call them; for repentance 
from better to worse is a change we cannot make. 
But it is a noble thing to turn from wickedness to 
righteousness.' But 24 he again said to him, ' If 
thou despisest the wild beasts, I will cause thee 
to be consumed by fire, unless thou repent.' But 
Polycarp said, ' Thou threatenest a fire which 
burneth for an hour, and after a little is 
quenched; for thou knowest not the fire of the 
future judgment and of the eternal punishment 
which is reserved for the impious. But why dost 
thou delay? Do what thou wilt.' Saying these and 
25 other words besides, he was filled with courage 
and joy, and his face was suffused with grace, so 
that not only was he not terrified and dismayed by 
the words that were spoken to him, but, on the 
contrary, the proconsul was amazed, and sent his 
herald to proclaim three times in the midst of the 
stadium: ' Polycarp hath confessed that he is a 
Christian.' And when 26 this was proclaimed by the 
herald, the whole multitude, both of Gentiles and 
of Jews, [21] who dwelt in Smyrna, cried out with 
ungovernable wrath and with a great shout, 'This 
is the teacher of Asia, the father of the 
Christians, the over-thrower of our gods, who 
teacheth many not to sacrifice nor to worship.' 
When they 27 had said this, they cried out and 
asked the Asiarch Philip [22] to let a lion loose 
upon Poly-carp. But he said that it was not lawful 
for

191

him,since he had closed the games. Then they 
thought fit to cry out with one accord that 28 
Polycarp should be burned alive. For it was 
necessary that the vision should be fulfilled 
which had been shown him concerning his pillow, 
when he saw it burning while he was praying, and 
turned and said prophetically to the faithful that 
were with him, ' I must needs be burned alive.' 
These things were done with great speed, --more 
quickly than they were said,--the crowds 
immediately collecting from the workshops and 
baths timber and fagots, the Jews being especially 
zealous 30 in the work, as is their wont. But when 
the pile was ready, taking off all his upper 
garments, and loosing his girdle, he attempted 
also to remove his shoes, although he had never 
before done this, because of the effort which each 
of the faithful always made to touch his skin 
first; for he had been treated with all honor on 
account of his virtuous life even before his 31 
gray hairs came. Forthwith then the materials 
prepared for the pile were placed about him; and 
as they were also about to nail him to the stake, 
[23] he said, ' Leave me thus; for he who hath 
given me strength to endure the fire, will also 
grant me strength to remain in the fire unmoved 
without being secured by you with nails.' So they 
did not nail him, but bound 32 him. And he, with 
his hands behind him, and bound like a noble ram 
taken from a great flock, an acceptable 
burnt-offering unto 33 God omnipotent, said, ' 
Father of thy beloved and blessed Son [24] Jesus 
Christ, through whom we have received the 
knowledge of thee, the God of angels and of powers 
and of the whole creation and of the entire race 
of the righteous who live in thy presence, I bless 
thee that thou hast deemed me worthy of this day 
and hour that I might receive a portion in the 
number of the martyrs, in the cup of Christ, unto 
resurrection of eternal life, [25] both of soul 
and of body, in the immortality of the Holy 
Spirit. 34Among these may I be received before 
thee this day, in a rich and acceptable 
saccrifice, as thou, the faithful and true God, 
bast  beforehand prepared and revealed, and  hast 
fulfilled. Wherefore I praise thee also for 
everything; I bless thee, I glorify thee,  through 
the eternal high priest, Jesus Christ, thy beloved 
Son, through whom, with him, in the  Holy Spirit, 
be glory unto thee, both now  36 and for the ages 
to come, Amen.' When  he had offered up his Amen 
and had finished his prayer, the firemen lighted 
the fire and as a great flame blazed out, we, to 
whom it was given to see, saw a wonder, and we 
were preserved that we might relate what happened 
to the others. For the fire presented 37 the 
appearance of a vault, like the sail of a vessel 
filled by the wind, and made a wall about the body 
of the martyr, [26] and it was in the midst not 
like flesh burning, but like gold and silver 
refined in a furnace. For we perceived such a 
fragrant odor, as of the fumes of frankincense or 
of some other precious spices. So 38 at length the 
lawless men, when they saw that the body could not 
be consumed by the fire, commanded an executioner 
[27] to approach and pierce him with the sword. 
And 39 when he had done this there came forth a 
quantity of blood [28] so that it extinguished the 
fire; and the whole crowd marveled that there 
should be such a difference between the 
unbelievers and the elect, of whom this man also 
was one, the most wonderful teacher in our times, 
apostolic and prophetic, who was bishop of the 
catholic Church [29] in Smyrna. For every word 
which came from his mouth was accomplished and 
will be accomplished. But the 40 jealous and 
envious Evil One, the adversary of the race of the 
righteous, when he saw the greatness of his 
martyrdom, and his blameless life from the 
beginning, and when he saw him crowned with the 
crown of immortality and bearing off an 
incontestable prize, took care that not even his 
body should be taken away by us, although many 
desired to do it and to have communion with his 
holy flesh. Accordingly 41 certain ones secretly 
suggested to Nicetes, the father of Herod and 
brother of Alce, [30] that he should plead with 
the magistrate

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not to give up his body, 'lest,' it was said, 
'they should abandon the crucified One and begin 
to worship this man.' [31] They said these things 
at the suggestion and impulse of the Jews, who 
also watched as we were about to take it from the 
fire, not knowing that we shall never be able 
either to forsake Christ, who suffered for the 
salvation of the whole world of those that 42 are 
saved, or to worship any other. For we worship him 
who is the Son of God, but the martyrs, as 
disciples and imitators of the Lord, we love as 
they deserve on account of their matchless 
affection for their own king and teacher. May we 
also be made partakers 43 and fellow-disciples 
with them. The centurion, therefore, when he saw 
the contentiousness exhibited by the Jews, placed 
him in the midst and burned him, as was their 
custom. And so we afterwards gathered up his 
bones. which were more valuable than precious 
stones and more to be esteemed than gold, and 44 
laid them in a suitable place. There the Lord will 
permit us to come together as we are able, in 
gladness and joy to celebrate the birthday of his 
martyrdom, [32] for the commemoration of those who 
have already fought and for the training and 
preparation of those who 45 shall hereafter do the 
same. Such are the    events that befell the 
blessed Polycarp, who suffered martyrdom in Smyrna 
with the eleven [33] from Philadelphia. This one 
man is remembered more than the others by all, so 
that even by the heathen he is talked about in 
every place." Of such an end was the admirable and 
46 apostolic Polycarp deemed worthy, as recorded 
by the brethren of the church of Smyrna in their 
epistle which we have mentioned. In the same 
volume [34] concerning him are subjoined also 
other martyrdoms which took place in the same 
city, Smyrna, about the same period of time with 
Polycarp's martyrdom. Among them also Metrodorus, 
who appears to have been a proselyte of the 
Marcionitic sect, suffered death by fire. A 
celebrated martyr of those times was 47 a certain 
man named Pionius. Those who desire to know his 
several confessions, and the boldness of his 
speech, and his apologies in behalf of the faith 
before the people and the rulers, and his 
instructive addresses and moreover, his greetings 
to those who had yielded to temptation in the 
persecution, and the words of encouragement which 
he addressed to the brethren who came to visit him 
in prison, and the tortures which he endured in 
addition, and besides these the sufferings and the 
nailings, and his firmness on the pile, and his 
death after all the extraordinary trials, 
[35]--those we refer to that epistle which has 
been given in the Martyrdoms of the Ancients, [36] 
collected by us, and which contains a very full 
account of him. And there are also records extant 
of others 48 that suffered martyrdom in Pergamus, 
a city

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of Asia, -- of Carpus and Papylus, and a woman 
named Agathonice, who, after many and illustrious 
testimonies, gloriously ended their lives. [37]

CHAPTER XVI.

Justin the Philosopher preaches the Word of Christ 
in Rome and suffers Martyrdom.

1   About this time [1] Justin, who was mentioned 
by us just above, [2] after he had addressed a 
second work in behalf of our doctrines to the 
rulers already named, [3] was crowned with divine 
martyrdom, [4] in consequence of a plot laid 
against him by Crescens, [5] a philosopher who 
emulated the life and manners of the Cynics, whose 
name he bore. After Justin had frequently refuted 
him in public discussions he won by his martyrdom 
the prize of victory, dying in behalf of the truth 
which he preached. And he himself, a man most 
learned in the 2 truth, in his Apology already 
referred to [6] clearly predicts how this was 
about to happen to him, although it had not yet 
occurred. His words are as follows: [7] " I, too, 
[8] there- 3 fore, expect to be plotted against 
and put in the stocks [9] by some one of those 
whom I have named, or perhaps by Crescens, that 
unphilosophical and vainglorious man. For the man 
is not worthy to be called a philosopher who 
publicly bears witness against those concerning 
whom he knows nothing, declaring, for the sake of 
captivating and pleasing the multitude, that the 
Christians are atheistical and impious. [10]  
Doing this he errs greatly. For if he assails 4 us 
without having read the teachings of Christ, he is 
thoroughly depraved, and is much worse than the 
illiterate, who often guard against discussing and 
bearing false witness about matters which they do 
not understand. And if he has read them and does 
not understand the majesty that is in them, or, 
understanding it, does these things in order that 
he may not be suspected of being an adherent, he 
is far more base and totally depraved, being 
enslaved to vulgar applause and irrational fear. 
For I 5 would have you know that when I proposed 
certain questions of the sort and asked him in 
regard to them, I learned and proved that he 
indeed knows nothing. And to show that I speak the 
truth I am ready, if these disputations have not 
been reported to you, to discuss the questions 
again in your presence. And this indeed would be 
an act worthy of an emperor. But if my questions 
and his 6

194

answers have been made known to you, it is obvious 
to you that he knows nothing about our affairs; or 
if he knows, but does not dare to speak because of 
those who hear him, he shows himself to be, as I 
have already said, [11] not a philosopher, but a 
vainglorious man, who indeed does not even regard 
that most admirable saying of Socrates." [12] 
These are the words of Justin.
And that he met his death as he had predicted that 
he would, in consequence of the machinations of 
Crescens, is stated by Tatian, [13] a than who 
early in life lectured upon the sciences of the 
Greeks and won no little fame in them, and who has 
left a great many

195

monuments of himself in his writings. He records 
this fact in his work against the Greeks, where he 
writes as follows:  [14] " And that most admirable 
Justin declared with truth thai the aforesaid 
persons were like robbers." 8 Then, after making 
some remarks about  the philosophers, he continues 
as follows: [15] "Crescens, indeed, who made his 
nest in the great city, surpassed all in his 
unnatural lust, and was wholly devoted to the love 
of money. 9 And he who taught that death should be 
despised, was himself so greatly in fear of it 
that he endeavored to inflict death, as if it were 
a great evil, upon Justin, because the latter, 
when preaching the truth, had proved that the 
philosophers were gluttons and impostors."And such 
was the cause of Justin's martyrdom.

CHAPTER XVII.

The Martyrs whom Justin intentions in his Own 
Work.

1   The same man, before his conflict, mentions in 
his first Apology [1] others that suffered 
martyrdom before him, and most fittingly records   
the following events. He writes thus: [2] 2  "A 
certain woman lived with a dissolute husband; she 
herself, too, having formerly been of the same 
character. But when she came to the knowledge of 
the teachings of Christ, she became temperate, and 
endeavored to persuade her husband likewise to be 
temperate, repeating the teachings, and declaring 
the punishment in eternal fire which shall come 
upon those who do not live temperately 3  and 
conformably to right reason. But he, continuing in 
the same excesses, alienated his wife by his 
conduct. For she finally, thinking it wrong to 
live as a wife with a man who, contrary to the law 
of nature and right, sought every possible means 
of pleasure, desired 4 to be divorced from him. 
And when she was earnestly entreated by her 
friends, who counseled her still to remain with 
him, on the ground that her husband might some 
time give hope of amendment, she did violence to 5 
herself and remained. But when her husband had 
gone to Alexandria, and was reported to be 
conducting himself still worse, she in order that 
she might not, by continuing in wedlock, and by 
sharing his board and bed, become a partaker in 
his lawlessness and impiety--gave him what we a 
call a bill of divorce and left him. But her noble 
and 6 excellent husband,--instead of rejoicing, as 
he ought to have done, that she had given up those 
actions which she had formerly recklessly 
committed with the servants and hirelings, when 
she delighted in drunkenness and in every vice, 
and that she desired him likewise to give them up, 
-- when she had gone from him contrary to his 
wish, brought an accusation concerning her, 
declaring that she was a Christian. And 7 she 
petitioned you, the emperor, that she might be 
permitted first to set her affairs in order, and 
afterwards, after the settlement of her affairs, 
to make her defense against the accusation. And 
this you granted. But 8 he who had once been her 
husband, being no longer able to prosecute her, 
directed his attacks against a certain Ptolemaeus, 
[4] who had been her teacher in the doctrines of 
Christianity, and whom Urbicius [5] had punished. 
Against him he proceeded in the following manner:
"He persuaded a centurion who was his 9 friend to 
cast Ptolemaeus into prison, and to take him and 
ask him this only: whether he were a Christian? 
And when Ptolemaeus, who was a lover of truth, and 
not of a deceitful and false disposition, 
confessed that he was a Christian, the centurion 
bound him and punished him for a long time in the 
prison. And finally, 10 when the man was brought 
before Urbicius he was likewise asked this 
question only: whether he were a Christian ? And 
again, conscious of the benefits which he enjoyed 
through the teaching of Christ, he confessed his 
schooling in divine virtue. For whoever 11 denies 
that he is a Christian, either denies because he 
despises Christianity, or he avoids confession 
because he is conscious that he is unworthy and an 
alien to it; neither of which is the case with the 
true Christian. And when 12 Urbicius commanded 
that he be led away to punishment, a certain 
Lucius, [6] who was also a Christian, seeing 
judgment so unjustly passed,

196

said to Urbicius, ' Why have you punished this I 
man who is not an adulterer, nor a fornicator, nor 
a murderer, nor a thief, nor a robber, nor has 
been convicted of committing any crime at all, but 
has confessed that he beam the name of Christian? 
You do not judge, O Urbicius, in a manner 
befitting the Emperor Pins, or the philosophical 
son [7] of Caesar, or the sacred senate.' And 
without making any other reply, he said to Lucius, 
' Thou also seem-est to me to be such an one.' And 
when Lucius said, 'Certainly,' he again commanded 
that he too should be led away to punishment. But 
he professed his thanks, for he was liberated, he 
added, from such wicked rulers and was going to 
the good Father and King, God. And still a third 
having come forward was condemned to be punished."
14  To this, Justin fittingly and consistently 
adds the words which we quoted above, [8] saying, 
"I, too, therefore expect to be plotted against by 
some one of those whom I have named," &c."

CHAPTER XVIII.

The Works of Justin which have come down to us.

1   This writer has left us a great many monuments 
of a mind educated and practiced in divine things, 
which are replete with profitable matter of every 
kind. To them we shall refer the studious, noting 
as we proceed those 2.that have come to our 
knowledge. [1] There ) is a certain discourse [2] 
of his in defense of our doctrine addressed to 
Antoninus surnamed t the Pious, and to his sons, 
and to the Roman  senate. Another work contains 
his second Apology [3] in behalf of our faith, 
which he offered to him who was the successor of 
the emperor mentioned and who bore the same name, 
Antoninus Verus, the one whose times we are now 
recording. Also another work  3 against the 
Greeks, [4] in which he discourses at length upon 
most of the questions at issue between us and the 
Greek philosophers, and discusses the nature of 
demons. It is not necessary for me to add any of 
these things here. And still another work of his 
against the 4 Greeks has come down to us, to which 
he gave the title Refutation. And besides these 
another, On the Sovereignty of God, [5] which he 
establishes not only from our Scriptures, but also 
from the books of the Greeks. Still further, a 
work entitled Psaltes, [6] and another disputation 
On the Soul, in which, after pro-pounding various 
questions concerning the problem under discussion, 
he gives the opinions of the Greek philosophers, 
promising to refute it, and to present his own 
view in another work. He composed also a dialogue 
against 6 the Jews, [7] which he held in the city 
of Ephesus with Trypho, a most distinguished man 
among the Hebrews of that day. In it he shows how 
the divine grace urged him on to the doctrine of 
the faith, and with what earnestness he had 
formerly pursued philosophical studies, and how 
ardent a search he had made for the truth. [8] And 
he records of the  7 Jews in the same work, that 
they were plotting against the teaching of Christ, 
asserting the

197

same things against Trypho: "Not only did you not 
repent of the wickedness which you had committed, 
but you selected at that time chosen men, and you 
sent them out from Jerusalem through all the land, 
to announce that the godless heresy of the 
Christians had made its appearance, and to accuse 
them of those things which all that are ignorant 
of us say against us, so that you become the 
causes not only of your own injustice, but also of 
all other men's." [9] 8  He writes also that even 
down to his time prophetic gifts shone in the 
Church. [10] And he mentions the Apocalypse of 
John, saying distinctly that it was the apostle's. 
[11] He also refers to certain prophetic 
declarations, and accuses Trypho on the ground 
that the Jews had cut them out of the Scripture. 
[12] A great many other works of his are still in 
the hands of many of the brethren. [13] And the 
discourses of the man were thought so worthy of 
study even by the ancients, that Irenaeus quotes 
his words: for instance, in the fourth book of his 
work Against Heresies, where he writes as follows: 
[14] "And Justin well says in his work against 
Marcion, that he would not have believed the Lord 
himself if he had preached another God besides the 
Creator"; and again in the fifth book of the same 
work he says: [15] "And Justin well said that 
before the coming of the Lord Satan never dared to 
blaspheme God, [16] because he did not yet know 
his condemnation." 10 These things I have deemed 
it necessary    to say for the sake of stimulating 
the studious to peruse his works with diligence. 
So much concerning him.

CHAPTER XIX.

The Rulers of the Churches of Rome and Alexandria 
during the Reign of Ferns.

In the eighth year of the above-mentioned reign 
[1] Soter [2] succeeded Anicetus [3] as bishop of 
the church of Rome, after the latter had held 
office eleven years in all. But when Celadion [4] 
had presided over the church of Alexandria for 
fourteen years tie was succeeded by Agrippinus. 
[5]

CHAPTER XX.

The Rulers of the Church of Antioch.

AT that time also in the church of Antioch, 
Theophilus [1] was well known as the sixth from 
the apostles. For Cornelius, [2] who succeeded 
Hero, [3] was the fourth, and after him Eros, [4] 
the fifth in order, had held the office of bishop.

CHAPTER XXI.

The Ecclesiastical Writers that flourished in  
Those Days.

AT that time there flourished in the Church 
Hegesippus, whom we know from what has gone 
before, [I] and Dionysius, [2] bishop of Corinth, 
and another bishop, Pinytus of Crete, [3] and 
besides

198

these, Philip, [4] and Apolinarius, [5] and 
Melito, [6] and Musanus, [7] and Modestus, [8] and 
finally, Irenaeus. [9] From them has come down to 
us in writing, the sound and orthodox faith 
received from apostolic tradition..
CHAPTER XXII.

Hegesippus and the Events which he mentiones. 
Hegesippus in the five books of Memoirs [1] 1 
which have come down to us has left a most 
complete record of his own views. In them he 
states that on a journey to Rome he met a great 
many bishops, and that he received the same 
doctrine from all. It is fitting to hear what he 
says after making some remarks about the epistle 
of Clement to the Corinthians. His words are as 
follows: "And the churchIll of Corinth continued 
in the true faith until Primus [2] was bishop in 
Corinth. I conversed with them on my way to Rome, 
and abode with the Corinthians many days, during 
which we were mutually refreshed in the true 
doctrine. And when I had come to Rome I remained a 
there until Anicetus, [3] whose deacon was 

199

Eleutherus. And Anicetus was succeeded by Soter, 
and he by Eleutherus. In every succession, and in 
every city that is held which is preached by the 
law and the prophets and the Lord." 4   The same 
author also describes the beginnings of the 
heresies which arose in his time, in the following 
words: "And after James the Just had suffered 
martyrdom, as the Lord had also on the same 
account, Symeon, the son of the Lord's uncle, 
Clopas, [4] was appointed the next bishop. All 
proposed him as second bishop because he was a 
cousin of the Lord. "Therefore, [4a] they called 
the Church a virgin, for it was not yet corrupted 
by vain discourses. 5 But Thebuthis, [5] because 
he was not made bishop, began to corrupt it. He 
also was sprung from the seven sects [6] among the 
people, like Simon, [7] from whom came the 
Simonians, and Cleobius, [8] from whom came the 
Cleobians, and Dositheus, [9] from whom came the 
Dositheans, and Gorthaeus, [10] from whom came the 
Goratheni, and Masbotheus, [11] from whom came the 
Masbothaeans. From them sprang the Menandrianists, 
[12] and Marcionists, [13] and Carpocratians, and 
Valentinians, and Basilidians, and Saturnilians. 
Each introduced privately and separately his own 
peculiar opinion. From them came false Christs, 
false prophets, false apostles, who divided the 
unity of the Church by corrupt doctrines uttered 
against God and against his Christ." The same 
writer also records the 6 ancient heresies which 
arose among the Jews, in the following words: 
"There were, moreover, various opinions in the 
circumcision, among the children of Israel. The 
following were those that were opposed to the 
tribe of Judah and the Christ: Essenes, Galileans, 
Hemerobap-

200

tists, Masbothaeans, Samaritans, Sadducees, 
Pharisees."  [14] 7     And he wrote of many other 
matters, which we have in part already mentioned, 
introducing the accounts in their appropriate 
places. And from the Syriac Gospel according to 
the Hebrews he quotes some passages in the Hebrew 
tongue, [15] showing that he was a convert from 
the Hebrews, [16] and he mentions other matters as 
taken from the unwritten tradition of the 8 Jews. 
And not only he, but also Irenaeus and the whole 
company of the ancients, called the Proverbs of 
Solomon All-virtuous Wisdom. [17] And when 
speaking of the books called Apocrypha, he records 
that some of them were composed in his day by 
certain heretics. But let us now pass on to 
another.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth, and the Epistles 
which he wrote. [1]

And first we must speak of Dionysius,  1 who was 
appointed bishop of the church in Corinth, and 
communicated freely of his inspired labors not 
only to his own people, but also to those in 
foreign lands, and rendered the greatest service 
to all in the catholic epistles which he wrote to 
the churches. Among these is 2 the one addressed 
to the Lacedaemonians, [2] containing instruction 
in the orthodox faith and an admonition to peace 
and unity; the one also addressed to the 
Athenians, exciting them to faith and to the life 
prescribed by the Gospel, which he accuses them of 
esteeming lightly, as if they had almost 
apostatized from the faith since the martyrdom of 
their ruler Publius, [3] which had taken place 
during the persecutions of those days. He mentions 
Quadratus [4] also, stating that he was appointed 
their bishop after the martyrdom of Publius, and 
testifying that through his zeal they were brought 
together again and their faith revived. He 
records, moreover, that Dionysius the Areopagite, 
[5]

201

who was converted to the faith by the apostle l 
Paul, according to the statement in the Acts of 
the Apostles, [6] first obtained the episcopate 4 
of the church at Athens. And there is extant 
another epistle of his addressed to the 
Nicomedians, [7] in which he attacks the heresy of 
Marcion, and stands fast by the canon of 5 the 
truth. Writing also to the church that is in 
Gortyna, [8] together with the other parishes in 
Crete, he commends their bishop Philip, [9] 
because of the many acts of fortitude which are 
testified to as performed by the church under him, 
and he warns them to be on their guard against the 
aberrations of the heretics.
6  And writing to the church that is in Amastris, 
[10] together with those in Pontus, he refers to 
Bacchylides [11] and Elpistus, as having urged him 
to write, and he adds explanations of passages of 
the divine Scriptures, and mentions their bishop 
Palmas [12] by name. He gives them much advice 
also in regard to marriage and chastity, and 
commands them to receive those who come back again 
after any fall, whether it be 7 delinquency or 
heresy. [13] Among these is inserted also another 
epistle addressed to the Cnosians, [14] in which 
he exhorts Pinytus, bishop of the parish, not to 
lay upon the brethren a grievous and compulsory 
burden in regard to chastity, but to have regard 
to the weakness of the multitude. Pinytus, 
replying to this epistle, ad-  8 mires and 
commends Dionysius, but exhorts him in turn to 
impart some time more solid food, and to feed the 
people under him, when he wrote again, with more 
advanced teaching, that they might not be fed 
continually on these milky doctrines and 
imperceptibly grow old under a training calculated 
for children. In this epistle also Pinytus' 
orthodoxy in the faith and his care for the 
welfare of those placed under him, his learning 
and his comprehension of divine things, are 
revealed as in a most perfect image. There is 
extant also another epistle written  9 by 
Dionysius to the Romans, and addressed to Soter, 
[15] who was bishop at that time. We cannot do 
better than to subjoin some passages from this 
epistle, in which he commends the practice of the 
Romans which has been retained down to the 
persecution in our own days. His words are as 
follows: "For from the beginning 10 it has been 
your practice to do good to all the brethren in 
various ways, and to send contributions to many 
churches in every city. Thus relieving the want of 
the needy, and making provision for the brethren 
in the mines by the gifts which you have sent from 
the beginning, you Romans keep up the hereditary 
customs of the Romans, which your blessed bishop 
Soter has not only maintained, but also added to, 
furnishing an abundance of supplies to the 
saints,, and encouraging the brethren from abroad 
with blessed words, as a loving father his 
children.'' In this same epistle he makes 
11

mention also of Clement's epistle to the 
Corinthians, [16] showing that it had been the 
custom from the beginning to read it in the 
church. His words are as follows: "To-day we have 
passed the Lord's holy day, in which we have read 
your epistle. From it, whenever we read it, we 
shall always be able to draw advice, as also from 
the former epistle, which was written 'to us 
through Clement." The same writer 12 also speaks 
as follows concerning his own epistles, alleging 
that they had been mutilated: "As the brethren 
desired me to write epistles, I wrote. And these 
epistles the apostles of the devil have filled 
with tares, cutting out some things and adding 
others. [17] For them a woe is reserved. [18] It 
is, therefore, not to be wondered

202

at if some have attempted to adulterate the Lord's 
writings also, [19] since they have formed designs 
even against writings which are of less accounts." 
[20]
There is extant, in addition to these, another 
epistle of Dionysius, written to Chrysophora [21] 
a most faithful sister. In it he writes what is 
suitable, and imparts to her also the proper 
spiritual food. So much concerning Dionysius.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Theaphilus Bishop of Antioch.

Of Theophilus, [1] whom we have mentioned as 
bishop of the church of Antioch, [2] three 
elementary works addressed to Autolycus are 
extant; also another writing entitled Against the 
Heresy of Hermogenes, [3] in which he makes use of 
testimonies from the Apocalypse of John, and 
finally certain other catechetical books. [4] And 
as the heretics, no less then than at2 other 
times, were like tares, destroying the pure 
harvest of apostolic teaching, the pastors of the 
churches everywhere hastened to restrain them as 
wild beasts from the fold of Christ, at one time 
by admonitions and exhortations to the brethren, 
at another time by contending more openly against 
them in oral discussions and refutations, and 
again by correcting their opinions with most 
accurate proofs in written works. And that 
Theophilus also, with 3 the others, contended 
against them, is manifest from a certain discourse 
of no common merit written by him against Marcion. 
[5] This work too, with the others of which we 
have spoken, has been preserved to the present 
day.
Maximinus, [6] the seventh from the apostles, 
succeeded him as bishop of the church of Antioch.

203

CHAPTER XXV. Philip and Modestus.
Philip who, as we learn from the words of 
Dionysius, [1] was bishop of the parish of 
Gortyna, likewise wrote a most elaborate work 
against Marcion, [2] as did also Irenaeus [3] and 
Modestus. The last named has exposed the error of 
the  man more clearly than the rest to the view of 
all. There are a number of others also whose  
works are still presented by a great many of the  
brethren.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Melito and the Circumstances which he records.

1   In those days also Melito, [x] bishop of the   
parish in Sardis, and Apolinarius, [2] bishop of 
Hierapolis, enjoyed great distinction. Each of 
them on his own part addressed apologies in behalf 
of the faith to the above-mentioned emperor [3] of 
the Romans who was reigning at that time. The 
following works of these  writers have come to our 
knowledge. Of Melito, the two books On the 
Passover, and

204

one On the Conduct of Life and the Prophets, [6] 
the discourse On the Church, [7] and one On the 
Lord's Day, [8] still further one On the Faith of 
Man, [9] and one On his Creation, [10] another 
also On the Obedience of Faith, and one On the 
Senses; [11] besides these the work On the Soul 
and Body, [12] and that On Baptism, [13] and the 
one On Truth, [14] and On the Creation and 
Generation of Christ; [15] his discourse also On 
Prophecy, [16] and that On Hospitality; [17] still 
further, The Key, [18] and the books On the Devil 
and the Apocalypse of John, [19] and the work On 
the Corporeality of God, [20] and finally the book 
ad-

205

dressed to Antoninus. [21] In the books On the 
Passover he indicates the time at which he wrote, 
beginning with these words: "While Servilius 
Paulus was proconsul of Asia, at the time when 
Sagaris suffered martyrdom, there arose in 
Laodicea a great strife concerning the Passover, 
which fell according to rule in those 4 days; and 
these were written." [22] And Clement of 
Alexandria refers to this work in his own 
discourse On the Passover, [23] which, he says, he 
wrote on occasion of Melito's work. But in his 
book addressed  5 to the emperor he records that 
the following events happened to us under him: 
"For, what never before happened, [24] the race of 
the pious is now suffering persecution, being 
driven about in Asia by new decrees. For the 
shameless informers and coveters of the property 
of others, taking occasion from the decrees, 
openly carry on robbery night and day, despoiling 
those  who are guilty of no wrong." And a little 
further on he says: "If these things are done by 
thy command, well and good. For a just ruler will 
never take unjust measures; and we indeed gladly 
accept the honor of such a death. But 6 this 
request alone we present to thee, that thou 
wouldst thyself first examine the authors of such 
strife, and justly judge whether they be worthy of 
death and punishment, or of safety and quiet. But 
if, on the other hand, this counsel and this new 
decree, which is not fit to be executed even 
against barbarian enemies, be not from thee, much 
more do we beseech thee not to leave us exposed to 
such lawless plundering
by the populace."  Again he adds the following: 
[25] "For our 7 philosophy formerly flourished 
among the Barbarians; but having sprung up among 
the nations under thy rule, during the great reign 
of thy ancestor Augustus, it became to thine 
empire especially a blessing of auspicious omen. 
For from that time the power of the Romans has 
grown in greatness and splendor. To this power 
thou hast succeeded, as the desired possessor, 
[26] and such shalt thou continue with thy son, if 
thou guardest the philosophy which grew up with 
the empire and which came into existence with 
Augustus; that philosophy which thy ancestors also 
honored along with the other religions. And a most 
convincing proof that our 8 doctrine flourished 
for the good of an empire happily begun, is 
this--that there has no evil happened since 
Augustus' reign, but that, on the contrary, all 
things have been splendid and glorious, in 
accordance with the prayers of all. Nero and 
Domitian, alone, persuaded 9 by certain 
calumniators, have wished to slander our doctrine, 
and from them it has come to pass that the 
falsehood [26a] has been

206

handed down, in consequence of an unreasonable 
practice which prevails of bringing slanderous 
accusations against the Christians. [27] But thy 
pious fathers corrected their ignorance, having 
frequently rebuked in writing [28] many who dared 
to attempt new measures against them. Among them 
thy grandfather Adrian appears to have written to 
many others, and also to Fundanus, [29] the 
proconsul and governor of Asia. And thy father, 
when thou also wast ruling with him, wrote to the 
cities, forbidding them to take any new measures 
against us; among the rest to the Larissaeans, to 
the Thessalonians, to the Athenians, and 11 to all 
the Greeks. [30] And as for thee,--since thy 
opinions respecting the Christians [31] are the 
same as theirs, and indeed much more benevolent 
and philosophic,--we are the more persuaded that 
thou wilt do all that we ask of thee." These words 
are found in the above-mentioned work.
But in the Extracts [32] made by him the same 
writer gives at the beginning of the introduction 
a catalogue of the acknowledged books of the Old 
Testament, which it is necessary to quote at this 
point. He writes as follows: 18 "Melito to his 
brother Onesimus, [33] greeting: Since thou hast 
often, in thy zeal for the word, expressed a wish 
to have extracts made from the Law and the 
Prophets concerning the Saviour and concerning our 
entire faith, and hast also  desired to have an 
accurate statement of the ancient book, as regards 
their number and their  order, I have endeavored 
to perform the task,  knowing thy zeal for the 
faith, and thy desire  to gain information in 
regard to the word, and  knowing that thou, in thy 
yearning after God,  esteemest these things above 
all else, struggling 14 to attain eternal 
salvation. Accordingly when I went East and came 
to the place where these things were preached and 
done, I learned accurately the books of the Old 
Testament, and send them to thee as written below. 
Their names are as follows: Of Moses, five books: 
Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Leviticus, [34] 
Deuteronomy; Jesus Nave, Judges, Ruth; of Kings, 
four books; of Chronicles, two; the Psalms of 
David, [35] the Proverbs of Solomon, Wisdom also, 
[36] Ecclesiastes, Song off Songs, Job; of 
Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah; of the twelve 
prophets, one book [37]; Daniel, Ezekiel, Esdras. 
[38] From which also I have made the extracts, 
dividing them into six books." Such are the words 
of Melito.

CHAPTER XXVII.

Apolinarius, Bishop of the Church of Hierapolis.

A number of works of Apolinarius [1] have been 
preserved by many, and the following have

207

reached us: the Discourse addressed to the 
above-mentioned emperor, [2] five books Against 
the Greeks, [3] On Truth, a first and second book, 
[4] and those which he subsequently wrote against 
the heresy of the Phrygians, [5] which not long 
afterwards came out with its innovations, [6] but 
at that time was, as it were, in its incipiency, 
since Montanus, with his false prophetesses, was 
then laying the foundations of his error.

CHAFFER XXVIII. Musanus and his Writings.
And as for Musanus, [1] whom we have mentione 
among the foregoing writers, a certain very 
elegant discourse is extant, which was written by 
him against some brethren that had gone over to 
the heresy of the so-called Encratites, 2 which 
had recently sprung up, and which introduced a 
strange and pernicious error. It is said that 
Tatian was the author of this false doctrine.

CHAFFER XXIX.

The Heresy of Tatian. [1]

He is the one whose words we quoted 1 a little 
above [2] in regard to that admirable

208

man, Justin, and whom we stated to have been a 
disciple of the martyr. Irenaeus declares this in 
the first book of his work Against Heresies, where 
he writes as follows concerning both him and his 
heresy:  [3] "Those who are called Encratites, [4] 
and who sprung from Saturninus [5] and Marcion, 
preached celibacy, setting aside the original 
arrangement of God and tacitly censuring him who 
made male and female for the propagation of the 
human race. They introduced also abstinence from 
the things called by them animate, [6] thus 
showing ingratitude to the God who made all 
things. And they deny the salvation of the first 
man? But 8
this has been only recently discovered by them, a 
certain Tatian being the first to introduce this 
blasphemy. He was a hearer of Jus-tin, and 
expressed no such opinion while he was with him, 
but after the martyrdom of the latter he left the 
Church, and becoming exalted with the thought of 
being a teacher, and puffed up with the idea that 
he was superior to others, he established a 
peculiar type of doctrine of his own, inventing 
certain invisible aeons like the followers of 
Valentinus, [8] while, like Marcion and 
Saturninus, he pronounced marriage to be 
corruption and fornication. His argument against 
the salvation of Adam, however, he devised for

209

himself." Irenaeus at that time wrote thus. But a 
little later a certain man named Severus [9] put 
new strength into the aforesaid heresy, and thus 
brought it about that those who took their origin 
from it were called, 5  after him, Severians. 
They, indeed, use the Law and Prophets and 
Gospels, but interpret in their own way the 
utterances of the Sacred Scriptures. And they 
abuse Paul the apostle and reject his epistles, 
and do not 6  accept even the Acts of the 
Apostles. But their original founder, Tatian, 
formed a certain combination and collection of the 
Gospels, I know not how, [10] to which he gave the 
title Diatessaron, [11] and which is still in the 
l hands of some. But they say that he ventured to 
paraphrase certain words of the apostle, [12] in 
order to improve their style. He 7 has left a 
great many writings. Of these the one most in use 
among many persons is his celebrated Address to 
the Greeks, [13] which also appears to be the best 
and most useful of all his works. In it he deals 
with the most ancient times, and shows that Moses 
and the Hebrew prophets were older than all the 
celebrated men among the Greeks. [14] So much in 
regard to  these men.

CHAPTER XXX.

Bardesanes the Syrian and his Extant Works.

In the same reign, as heresies were 1 abounding in 
the region between the rivers, [1] a certain 
Bardesanes, [2] a most able man and a

210

most skillful disputant in the Syriac tongue, 
having composed dialogues against Marcion's 
followers and against certain others who were 
authors of various opinions, committed them to 
writing in his own language, together with many 
other works. His pupils, [3] of whom he had very 
many (for he was a powerful defender of the 
faith), translated these productions from the 
Syriac into Greek. Among them there2. is also his 
most able dialogue On Fate, [4] addressed to 
Antoninus, and other works which they say he wrote 
on occasion of the persecution which arose at that 
time. [5] He indeed was at first a follower of 3 
Valentinus, [6] but afterward, having rejected his 
teaching and having refuted most of his fictions, 
he fancied that he had come over to the more 
correct opinion. Nevertheless he did not entirely 
wash off the filth of the old heresy. [7] About 
this time also Soter, [8] bishop of the church of 
Rome, departed this life.

BOOK V.

INTRODUCTION.

1SOTER, [1] bishop of the church of Rome, died 
after an episcopate of eight years, and was 
succeeded by Eleutherus, [2] the twelfth from the 
apostles. In the seventeenth year of the Emperor 
Antoninus Verus, [3] the persecution of our people 
was rekindled more fiercely in certain districts 
on account of an insurrection of the masses in the 
cities; and judging by the number in a single 
nation, myriads suffered martyrdom  throughout the 
world. A record of this was written for posterity, 
and in truth it is 2 worthy of perpetual 
remembrance. A full account, containing the most 
reliable information on the subject, is given in 
our Collection of Martyrdoms, [4] which 
constitutes a narrative instructive as well as 
historical. I will repeat here such portions of 
this account as may be needful for the present 
purpose. Other writers of history record the 
victories 3 of war and trophies won from enemies, 
the skill of generals, and the manly bravery of 
soldiers, defiled with blood and with innumerable 
slaughters for the sake of children and country 
and other possessions. But our 4 narrative of the 
government of God [5] will record in ineffaceable 
letters the most peaceful wars waged in behalf of 
the peace of the soul, and will tell of men doing 
brave deeds for truth rather than country, and for 
piety rather than dearest friends. It will hand 
down to imperishable remembrance the discipline 
and the much-tried fortitude of the athletes of 
religion, the trophies won from demons, the 
victories over invisible enemies, and the crowns 
placed upon all their heads.

CHAPTER I.

The Number of those who fought for Religion in 
Gaul under Verus and the Nature of their 
Conflicts.
The country in which the arena was pre- 1 pared 
for them was Gaul, of which Lyons and Vienne [1] 
are the principal and most celebrated cities. The 
Rhone passes through both of them, flowing in a 
broad stream through the entire re-

212

gion. The most celebrated churches in that country 
sent an account of the witnesses [2] to the 
churches in Asia and Phrygia, relating in the 
following manner what was done among them. I will 
give their own words. [3] 3   "The servants of 
Christ residing at Vienne    and Lyons, in Gaul, 
to the brethren through out Asia and Phrygia, who 
hold the same faith and hope of redemption, peace 
and grace and glory from God the Father and Christ 
Jesus our Lord."
4   Then, having related some other matters they 
begin their account in this manner:  "The 
greatness of the tribulation in this region, and 
the fury of the heathen against the saints, and 
the sufferings of the blessed witnesses we cannot 
recount accurately, nor indeed 5 could they 
possibly be recorded. For with all his might the 
adversary fell upon us, giving us a foretaste of 
his unbridled activity at his future coming. He 
endeavored in every manner to practice and 
exercise his servants against the servants of God, 
not only shutting us out from houses and baths and 
markets, but forbidding any of us to be seen in 
any place whatever. But the grace of God led 6 the 
conflict against him, and delivered the weak, and 
set them as firm pillars, able through patience to 
endure all the wrath of the Evil One. And they 
joined battle with him, undergoing all kinds of 
shame and injury; and regarding their great 
sufferings as little, they hastened to Christ, 
manifesting truly that 'the sufferings of this 
present time are not worthy to be compared with 
the glory which shall be revealed to us-ward.' [4] 
First of all, they endured nobly 7 the injuries 
heaped upon them by the populace; clamors and 
blows and draggings and robberies and stonings and 
imprisonments, [5] and all things which an 
infuriated mob delight in inflicting on enemies 
and adversaries. Then,  8 being taken to the forum 
by the chiliarch [6] and the authorities of the 
city, they were examined in the presence of the 
whole multitude, and having confessed, they were 
imprisoned until the arrival of the governor. 
When,  9 afterwards, they were brought before him, 
and he treated us with the utmost cruelty, Vettius 
Epagathus, [7] one of the brethren, and a man 
filled with love for God and his neighbor, 
interfered. His life was so consistent that, 
although young, he had attained a reputation equal 
to that of the eider Zacharias: for he ' walked in 
all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord 
blameless,' s and was untir-

213

ing in every good work for his neighbor, zealous 
for God and fervent in spirit. Such being his 
character, he could not endure the unreasonable 
judgment against us, but was filled with 
indignation, and asked to be permitted to testify 
in behalf of his brethren, that there is among 10 
us nothing ungodly or impious. But those about the 
judgment seat cried out against him, for he was a 
man of distinction; and the governor refused to 
grant his just request, and merely asked if he 
also were a Christian. And he, confessing this 
with a loud voice, was himself taken into the 
order [9] of the witnesses, being called the 
Advocate of the Christians, but having the 
Advocate [10] in himself, the Spirit [11] more 
abundantly than Zacharias. [12] He showed this by 
the fullness of his love, being well pleased even 
to lay down his life [13] in defense of the 
brethren. For he was and is a true disciple of 
Christ, 'following the Lamb whithersoever he 
goeth.' [14] 11  "Then the others were divided, 
[15] and the proto-witnesses were manifestly 
ready, and finished their confession with all 
eagerness. But some appeared unprepared and 
untrained, weak as yet, and unable to endure so 
great a conflict. About ten of these proved 
abortions, [16] causing us great grief and sorrow 
beyond measure, and impairing the zeal of the 
others who had not yet been seized, but who, 
though suffering all kinds of affliction, 
continued constantly with the witnesses and did 
not forsake [12] them. Then all of us feared 
greatly on account of uncertainty as to their 
confession not because we dreaded the sufferings 
to be endured, but because we looked to the end, 
and were afraid that some of them might fall 18 
away. But those who were worthy were seized day by 
day, filling up their number, so that all the 
zealous persons, and those through whom especially 
our affairs had been established, were collected 
together out of the two 14 churches. And some of 
our heathen setrants also were seized, as the 
governor had commanded that all of us should be 
examined publicly. These, being ensnared by Satan, 
and fearing for themselves the tortures which they 
beheld the saints endure, [17] and being also 
urged on by the soldiers, accused us falsely of 
Thyestean banquets and Edipodean intercourse, [18] 
and of deeds which are not only unlawful for us to 
speak of or to think, but which we cannot believe 
were ever done by men. When [15] these accusations 
were reported, all the people raged like wild 
beasts against us, so that even if any had before 
been moderate on account of friendship, they were 
now exceedingly furious and gnashed their teeth 
against us. And that which was spoken by our Lord 
was fulfilled: ' The time will come when whosoever 
killeth you will think that he doeth God service.' 
[19] Then finally the holy witnesses endured 18 
sufferings beyond description, Satan striving 
earnestly that some of the slanders might be 
uttered by them also? "But the whole wrath of the 
populace, and 17 governor, and soldiers was 
aroused exceedingly against Sanctus, the deacon 
from Vienne, [21] and Maturus, a late convert, yet 
a noble combatant, and against Attalus, a native 
of Pergamos [22] where he had always been a pillar 
and foundation, and Blandina, through whom Christ 
showed that things which appear mean and obscure 
and despicable to men are with God of great glory, 
[23] through love toward him manifested in power, 
and not boasting in appearance. For while we all 
trembled, and her earthly 18 mistress, who was 
herself also one of the witnesses, feared that on 
account of the weakness of her body, she would be 
unable to make bold confession, Blandina was 
filled with such

214

power as to be delivered and raised above those 
who were torturing her by turns from morning till 
evening in every manner, so that they acknowledged 
that they were conquered, and could do nothing 
more to her. And they were astonished at her 
endurance, as her entire body was mangled and 
broken; and they testified that one of these forms 
of torture was sufficient to destroy life, not to 
speak of so 19 many and so great sufferings. But 
the blessed woman, like a noble athlete, renewed 
her strength in her confession; and her comfort 
and recreation and relief from the pain of her 
sufferings was in exclaiming, ' I am a Christian, 
and there is nothing vile done by US.' 20  "But 
Sanctus also endured marvelously and superhumanly 
[24] all the outrages which he suffered. While the 
wicked men hoped, by the continuance and severity 
of his tortures to wring something from him which 
he ought not to say, he girded himself against 
them with such firmness that he would not even 
tell his name, or the nation or city to which he 
belonged, or whether he was bond or free, but 
answered in the Roman tongue to all their 
questions, ' I am a Christian.' He confessed this 
instead of name and city and race and everything 
besides, and the people 21 heard from him no other 
word. There arose therefore on the part of the 
governor and his tormentors a great desire to 
conquer him but having nothing more that they 
could do to him, they finally fastened red-hot 
brazen plates to the most tender parts of his 
body. 22. And these indeed were burned, but he 
continued unbending and unyielding, firm in his 
confession, and refreshed and strengthened by the 
heavenly fountain of the water of life, flowing 
from the bowels of Christ. And his body was a 
witness of his sufferings, being one complete 
wound and bruise, drawn: out of shape, and 
altogether unlike a human form. Christ, suffering 
in him, manifested his glory, delivering him from 
his adversary, and making him an example for the 
others, showing that nothing is fearful where the 
love of the Father is, and nothing painful where 
there 24 is the glory of Christ. For when the 
wicked men tortured him a second time after some 
days, supposing that with his body swollen and 
inflamed to such a degree that he could not bear 
the touch of a hand, if they should again apply 
the same instruments, they would overcome him, or 
at least by his death under his sufferings others 
would be made afraid, not only did not this occur, 
but, contrary to all human expectation, his body 
arose and stood erect in the midst of the 
subsequent torments, and resumed its original 
appearance and the use of its limbs_ so that, 
through the grace of Christ, these second 
sufferings became to him, not torture, but 
healing. "But the devil, thinking that he had al- 
25 ready consumed Biblias, who was one of those 
who had denied Christ, desiring to increase her 
condemnation through the utterance of blasphemy, 
[23]@ brought her again to the torture, to compel 
her, as already feeble and weak, to report impious 
things concerning us. But 26 she recovered herself 
under the suffering, and as if awaking from a deep 
sleep, and reminded by the present anguish of the 
eternal punishment in hell, she contradicted the 
blasphemers. 'How,' she said, 'could those eat 
children who do not think it lawful to taste the 
blood even of irrational animals?' And 
thenceforward she confessed herself a Christian, 
and was given a place in the order of the 
witnesses.
"But as the tyrannical tortures were 27 made by 
Christ of none effect through the patience of the 
blessed, the devil invented other  contrivances, 
-- confinement in the dark and most loathsome 
parts of the prison, stretching of the feet to the 
fifth hole in the stocks, [26] and the other 
outrages which his servants are accustomed to 
inflict upon the prisoners when furious and filled 
with the devil. A great many were suffocated in 
prison, being chosen by the Lord for this manner 
of death, that he might manifest in them his 
glory. For some, 128 though they had been tortured 
so cruelly that it seemed impossible that they 
could live, even with the most careful nursing, 
yet, destitute of human attention, remained in the 
prison, being strengthened by the Lord, and 
invigorated both in body and soul; and they 
exhorted and encouraged the rest. But such as were 
young, and arrested recently, so that their bodies 
had not become accustomed to torture, were unable 
to endure the severity of their confinement, and 
died in prison.
"The blessed Pothinus, who had been 29 entrusted 
with the bishopric of Lyons, was dragged to the 
judgment seat. He was more than ninety years of 
age, and very infirm, scarcely indeed able to 
breathe because of physical weakness; but he was 
strengthened by spiritual zeal through his earnest 
desire for martyrdom. Though his body was worn out 
by old age and disease, his life was preserved 
that Christ might triumph in it. When he was 
brought by the soldiers to 30 the tribunal, 
accompanied by the civil magistrates and a 
multitude who shouted against him m every manner 
as if he were Christ himself, he bore noble 
witness. Being asked 31

215

by the governor, Who was the God of the 
Christians, he replied, ' If thou art worthy, thou 
shalt know.' Then he was dragged away harshly, and 
received blows of every kind. Those near him 
struck him with their hands and feet, regardless 
of his age; and those at a distance hurled, at him 
whatever they could seize; all of them thinking 
that they would be guilty of great wickedness and 
impiety if any possible abuse were omitted. For 
thus they thought to avenge their own deities. 
Scarcely able to breathe, he was cast into prison 
and died after two days. 32.  "Then a certain 
great dispensation of God occurred, and the 
compassion of Jesus appeared beyond measure, [27] 
in a manner rarely seen among the brotherhood, but 
not beyond the power of Christ. For those who had 
recanted at their first arrest were imprisoned 
with the others, and endured terrible sufferings, 
so that their denial was of no profit to them even 
for the present. But those who confessed what they 
were imprisoned as Christians, no other accusation 
being brought against them. But the first were 
treated afterwards as murderers and defiled, and 
were punished twice as severely as the others. For 
the joy of martyrdom, and the hope of the 
promises, and love for Christ, and the Spirit of 
the Father supported the latter; but their 
consciences so greatly distressed the former that 
they were easily distinguishable from all the rest 
by their very countenances when they were led 
forth. For the first went out rejoicing, glory and 
grace being blended in their faces, so that even 
their bonds seemed like beautiful ornaments, as 
those of a bride adorned with variegated golden 
fringes; and they were perfumed with the sweet 
savor of Christ, [28] so that some supposed they 
had been anointed with earthly ointment. But the 
others were downcast and humble and dejected and 
filled with every kind of disgrace, and they were 
reproached by the heathen as ignoble and weak, 
bearing the accusation of murderers, and having 
lost the one honorable and glorious and 
life-giving Name. The rest, beholding this, were 
strengthened, and when apprehended, they confessed 
without hesitation, paying no attention to the 
persuasions of the devil." 36  After certain other 
words they continue: "After these things, finally, 
their martyrdoms(were divided into every form. 
[29] For plaiting a crown of various colors and of 
all kinds of flowers,  they presented it to the 
Father. It was proper therefore that the noble 
athletes, having endured a manifold strife, and 
conquered grandly, should receive the crown, great 
and incorruptible. "Maturus, therefore, and 
Sanctus and 37 Blandina and Attalus were led to 
the amphi-theater to be exposed to the wild 
beasts, and to give to the heathen public a 
spectacle of cruelty, a day for fighting with wild 
beasts being specially appointed on account of our 
people. Both Maturus and Sanctus passed again 38 
through every torment in the amphitheater, as if 
they had suffered nothing before, or rather, as 
if, having already conquered their antagonist in 
many contests,8° they were now striving for the 
crown itself. They endured again the customary 
running of the gauntlet [31] and the violence of 
the wild beasts, and everything which the furious 
people called for or desired, and at last, the 
iron chair in which their bodies being roasted, 
tormented them with the fumes. And not with this 
did the 39 persecutors cease, but were yet more 
mad against them, determined to overcome their 
patience. But even thus they did not hear a word 
from Sanctus except the confession which he had 
uttered from the beginning. These, 40 then, after 
their life had continued for a long time through 
the great conflict, were at last sacrificed, 
having been made throughout that day a spectacle 
to the world, in place of the usual variety of 
combats.  "But Blandina was suspended on a 
stake,41 and exposed to be devoured by the wild 
beasts who should attack her. And because she 
appeared as if hanging on a cross, and because of 
her earnest prayers, she inspired the combatants 
with great zeal. For they looked on her in her 
conflict, and beheld with their outward eyes, in 
the form of their sister, him who was crucified 
for them, that he might persuade those who believe 
on him, that every one who suffers for the glory 
of Christ has fellowship always with the living 
God. As 42 none of the wild beasts at that time 
touched her, she was taken down from the stake, 
and cast again into prison. She was preserved thus 
for another contest, that, being victorious in 
more conflicts, she might make the punishment of 
the crooked serpent irrevocable; [33] and, though 
small and weak and despised, yet clothed with 
Christ the mighty and conquering Athlete, she

216

might arouse the zeal of the brethren, and, having 
overcome the adversary many times might receive, 
through her conflict, the crown incorruptible.  
43  "But Attalus was called for loudly by!  the 
people, because he was a person of distinction. He 
entered the contest readily on account of a good 
conscience and his genuine practice in Christian 
discipline, and as he had always been a witness 
for the truth among 44 us. He was led around the 
amphitheater, a tablet being carried before him on 
which was written in the Roman language 'This is 
Attalus the Christian,' and the people were filled 
with indignation against him. But when the 
governor learned that he was a Roman, he commanded 
him to be taken back with the rest of those who 
were in prison concerning whom he had written to 
Caesar, and whose answer he was awaiting.
"But the intervening time was not wasted nor 
fruitless to them; for by their patience the 
measureless compassion of Christ was manifested. 
For through their continued life the dead were 
made alive, and the witnesses showed favor to 
those who had failed to witness. And the virgin 
mother had much joy in receiving alive those whom 
she had brought forth as dead. [34] For through 
their influence many who had denied were restored, 
and re-be-gotten, and rekindled with life, and 
learned to confess. And being made alive and 
strengthened, they went to the judgment seat to be 
again interrogated by the governor; God, who 
desires not the death of the sinner, [35] but 
mercifully invites to repentance, treating them 
with kindness. For Caesar commanded that they 
should be put to death, [36] but that any who 
might deny should be set free. Therefore, at the 
beginning of the public festival [37] which took 
place there, and which was attended by crowds of 
men from all nations, the governor brought the 
blessed ones to the judgment seat, to make of them 
a show and spectacle for the multitude. Wherefore 
also he examined them again, and beheaded those 
who appeared to possess Roman citizenship, but he 
sent the others to the wild beasts.
48  "And Christ was glorified greatly in those who 
had formerly denied him, for, contrary to the 
expectation of the heathen, they confessed. For 
they, were examined by themselves, as about to be 
set free; but confessing, they were added to the 
order of the witnesses. But some continued 
without, who had never possessed a trace of faith, 
nor any apprehension of the wedding garment, [38] 
nor an understanding of the fear of God; but, as 
sons of perdition, they blasphemed the Way through 
their apostasy. But all the others were added to 
the 49 Church. While these were being examined, a 
certain Alexander, a Phrygian by birth, and 
physician by profession, who had resided in Gaul 
for many years, and  was well known to  all on 
account of his love to God and boldness  of speech 
(for he was not without a share of apostolic 
grace), standing before the judgment seat, and by 
signs encouraging them to confess, appeared to 
those standing by as if in travail. But the people 
being enraged be- 50
cause those who formerly denied now confessed, 
cried out against Alexander as if he were the 
cause of this. Then the governor summoned him and 
inquired who he was. And when he answered that he 
was a Christian, being very angry he condemned him 
to the wild beasts. And on the next day he entered 
along with Attalus. For to please the people, the 
governor had ordered Attalus again to the wild 
beasts. And they were tortured in 51 the 
amphitheater with all the instruments contrived 
for that purpose, and having endured a very great 
conflict, were at last sacrificed. Alexander 
neither groaned nor murmured in any manner, but 
communed in his heart with God. But when Attalus 
was placed in 52 the iron seat, and the fumes 
arose from his burning body, he said to the people 
in the Roman language: 'Lo! this which ye do is 
devouring men; but we do not devour men; nor do 
any other wicked thing.' And being asked, what 
name God has, he replied, ' God has not a name as 
man has.'
"After all these, on the last day of the 53 
contests, Blandina was again brought in, with 
Ponticus, a boy about fifteen years old. They had 
been brought every day to witness the sufferings 
of the others, and had been pressed to swear by 
the idols. But because they remained steadfast and 
despised them, the multitude became furious, so 
that they had no compassion for the youth of the 
boy nor respect for the sex of the woman. 
Therefore they exposed them 54 to all the terrible 
sufferings and took them through the entire round 
of torture, repeatedly urging them to swear, but 
being unable to effect this; for Ponticus, 
encouraged by his sister so that even the heathen 
could see that she was confirming and 
strengthening him, having nobly endured every 
torture, gave up the ghost.

55 But the blessed Blandina, last of all, having, 
as a noble mother, encouraged her children and 
sent them before her victorious to the King, 
endured herself all their conflicts and hastened 
after them, glad and rejoicing in her departure as 
if called to a marriage supper, rather than east 
to wild beasts. And, after the scourging, after 
the wild beasts, after the roasting seat, [39] she 
was finally enclosed in a net, and thrown before a 
bull. And having been tossed about by the animal, 
but feeling none of the things which were 
happening to her, on account of her hope and firm 
hold upon what had been entrusted to her, and her 
communion with Christ, she also was sacrificed. 
And the heathen themselves confessed that never 
among them had a woman endured so many and such 
terrible tortures. 57  "But not even thus was 
their madness and cruelty toward the saints 
satisfied. For incited by the Wild Beast, wild and 
barbarous tribes were not easily appeased, and 
their violence found another peculiar opportunity 
in 58 the dead bodies  [40] For, through their 
lack of manly reason, the fact that they had been 
conquered did not put them to shame, but rather 
the more enkindled their wrath as that of a wild 
beast, and aroused alike the hatred of governor 
and people to treat us unjustly; that the 
Scripture might be fulfilled: ' He that is 
lawless, let him be lawless still, and he that is 
righteous, 59 let him be righteous still.' [41] 
For they cast to the dogs those who had died of 
suffocation in the prison, carefully guarding them 
by night and day, lest any one should be buried by 
us. And they exposed the remains left by the wild 
beasts and by fire, mangled and charred, and 
placed the heads of the others by their bodies, 
and guarded them in like manner from burial by a 
watch of soldiers for many days. 60 And some raged 
and gnashed their teeth against them, desiring to 
execute more severe vengeance upon them; but 
others laughed and mocked at them, magnifying 
their own idols, and imputed to them the 
punishment of the Christians. Even the more 
reasonable, and those who had seemed to sympathize 
somewhat, reproached them often, saying, ' Where 
is their God, and what has their religion, which 
they have chosen rather than life, profited them 
?' 61 So various was their conduct toward us; but 
we were in deep affliction because we could not 
bury the bodies. For neither did night avail us 
for this purpose, nor did money persuade, nor 
entreaty move to compassion; but they kept watch 
in every way, as if the prevention of the burial 
would be of some great advantage to them." In 
addition, they say after other things:  "The 
bodies of the martyrs, having thus 62 in every 
manner been exhibited and exposed for six days, 
were afterward burned and reduced to ashes, and 
swept into the Rhone by the wicked men, so that no 
trace of them might appear on the earth. And this 
68 they did, as if able to conquer God, and 
prevent their new birth; 'that,' as they said, 
'they may have no hope of a resurrection, [43] 
through trust in which they bring to us this 
foreign and new religion, and despise terrible 
things, and are ready even to go to death with 
joy. Now let us see if they will rise again, and 
if their God is able to help them, and to deliver 
them out of our hands.'"

CHAPTER II.

The Martyrs, beloved of God, kindly ministered 
unto those who fell in the Persecution.
Such things happened to the churches  1 of Christ 
under the above-mentioned emperor,  [1] from which 
we may reasonably conjecture the occurrences in 
the other provinces. It is proper to add other 
selections from the same letter, in which the 
moderation and compassion of these witnesses is 
recorded in the following words: "They were also 
so zealous in their imitation 2 of Christ, -- ' 
who, being in the form of God, counted it not a 
prize to be on an equality with God,' [2] -- that, 
though they had attained such honor, and had borne 
witness, not once or twice, but many times,- 
having been brought back to prison from the wild 
beasts, covered 'with burns and scars and wounds, 
-- yet they did not proclaim themselves witnesses, 
nor did they suffer us to address them by this 
name. If any one of us, in letter or conversation, 
spoke of them as witnesses, they rebuked him

218

sharply. For they conceded cheerfully the 
appellation of Witness to Christ ' the faithful 
and true Witness,' [3] and ' firstborn of the 
dead,' [4] and prince of the life of God; [5] and 
they reminded us of the witnesses who had already 
departed, and said, ' They are already witnesses 
whom Christ has deemed worthy to be taken up in 
their confession, having sealed their testimony by 
their departure; but we are lowly and humble 
confessors.' [6] And they besought the brethren 
with tears that earnest prayers should be offered 
that they might be made perfect. [7] They showed 
in their deeds the power of ' testimony,' 
manifesting great boldness toward all the 
brethren, and they made plain their nobility 
through patience and fearlessness and courage, but 
they refused the title of Witnesses as 
distinguishing them from their brethren, [8] being 
filled with the fear of God." 5   A little further 
on they say: "They humbled themselves under the 
mighty hand, by which they are now greatly 
exalted. [9] They defended all, [10] but accused 
none. They absolved all, but bound none. [11] And 
they prayed for those who had inflicted cruelties 
upon them, even as Stephen, the perfect witness, ' 
Lord, lay not this sin to their charge.' [12] But 
if he prayed for those who stoned him, how much 
more for the brethren !" [6] And again after 
mentioning other matters, they say: "For, through 
the genuineness of their love, their greatest 
contest with him was that the Beast, being choked, 
might cast out alive those whom he supposed he had 
swallowed. For they did not boast over the fallen, 
but helped them in their need with those things in 
which they themselves abounded, having the 
compassion of a mother, and shedding many tears 7  
on their account before the Father. They asked for 
life, and he gave it to them, and they shared it 
with their neighbors. Victorious; over everything, 
they departed to God. Having always loved peace, 
and having commended peace to us [13] they went in 
peace to God, leaving no sorrow to their mother, 
nor division or strife to the brethren, but joy 
and peace and concord and love."
This record of the affection of those 8 blessed 
ones toward the brethren that had fallen may be 
profitably added on account of the inhuman and 
unmerciful disposition of those who, after these 
events, acted unsparingly toward the members of 
Christ. [14]

CHAPTER III.

The Vision which appeared in a Dream to the
Witness Attalus.

The same letter of the abovementioned[1]. 
witnesses contains another account worthy of 
remembrance. No one will object to our bringing it 
to the knowledge of our readers. It runs as 
follows: "For a certain Alcibiades, 2 [1] who was 
one of them, led a very austere life, partaking of 
nothing whatever but bread and water. When he 
endeavored to continue this same sort of life in 
prison, it was revealed to Attalus after his first 
conflict in the amphitheater that Alcibiades was 
not doing well in refusing the creatures of God 
and placing a stumbling-block before others. And 
Alcibiades 3 obeyed; and partook of all things 
without restraint, giving thanks to God. For they 
were not deprived of the grace of God, but the 
Holy Ghost was their counselor." Let this suffice 
for these matters.
The followers of Montanus, [2] Alcibiades [3] 4 
and Theodotus [4] in Phrygia were now first giving 
wide circulation to their assumption in regard to 
prophecy, -- for the may other miracles

219

that, through the gift of God, were still wrought 
in the different churches caused their prophesying 
to be readily credited by many, -- and as 
dissension arose concerning them, the brethren in 
Gaul set forth their own prudent and most orthodox 
judgment in the matter, and published also several 
epistles from the witnesses that had been put to 
death among them. These they sent, while they were 
still in prison, to the brethren throughout Asia 
and Phrygia, and also to Eleutherus, [5] who was 
then bishop of Rome, negotiating for the peace of 
the churches. [6]

CHAPTER IV.

Irenaeus commended by the Witnesses in a Letter.

1   The same witnesses also recommended Irenaeus, 
[1] who was already at that time a presbyter of 
the parish of Lyons, to the above-mentioned bishop 
of Rome, saying many favorable things in regard to 
him, as the following extract shows: 2.   "We 
pray, father Eleutherus, that you   may rejoice in 
God in all things and always.  We have requested 
our brother and comrade Irenaeus to carry this 
letter to you, and we ask you to hold him in 
esteem, as zealous for the covenant of Christ. For 
if we thought that office could confer 
righteousness upon any one, we should commend him 
among the first as a presbyter of the church, 
which is his position." 
3Why should we transcribe the catalogue of the 
witnesses given in the letter already mentioned, 
of whom some were beheaded, others cast to the 
wild beasts, and others fell asleep in prison, or 
give the number of confessors [2] still surviving 
at that time? For whoever desires can readily find 
the full account by consulting the letter itself, 
which, as I have said, is recorded in our 
Collection of Martyrdoms. [3] Such were the events 
which happened under Antoninus. [4]

CHAPTER V.

God sent Rain from Heaven for Marcus Aurelius 
Caesar in Answer to the Prayers of our People.

It is reported [1] that Marcus Aurelius 1 Caesar, 
brother of Antoninus, [2] being about to engage in 
battle with the Germans and Sarmatians, was in 
great trouble on account of his army suffering 
from thirst. [3] But the soldiers of the so-called 
Melitene legion, [4] through

220

the faith which has given strength from that time 
to the present, when they were drawn up before the 
enemy, kneeled on the ground, as is our custom in 
prayer, [5] and engaged in supplications 2 to God. 
This was indeed a strange sight to the enemy, but 
it is reported [6] that a stranger thing 
immediately followed. The lightning drove the 
enemy to flight and destruction, but a shower 
refreshed the army of those who had called on God, 
all of whom had been on the point of perishing 
with thirst. 3   This story is related by 
non-Christian writers who have been pleased to 
treat the times referred to, and it has also been 
recorded by our own people. [7] By those 
historians who were strangers to the faith, the 
marvel is mentioned, but it is not acknowledged as 
an answer to our prayers. But by our own people, 
as friends of the truth, the occurrence is related 
in a simple and artless manner.
4 Among these is Apolinarius, [8] who says that 
from that time the legion through whose prayers 
the wonder took place received from the emperor a 
title appropriate to the event, being called in 
the language of the Romans 5 the Thundering 
Legion. Tertullian is a trustworthy witness of 
these things. In the Apology for the Faith, which 
he addressed to the Roman Senate, and which work 
we have already mentioned, [9] he confirms the 
history with greater and stronger proofs. He  6 
writes [10] that there are still extant letters 
[11] of the most intelligent Emperor Marcus in 
which he testifies that his army, being on the 
point of perishing with thirst in Germany, was 
saved by the prayers of the Christians. And he 
says also that this emperor threatened death [12] 
to those who brought accusation against us. 
He adds further: [13] 7
"What kind of laws are those which impious, 
unjust, and cruel persons use against us alone ? 
which Vespasian, though he had conquered the Jews, 
did not regard; [14] which Trajan partially 
annulled, forbidding Christians to be sought 
after; [15] which neither Adrian, [16] though 
inquisitive in all matters, nor he who was called 
Plus [17] sanctioned." But let any one treat these 
things as he chooses; [18] we must pass on to what 
followed. Pothinus having died with the other 
martyrs 8 in Gaul at ninety years of age, [19] 
Irenaeus succeeded him in the episcopate of the 
church at Lyons. [20] We have learned that, in his 
youth, he was a hearer of Polycarp. [21] In the 9 
third book of his work  Against Heresies he has 
inserted a list of the bishops of Rome, bringing 
it down as far as Eleutherus (whose times we are 
now considering), under whom he composed his work. 
He writes as follows: [22]

CHAPTER VI.

Catalogue of the Bishops of Rome.

1   "The blessed apostles [1] having founded and 
established the church, entrusted the office of 
the episcopate to Linus. [2] Paul speaks of this 
Linus in his Epistles to Timothy. [3] 2. 
Anencletus [4] succeeded him, and after 
Anencletus, in the third place from the apostles, 
Clement [5] received the episcopate. He had seen 
and conversed with the blessed apostles, [6] and 
their preaching was still sounding in his ears, 
and their tradition was still before his eyes. Nor 
was he alone in this, for many who had been taught 
by the apostles yet survived. 3  In the times of 
Clement, a serious dissension having arisen among 
the brethren in Corinth, [7] the church of Rome 
sent a most suitable letter to the Corinthians, 
[8] reconciling them in peace, renewing their 
faith, and proclaiming [9] the doctrine lately 
received from the apostles."  [10] A little 
farther on he says: [11]
"Evarestus [12] succeeded Clement, and Alexander, 
[13] Evarestus. Then Xystus, [14] the sixth from 
the apostles, was appointed. After him 
Telesphorus, [15] who suffered martyrdom 
gloriously; then Hyginus; [16] then Pius; [17] and 
after  him Anicetus; [18] Sorer [19] succeeded 
Anicetus ; and now, in the twelfth place from the 
apostles, 
Eleutherus [20] holds the office of bishop.  5 In 
the same order and succession [21] the tradition 
in the Church and the preaching of the truth has 
descended from the apostles unto us."

CHAPTER VII.

Even down to those Times Miracles were performed 
by the Faithful.

These things Irenaeus, in agreement with 1 the 
accounts already given by us, [1] records in the 
work which comprises five books, and to which he 
gave the title Refutation and Overthrow of the 
Knowledge Falsely So-called. [2] In the second 
book of the same treatise he shows that 
manifestations of divine and miraculous power 
continued to his time in some of the churches. He 
says: [3] 1 "But so far do they come short of 
raising the dead, as the Lord raised them, and the 
apostles through prayer. And oftentimes in the 
brotherhood, when, on account of some neces sity, 
our entire Church has besought with fasting and 
much supplication, the spirit of the dead has 
returned, [4] and the man has been restored 
through the prayers of the saints." And again, 
after other remarks, he says : [5] 3

222

"If they will say that even the Lord did these 
things in mere appearance, we will refer them to 
the prophetic writings, and show from them that 
all things were beforehand spoken of him in this 
manner, and were strictly fulfilled; and that he 
alone is the Son of God. Wherefore his true 
disciples, receiving grace from him, perform such 
works in his Name for the benefit of other men, as 
each has received the gift from 4 him. For some of 
them drive out demons effectually and truly, so 
that those who have been cleansed from evil 
spirits frequently believe  and unite with the 
Church. Others have a foreknowledge of future 
events, and visions, and prophetic revelations. 
Still others heal the sick by the laying on of 
hands, and restore them to health. And, as we have 
said, even dead persons have been raised, and 
remained with 5 us many years. But why should we 
say  more ? It is not possible to recount the 
number of gifts which the Church, throughout all 
the world, has received from God in the name of 
Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius 
Pilate, and exercises every day for the benefit of 
the heathen, never deceiving any nor doing it for 
money. For as she has received freely from God, 
freely also does she minister." [6] 6And in 
another place the same author writes: [7] "As also 
we hear that many brethren in the Church possess 
prophetic gifts, and speak, through the Spirit, 
with all kinds of tongues, and bring to light the 
secret things of men for their good, and declare 
the mysteries of God." So much in regard to the 
fact that various gifts remained among those who 
were worthy even until that time.         
CHAPTER VIII.

The Statements of Irenaeus in regard to the Divine 
Scriptures.            
1   Since, in the beginning of this work, [1]  we 
promised to give, when needful, the words of the 
ancient presbyters and writers of i the Church, in 
which they have declared those  traditions which 
came down to them concerning  the canonical books, 
and since Irenaeus was one h of them, we will now 
give his words and, first,  what he says of the 
sacred Gospels: [2]  "Matthew published his Gospel 
among the Hebrews in their own language, [3] while 
Peter and Paul were preaching and founding the 
church  in Rome. [4] After their departure 3 Mark, 
the disciple and interpreter of Peter, also 
transmitted to us in writing those things which 
Peter had preached; [5] and Luke, the attendant of 
Paul, recorded in a book the Gospel which Paul had 
declared. [6] After- 4 wards John, the disciple of 
the Lord, who  also reclined on his bosom, 
published his Gospel, while staying at Ephesus in 
Asia." [7]  He states these things in the third 
book 5 of his above-mentioned work. In the fifth  
book he speaks as follows concerning the 
Apocalypse of John, and the number of the name of 
Antichrist: [8]
"As these things are so, and this number is found 
in all the approved and ancient copies, [9] and 
those who saw John face to face confirm it, and 
reason teaches us that the number of the name of 
the beast, according to the mode of calculation 
among the Greeks, appears in its letters .... " 
[10]
And farther on he says concerning the 6 same: [11]
"We are not bold enough to speak confidently of 
the name of Antichrist. For if it were necessary 
that his name should be declared clearly at the 
present time, it would have been announced by him 
who saw the revelation. For it was seen, not long 
ago, but almost in our generation, toward the end 
of the reign of Domitian." [12] He states these 
things concerning the 7 Apocalypse [13] in the 
work referred to. He also mentions the first 
Epistle of John, [14] taking

223

many proofs from it, and likewise the first 
Epistle of Peter. [15] And he not only knows, but 
also receives, The Shepherd, [16] writing as 
follows : [17]
"Well did the Scripture [18] speak, saying, [19] ' 
First of all believe that God is one, who has 
created and completed all things,'" &c.     And he 
uses almost the precise words of the Wisdom of 
Solomon, saying: [20] "The vision of God produces 
immortality, but immortality renders us near to 
God." He men-lions also the memoirs [21] of a 
certain apostolic presbyter, [22] whose name he 
passes by in silence, and gives his expositions of 
the sacred 9 Scriptures. And he refers to Justin 
the Martyr, [23] and to Ignatius, [24] using 
testimonies also from their writings. Moreover, he 
promises to refute Marcion from his own writings, 
in a special work. [25] 10  Concerning the 
translation of the inspired [26] Scriptures by the 
Seventy, hear the very words which he writes: [27]
"God in truth became man, and the Lord himself 
saved us, giving the sign of the virgin but not as 
some say, who now venture to translate the 
Scripture, 'Behold, a young woman shall conceive 
and bring forth a son,' [28] as Theodotion of 
Ephesus and Aquila of Pontus, [29] both of them 
Jewish proselytes, interpreted; following whom, 
the Ebionites say [30] that he was begotten by 
Joseph." Shortly after he adds:           11 "For 
before the Romans had established their empire, 
while the Macedonians were still holding Asia, 
Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, [31] being desirous of 
adorning the library which he had rounded in 
Alexandria with the meritorious writings of all 
men, requested the people of Jerusalem to have 
their Scriptures translated into the Greek 
language. But, as they were 12 then subject to the 
Macedonians, they sent to Ptolemy seventy elders, 
who were the most skilled among them in the 
Scriptures and in both languages. Thus God 
accomplished his purpose. [32] But wishing to try 
them individ- 13

224

ually, as he feared lest, by taking counsel 
together, they might conceal the truth of the 
Scriptures by their interpretation, he separated 
them from one another, and commanded all of them 
to write the same translation. [33] He 14 did this 
for all the books. But when they came together in 
the presence of Ptolemy, and compared their 
several translations, God was glorified, and the 
Scriptures were recognized  as truly divine. For 
all of them had rendered the same things in the 
same words and with the  same names from beginning 
to end, so that the  heathen perceived that the 
Scriptures had been translated by the inspiration 
[34] of God. 15 And this was nothing wonderful for 
God to do, who, in the captivity of the people 
trader Nebuchadnezzar, when the Scriptures had 
been destroyed, and the Jews had returned to their 
own country after seventy years, afterwards,  in 
the time of Artaxerxes, king of the Persians, 
inspired Ezra the priest, of the tribe of Levi, to 
relate all the words of the former prophets,  and 
to restore to the people the legislation of  
Moses." [35]

Such are the words of Irenaeus.

CHAPTER IX.

The Bishops under Commodus.

After Antoninus [1] had been emperor for nine-  
teen years, Commodus received the government. [2] 
In his first year Julian [3] became bishop of the 
Alexandrian churches, after Agrippinus [4]  had 
held the office for twelve years.

CHAPTER X.

Pantaenus the Philosopher.
About that time, Pantaenus, [1] a man highly 1 
distinguished for his learning, had charge of the 
school of the faithful in Alexandria. [2] A school 
of sacred learning, which continues to our day, 
was established there in ancient times, [3]

225

and as we have been informed, [4] was managed by 
men of great ability and zeal for divine things. 
Among these it is reported [5] that Pantaenus was 
at that time especially conspicuous, as he had 
been educated in the philosophical 2 system of 
those called Stoics. They say that he displayed 
such zeal for the divine Word, that he was 
appointed as a herald of the Gospel of Christ to 
the nations in the East, and was sent as far as 
India. [6] For indeed [7] there were still many 
evangelists of the Word who sought earnestly to 
use their inspired zeal, after the examples of the 
apostles, for the increase and building up of the 
Divine Word. 3  Pantaenus was one of these, and is 
said to have gone to India. It is reported that 
among persons there who knew of Christ, he found 
the Gospel according to Matthew, which had 
anticipated his own arrival. For Bartholomew, [8] 
one of the apostles, had preached to them, and 
left with them the writing of Matthew in the 
Hebrew language, [9] which they had preserved till 
that time. 4   After many good deeds, Pantaenus 
finally   became the head of the school at 
Alexandria, [10] and expounded the treasures of 
divine doctrine both orally and in writing. [11]

CHAPTER XI.

Clement of Alexandria.

At this time Clement, [1] being trained with  1 
him [2] in the divine Scriptures at Alexandria, 
became well known. He had the same name as the one 
who anciently was at the head of the Roman church, 
and who was a disciple of the apostles. [3] In his 
Hypotyposes [4] he 2 speaks of Pantaenus by name 
as his teacher. It seems to me that he alludes to 
the same person also in the first book of his 
Stromata, when, referring to the more conspicuous 
of the successors of the apostles whom he had met, 
[[5] he says:  [6]
"This work [7] is not a writing artfully 3 
constructed for display; but my notes are stored 
up for old age, as a remedy against forgetfulness; 
an image without art, and a rough sketch of those 
powerful and animated words which it was my 
privilege to hear, as well as of blessed and truly 
remarkable men. Of 4 these the one -- the Ionian 8 
__ was in

226

Greece, the other in Magna Graecia ; [9] the one 
of them was from Coele-Syria, [10] the other from 
Egypt. There were others in the East, one of them 
an Assyrian, [11] the other a Hebrew in Palestine? 
But when I met with the last, [13]--in ability 
truly he was first,-- having hunted him out in his 
concealment in Egypt, I found rest. These men, 
preserving the true tradition of the blessed 
doctrine, directly from the holy apostles, Peter 
and James and John and Paul, the son receiving it 
from the father (but few were like the fathers), 
have come by God's will even to us to deposit 
those ancestral and apostolic seeds." [14]

CHAPTER XII.

The Bishops in Jerusalem.

1   At this time Narcissus [1] was the bishop of 
the church at Jerusalem, and he is celebrated by 
many to this day. He was the fifteenth in 
succession from the siege of the Jews under 
Adrian. We have shown that from that time first 
the church in Jerusalem was composed of Gentiles, 
after those of the circumcision, and that Marcus 
was the first Gentile bishop that presided over 
them. [2] After him the 2 succession in the 
episcopate was: first Cassianus; after him 
Publius; then Maximus; [3] following them Julian; 
then Gaius; [4] after him Symmachus and another 
Gaius, and again another Julian; after these 
Capito [5] and Valens and Dolichianus; and after 
all of them Narcissus, the thirtieth in regular 
succession from the apostles.

227

CHAPTER XIII.

Rhodo and his Account of  the Dissension of
Marcion.

1   At this time Rhodo, [1] a native of Asia, who  
had been instructed, as he himself states, by 
Tatian, with whom we have already become 
acquainted, [2] having written several books, 
published among the rest one against the heresy of 
Marcion. [3] He says that this heresy was divided 
in his time into various opinions; [4] and while 
describing those who occasioned the division, he 
refutes accurately the falsehoods devised 2 by 
each of them. But hear what he writes: [5]
"Therefore also they disagree among themselves, 
maintaining an inconsistent opinion. [6] For 
Apelles, [7] one of the herd, priding himself on 
his manner of life [8] and his age, acknowledges 
one principle, [9] but says that the prophecies 
[10] are from an opposing spirit, being led to 
this view by the responses of a maiden by name 
Philumene, [11] who was possessed by a

228

[3] demon. But others, among whom are Potitus and 
Basilicus, [12] hold to two principles, [13] as 4 
does the mariner [14] Marcion himself. These    
following the wolf [15] of Pontus, and, like him, 
unable to fathom the division of things, became 
reckless, and without giving any proof asserted 
two principles. Others, again, drifting into a 
worse error, consider that there are not only two, 
but three natures. [16] Of these, Syneros [17] is 
the leader and chief, as those who defend 5  his 
teaching [18] say." The same author writes that he 
engaged in conversation with Apelles. He speaks as 
follows:
"For the old man Apelles, when conversing with us, 
[19] was refuted in many things which he spoke 
falsely; whence also he said that it was not at 
all necessary to examine one's doctrine, [20] but 
that each one should continue to hold what he 
believed. For he asserted that those who trusted 
in the Crucified would be saved, if only they were 
found doing good works. [21] But as we have said 
before, his opinion concerning God was the most 
obscure of all. For he spoke of one principle, as 
also our doctrine does."
Then, after stating fully his own opinion, 6 he 
adds:
"When I said to him, Tell me how you know this or 
how can you assert that there is one principle, he 
replied that the prophecies refuted themselves, 
because they have said nothing true; [22] for they 
are inconsistent, and false, and 
self-contradictory. But how there is one principle 
he said that he did not know, but that he was thus 
persuaded. As I then adjured him to 7 speak the 
truth, he swore that he did so
when he said that he did not know how there is one 
unbegotten God, but that he believed it. Thereupon 
I laughed and reproved him because, though calling 
himself a teacher, he knew not how to confirm what 
he taught." [23]
In the same work, addressing Callistio, [24] the 8 
same writer acknowledges that he had been 
instructed at Rome by Tatian. [25] And he says 
that a book of Problems [26] had been prepared by 
Tatian, in which he promised to explain the 
obscure

229

and hidden parts of the divine Scriptures.  Rhodo 
himself promises to give in a work of his: own 
solutions of Tatian's problems. [27] There is also 
extant a Commentary of his on the Hexaemeron. [28] 
9   But this Apelles wrote many things, an impious 
manner, of the law of Moses,  blaspheming the 
divine words in many of his works, being, as it 
seemed, very zealous for their refutation and 
overthrow? So much concerning these.

CHAPTER XIV.

The False Prophets of the Phrygians.

The enemy of God's Church, who is emphatically a 
hater of good and a lover of evil, and  leaves 
untried no manner of craft against men,  was again 
active in causing strange heresies to spring up 
against the Church. [1] For some persons, like 
venomous reptiles, crawled over Asia and Phrygia, 
boasting that Montanus was the Paraclete, and that 
the women that followed him, Priscilla and 
Maximilla, were prophetesses of Montanus. [2]

CHAPTER XV.

The Schism of Blastus at Rome. [1]
Others, of whom Florinus [2] was chief, flourished 
at Rome. He fell from the presbyterate of the 
Church, and Blastus was involved in a similar 
fall. They also drew away many oft the Church to 
their opinion, each striving to introduce his own 
innovations in respect to the truth    
CHAPTER XVI.

The Circumstances related of Montanus and his
False Prophets. [1]

Against the so-called Phrygian [2] heresy,  1 the 
power which always contends for the truth raised 
up a strong and invincible weapon, Apolinarius of 
Hierapolis, whom we have mentioned before, [3] and 
with him many other men of ability, by whom 
abundant material for our 2 history has been left. 
A certain one of these, in the beginning of his 
work against them, [4] first intimates that he had 
contended with them in oral controversies. He 
commences his work in this manner: [5] "Having for 
a very long and sufficient time, O beloved 
Avircius Marcellus, [6] been urged by you to write 
a treatise against the heresy of those who are 
called after Miltiades, [7] I have hesitated till 
the present time, not through lack of ability to 
refute the falsehood or bear testimony for the 
truth, but from fear and apprehension that I might 
seem to some to be making additions to the 
doctrines or precepts of the Gospel of the New 
Testament, which it is impossible for one who has 
chosen to live according to the Gospel, either to 
increase or to diminish. But being recently in 
Ancyra [8] in Galatia, I found the church there 
[9] greatly agitated by this novelty, not 
prophecy, as they call it, but rather false 
prophecy, as will be shown. Therefore, to the best 
of our ability, with the Lord's help, we disputed 
in the church many days concerning these and other 
matters separately brought forward by them, so 
that the church rejoiced and was strengthened in 
the truth, and those of the opposite side were for 
the time confounded, and the adversaries were 
grieved. The 5 presbyters in the place, our 
fellow-presbyter Zoticus [10] of Otrous also being 
present, requested us to leave a record of what 
had been said against the opposers of the truth. 
We did not do this, but we promised to write it 
out as soon as the Lord permitted us, and to send 
it to them speedily."

231

6   Having said this with other things, in the 
beginning of his work, he proceeds to state the 
cause of the above-mentioned heresy as follows: 
"Their opposition and their recent heresy which 
has separated them from the Church 7 arose on the 
following account. There is    said to be a 
certain village called Ardabau in that part of 
Mysia, which borders upon Phrygia. [11] There 
first, they say, when Gratus was proconsul of 
Asia, [12] a recent convert, Montanus by name, 
through his unquenchable desire for@ leadership, 
[13] gave the adversary opportunity against him. 
And he became beside himself, and being suddenly 
in a sort of frenzy and ecstasy, he raved, and 
began to babble and utter strange things, 
prophesying in a manner contrary to the constant 
custom of the Church    handed down by tradition 
from the be-8 ginning. [14] Some of those who 
heard his spurious utterances at that time were 
indignant, and they rebuked him as one that was 
possessed, and that was under the control of a 
demon, and was led by a deceitful spirit, and was 
distracting the multitude; and they forbade him to 
talk, remembering the distinction [15] drawn by 
the Lord and his warning to guard watchfully 
against the coming of false prophets? But others 
imagining themselves possessed of the Holy Spirit 
and of a prophetic gift,[17] were elated and not a 
little puffed up; and forgetting the distinction 
of the Lord, they challenged the mad and insidious 
and seducing spirit, and were cheated and deceived 
by him. In consequence of this, he could no longer 
be held in check, so as to keep silence. Thus by 
artifice, or 9  rather by such a system of wicked 
craft, the devil, devising destruction for the 
disobedient, and being unworthily honored by them, 
secretly excited and inflamed their understandings 
which had already become estranged from the true 
faith. And he stirred up besides two women, [18] 
and filled them with the false spirit, so that 
they talked wildly and unreasonably and strangely, 
like the person already mentioned. [19] And the 
spirit pronounced them blessed as they rejoiced 
and gloried in him, and puffed them up by the 
magnitude of his promises. But sometimes he 
rebuked them openly in a wise and

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faithful manner, that he might seem to be a 
reprover. But those of the Phrygians that were 
deceived were few in number.
"And the arrogant spirit taught them to revile the 
entire universal Church under heaven, because the 
spirit of false prophecy received neither honor 
from it nor entrance into it. 10 For the faithful 
in Asia met often in many places throughout Asia 
to consider this matter, [20] and examined the 
novel utterances and pronounced them profane, and 
rejected the heresy, and thus these persons were 
expelled  from the Church and debarred from 
communion." 11  Having related these things at the 
outset,  and continued the refutation of their 
delusion through his entire work, in the second 
book he speaks as follows of their end: 12  
"Since, therefore, they called us slayers of the 
prophets [21] because we did not receive their 
loquacious prophets, who, they say, are those that 
the Lord promised to send to the people, [22] let 
them answer as in God's presence: Who is there, O 
friends, of these who began to talk, from Montanus 
and the women down, that was persecuted by the 
Jews, or slain by lawless men ? None. Or has any 
of them been seized and crucified for the Name ? 
Truly not. Or has one of these women ever been 
scourged in the synagogues of the Jews, or stoned 
? No; 13 never anywhere. [23] But by another kind 
of death Montanus and Maximilla are said to have 
died. For the report is that, incited by the 
spirit of frenzy, they both hung themselves; [24] 
not at the same time, but at the time which common 
report gives for the death of each. And thus they 
died, and ended their lives like the traitor 
Judas. So also, as general 14 report says, that 
remarkable person, the first steward, [25] as it 
were, of their so-called prophecy, one Theodotus- 
who, as if at sometime taken up and received into 
heaven, fell into trances, and entrusted himself 
to the deceitful spirit- was pitched like a quoit, 
and died miserably? They say that these things 
happened 15 in this manner. But as we did not see 
them, O friend, we do not pretend to know. Perhaps 
in such a manner, perhaps not, Montanus and 
Theodotus and the above-mentioned woman died."  He 
says again in the same book that the 16 holy 
bishops of that time attempted to refute the 
spirit in Maximilla, but were prevented by others 
who plainly co-operated with the spirit. He writes 
as follows:         17 "And let not the spirit, in 
the same work of Asterius Urbanus, [27] say 
through Maximilla, ' I am driven away from the 
sheep like a wolf. [28] I am not a wolf. I am word 
and spirit and power.' But let him show clearly 
and prove the power in the spirit. And by the 
spirit let him compel those to confess him who 
were then present for the purpose of proving and 
reasoning with the talkative spirit,- those 
eminent men

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and bishops, Zoticus, [29] from the village Comana 
and Julian, [30] from Apamea, whose mouths the 
followers of Themiso [31] muzzled, refusing to 
per-knit the false and seductive spirit to be 
refuted by them." 18  Again in the same work, 
after saying other things in refutation of the 
false prophecies of Maximilla, he indicates the 
time when he wrote these accounts, and mentions 
her predictions in which she prophesied wars and 
anarchy. Their falsehood he censures in the 
following manner: 19  "And has not this been shown 
clearly to be false ? For it is to-day more than 
thirteen years since the woman died, and there has 
been neither a partial nor general war in the 
world; but rather, through the mercy of God, 
continued peace even to the Christians." [32] 
These things are taken from the second book. 20  I 
will add also short extracts from the third book, 
in which he speaks thus against! their boasts that 
many of them had suffered, martyrdom:  "When 
therefore they are at a loss, being refuted in all 
that they say, they try to take refuge in their 
martyrs, alleging that they have many martyrs, and 
that this is sure evidence of the , power of the 
so-called prophetic spirit that is with them. But 
this, as it appears, is entirely fallacious. [33] 
For some of the heresies have a great many 
martyrs; but surely we shall not on that account 
agree with them or confess that they hold the 
truth. And first, indeed, those called 
Marcionites, from the heresy of Marcion, say that 
they have a multitude of martyrs for Christ; yet 
they do not confess Christ himself in truth."A 
little farther on he continues:           22 "When 
those called to martyrdom from the Church for the 
truth of the faith have met with any of the 
so-called martyrs of the Phrygian heresy, they 
have separated from them, and died without any 
fellowship with them, [34] because they did not 
wish to give their assent to the spirit of 
Montanus and the women. And that this is true and 
took place in our own time in Apamea on the 
Maeander, [35] among those who suffered martyrdom 
with Gaius and Alexander of Eumenia, is well 
known."

CHAPTER XVII. Miltiades and his Works.
In this work he mentions a writer, Miltiades, [1] 
stating that he also wrote a certain

234

book against the above-mentioned heresy. After 
quoting some of their words, he adds:
"Having found these things in a certain work of 
theirs in opposition to the work of the brother 
Alcibiades, [2] in which he shows that a prophet 
ought not to speak in ecstasy, [3] I made an 
abridgment."
A little further on in the same work he gives a 
list of those who prophesied under the new 
covenant, among whom he enumerates a certain Ammia 
[4] and Quadratus, [5] saying "But the false 
prophet falls into an ecstasy, in which he is 
without shame or fear. Beginning with purposed 
ignorance, he passes on, as has been stated, 16 
involuntary madness of soul. They cannot show that 
one of the old or 3 one of the new prophets was 
thus carried away in spirit. Neither can they 
boast of Agabus, [6] or Judas, [7] or Silas, [8] 
or the daughters of Philip, [9] or Ammia in 
Philadelphia, or Quadratus, or any others not 
belonging to them."
And again after a little he says: "For if 4 after 
Quadratus and Ammia in Philadelphia, as they 
assert, the women with Montanus received the 
prophetic gift, let them show who among them 
received it from Montanus and the women. For the 
apostle thought it necessary that the prophetic 
gift should continue in all the Church until the 
final coming. But they cannot show it, though this 
is the fourteenth year since the death of 
Maximilla." [10]
He writes thus. But the Miltiades to 5 whom he 
refers has left other monuments of his own zeal 
for the Divine Scriptures, [11] in the discourses 
which he composed against the Greeks and against 
the Jews, [12] answering each of them separately 
in two books. [13] And in  addition he addresses 
an apology to the earthly rulers, [14] in behalf 
of the philosophy which he embraced.

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CHAPTER XVIII.

The Manner in which Apollonius refuted the 
Phrygians, and the Persons [1] whom he men-lions.

1   As the so-called Phrygian heresy [2] was still 
flourishing in Phrygia in his time, Apollonius [3] 
also, an ecclesiastical writer, undertook its 
refutation, and wrote a special work against it, 
correcting in detail the false prophecies current 
among them and reproving the life of the founders 
of the heresy. But hear his own words respecting 
Montanus:
"His actions and his teaching show who this new 
teacher is. This is he who taught the dissolution 
of marriage; [4] who made laws for fasting; [5] 
who named Pepuza and Tymion, [6] small towns in 
Phrygia, Jerusalem, wishing to gather people to 
them from all directions; who appointed collectors 
of money; [7] who contrived the receiving of gifts 
under the name of offerings; who provided salaries 
for those who preached his doctrine, that its 
teaching might prevail through gluttony." [8]
He writes thus concerning Montanus; 3 and a little 
farther on he writes as follows concerning his 
prophetesses: "We show that these first 
prophetesses themselves, as soon as they were 
filled with the Spirit, abandoned their husbands. 
How falsely therefore they speak who call Prisca a 
virgin." [9]
Afterwards he says: "Does not all Scripture 4 seem 
to you to forbid a prophet to receive gifts and 
money ? [10] When therefore I see the prophetess 
receiving gold and silver and costly garments, how 
can I avoid reproving her?"
And again a little farther on he speaks 5 thus 
concerning one of their confessors:
"So also Themiso, [11] who was clothed with 
plausible covetousness, could not endure the sign 
of confession, but threw aside bonds for an 
abundance of possessions. Yet, though he should 
have been humble on this account, he dared to 
boast as a martyr, and in imitation of the 
apostle, he wrote a certain catholic [12] epistle,

236

to instruct those whose faith was better than his 
own, contending for words of empty sound, and 
blaspheming against the Lord and the apostles and 
the holy Church." 6   And again concerning others 
of those honored among them as martyrs, he writes 
as follows:
"Not to speak of many, let the prophetess herself 
tell us of Alexander, [13] who called himself a 
martyr, with whom she is in the habit of 
banqueting, and who is worshiped [13a] by many. We 
need not mention his robberies and other daring 
deeds for which he was punished, but the 7 
archives [14] contain them. Which of these 
forgives the sins of the other? Does the prophet 
the robberies of the martyr, or the: martyr the 
covetousness of the prophet? For although the Lord 
said,' Provide neither gold, nor silver, neither 
two coats,' [15] these men, in complete 
opposition, transgress in respect to the 
possession of the forbidden things. For we will 
show that those whom they call prophets and 
martyrs gather their gain not only from rich men, 
but also from the poor, and orphans, 8 and widows. 
But if they are confident, let   them stand up and 
discuss these matters, that if convicted they may 
hereafter cease transgressing. For the fruits of 
the prophet must be tried; ' for the tree is known 
by its fruit.' [16] 9 But that those who wish may 
know concerning Alexander, he was tried by 
AEmilius Frontinus, [17] proconsul at Ephesus; not 
on account of the Name, [18] but for the robberies 
which he had committed, being already an apostate. 
[19] Afterwards, having falsely declared for the 
name of the Lord, he was released, having deceived 
the faithful that were there. [20] And his own 
parish, from which he came, did not receive him, 
because he was a robber. [21] Those who wish to 
learn about him have the public records [22] of 
Asia. And yet the prophet with whom he spent many 
years knows nothing about him ! [23] Exposing him, 
through him we ex- 10 pose also the pretense [24] 
of the prophet. We could show the same thing of 
many others. But if they are confident, let them 
endure the test."  Again, in another part of his 
work he 11 speaks as follows of the prophets of 
whom they boast: "If they deny that their prophets 
have received gifts, let them acknowledge this: 
that if the@' are convicted of receiving them, 
they are not' prophets. And we will bring a 
multitude of proofs of this. But it is necessary 
that all the fruits of a prophet should be 
examined. Tell me, does a prophet dye his hair? 
[25] Does a prophet stain his eyelids ? [26] Does 
a prophet delight in adornment? Does a prophet 
play with tables and dice ? Does a prophet lend on 
usury? Let them confess whether these things are 
lawful or not; but I will show that they have been 
done by them." [27] This same Apollonius states in 
the same [12] work that, at the time of his 
writing, it was the fortieth year since Montanus 
had begun his pretended prophecy. [28] And he says 
13 also that Zoticus, who was mentioned by the 
former writer, [29] when Maximilla was pretending 
to prophesy in Pepuza, resisted her and endeavored 
to refute the spirit that was working in her; but 
was prevented by those who agreed with her. He 
mentions also a certain Thraseas [30] among the 
martyrs of that time.
He speaks, moreover, of a tradition that the 
Saviour commanded his apostles not to depart from 
Jerusalem for twelve years. [31] He uses 
testimonies also from the Revelation of John, [32] 
and

237

he relates that a dead man had, through the Divine 
power, been raised by John himself in Ephesus. 
[38] He also adds other things by which he fully 
and abundantly exposes the error of the heresy of 
which we have been speaking.These are the matters 
recorded by Apollonius.

CHAPTER XIX.

Serapion on the Heresy of the Phrygians.

Serapion, [1] who, as report says, succeeded 
Maximinus [2] at that time as bishop of the church 
of Antioch, mentions the works of Apolinarius [3] 
against the above-mentioned heresy. And he alludes 
to him in a private letter to Caricus and Pontius, 
[4] in which he himself exposes the same heresy, 
and adds the following words: [5]
"That you may see that the doings of this lying 
band of the new prophecy, so called, are an 
abomination to all the brotherhood throughout the 
world, I have sent you writings [6] of the most 
blessed Claudius Apolinarius, bishop of Hierapolis 
in Asia." In the same letter of Serapion the 
signatures 3 of several bishops are found, [7] one 
of whom subscribes himself as follows: "I, 
Aurelius Cyrenius, a witness, [8] pray for your 
health." And another in this manner: "AElius 
Publius Julius, [9] bishop of Debeltum, a colony 
of Thrace. [1] As God liveth in the heavens, the 
blessed Sotas in Anchialus desired to cast the 
demon out of Priscilla, but the hypocrites did not 
permit him." [10] And the autograph signatures of 
many 4 other bishops who agreed with them are 
contained in the same letter. So much for these 
persons.

CHAPTER XX.

The Writings of Irenaeus against the Schismatics 
at Rome.

Irenaeus [1] wrote several letters against  1 
those who were disturbing the sound ordinance of 
the Church at Rome. One of them was to Blastus On 
Schism; [2] another to Florinus

238

On Monarchy, [3] or That God is not the Author of 
Evil. For Florinus seemed to be defending this 
opinion. And because he was being drawn away by 
the error of Valentinus, Irenaeus wrote his work 
On the Ogdoad, [4] in which he shows that he 
himself had been acquainted with the first 
successors of the apostles. [5] At the2. close of 
the treatise we have found a most beautiful note 
which we are constrained to insert in this work. 
[6] It runs as follows:
"I adjure thee who mayest copy this book, by our 
Lord Jesus Christ, and by his glorious advent when 
he comes to judge the living and the dead, to 
compare what thou shalt write, and correct it 
carefully by this manuscript, and also to write 
this adjuration, and place it in the copy."
These things may be profitably read in  3 his 
work, and related by us, that we may have those 
ancient and truly holy men as the best example of 
painstaking carefulness.  In the letter to 
Florinus, of which we 4 have spoken, [7] Irenaeus 
mentions again his intimacy with Polycarp, saying:
"These doctrines, O Florinus, to speak mildly, are 
not of sound judgment. These doctrines disagree 
with the Church, and drive into the greatest 
impiety those who accept them. These doctrines, 
not even the heretics outside of the Church, have 
ever dared to publish. These doctrines, the 
presbyters who were before us, and who were 
companions of the apostles, did not deliver to 
thee.
"For when I was a boy, I saw thee in 5 lower Asia 
with Polycarp, moving in splendor in the royal 
court, [8] and endeavoring to gain his 
approbation. I remember the  6 events of that time 
more clearly than those of recent years. For what 
boys learn, growing with their mind, becomes 
joined with it; so that I am able to describe the 
very place in which the blessed Polycarp sat as he 
discoursed, and his goings out and his comings in, 
and the man-

239

ner of his life, and his physical appearance, and 
his discourses to the people, and the accounts 
which he gave of his intercourse with John and 
with the others who had seen the Lord. And as he 
remembered their words, and what he heard from 
them concerning the Lord, and concerning his 
miracles and his teaching, having received them 
from eyewitnesses of the 'Word of life,' [9] 
Polycarp related all things in harmony 7 with the 
Scriptures. These things being told me by the 
mercy of God, I listened to them attentively, 
noting them down, not on paper, but in my heart. 
And continually, through God's grace, I recall 
them faithfully. And I am able to bear witness 
before God that  if that blessed and apostolic 
presbyter had heard any such thing, he would have 
cried out, and stopped his ears, and as was his 
custom, would have exclaimed, O good God, unto 
what times hast thou spared me that I should 
endure these things ? And he would have fled from 
the place where, sitting or standing, he had heard 
8 such words. [10] And this can be shown plainly 
from the letters [11] which he sent, either to the 
neighboring churches for their confirmation, or to 
some of the brethren, admonishing and exhorting 
them." Thus far Irenaeus.

CHAPTER XXI.

How Appolonius suffered Martyrdom at Rome.

ABOUT the same time, in the reign of Com-  modus, 
our condition became more favorable, and through 
the grace of God the churches  throughout the 
entire world enjoyed peace, [1] and  the word of 
salvation was leading every soul, from every race 
of man to the devout worship  of the God of the 
universe. So that now at  Rome many who were 
highly distinguished for  wealth and family turned 
with all their household and relatives unto their 
salvation. t 2 But the demon who hates what is 
good, being malignant in his nature, could not  
endure this, but prepared himself again for 
conflict, contriving many devices against us. And 
he brought to the judgment seat Apollonius, [2] of 
the city of Rome, a man renowned among the 
faithful for learning and philosophy, having 
stirred up one of his servants, who was well 
fitted for such a purpose, to accuse him. [3] But 
this wretched man made the charge  3 unseasonably, 
because by a royal decreeit was unlawful that 
informers of such things should live. And his legs 
were broken immediately, Perennius the judge 
having pronounced this sentence upon him. [4] But 
the 4 martyr, highly beloved of God, being ear

240

nestly entreated and requested by the judge to 
give an account of himself before the Senate, made 
in the presence of all an eloquent defense of the 
faith for which he was witnessing. And as if by 
decree of the Senate he was put to death by 
decapitation; an ancient law requiring that those 
who were brought to the judgment seat and refused 
to recant should not be liberated, [5] Whoever 
desires to know his arguments before the judge and 
his answers to the questions of Perennius, and his 
entire defense before the Senate will find them in 
the records of the ancient martyrdoms which we 
have collected. [6]

CHAPTER XXII.

The Bishops that were well known at this Time. 
In the tenth year of the reign of Commodus, Victor 
[1] succeeded Eleutherus, [2] the latter having  
held the episcopate for thirteen years. In the 
same year, after Julian a had completed his tenth 
year, Demetrius [4] received the charge of the 
parishes at Alexandria. At this time the 
above-mentioned Serapion, [5] the eighth from the 
apostles, was still well known as bishop of the 
church at Antioch. Theophilus [6] presided at 
Caesarea in Palestine ; and Narcissus, [7] whom we 
have mentioned before, still had charge of the 
church at Jerusalem. Bacchylus [8] at the same 
time was bishop of Corinth in Greece, and 
Polycrates [9] of

241

the parish of Ephesus. And besides these a 
multitude of others, as is likely, were then 
prominent. But we have given the names of those 
alone, the soundness of whose faith has come down 
to us in writing.

CHAPTER XXIII.

The Question then agitated concerning the 
Passover.

1   A QUESTION Of no small importance arose   at 
that time. For the parishes of all Asia, as from 
an older tradition, held that the fourteenth day 
of the moon, on which day the Jews were commanded 
to sacrifice the lamb, should be observed as the 
feast of the Saviour's passover. [1] It was 
therefore necessary to end their fast on that day, 
whatever day of the week it should happen to be. 
But it was not the custom of the churches in the 
rest of the world to end it at this time, as they 
observed the practice which, from apostolic 
tradition, has prevailed to the present time, of 
terminating the fast on no other day than on that 
of the resurrection of our Saviour.
Synods and assemblies of bishops were 2 held on 
this account, [2] and all, with one consent, 
through mutual correspondence drew. up an 
ecclesiastical decree, that the mystery of the 
resurrection of the Lord should be celebrated on 
no other but the Lord's day, and that we should 
observe the close of the paschal fast on this day 
only. There is still extant a writing of those who 
were then assembled in Palestine, over whom 
Theophilus, [3] bishop of Caesarea, and Narcissus, 
bishop of Jerusalem, presided. And there is also 
another writing extant of those who were assembled 
at Rome to consider the same question, which bears 
the name of Bishop Victor ; [4] also of the 
bishops in

242

Pontus over whom Palmas, [5] as the oldest, 
presided; and of the parishes in Gaul of which 
Irenaeus was bishop, and of those in Osrhoene [6] 
and the cities there; and a personal letter of 
Bacchylus, [7] bishop of the church at Corinth, 
and of a great many others, who uttered the same 
opinion and judgment, and cast the same vote. And 
that which has been given above was their 
unanimous decision. [8]

CHAPTER XXIV.
The Disagreement in Asia.  1But the bishops of 
Asia, led by Polycrates, decided to hold to the 
old custom handed down to them. [1] He himself, in 
a letter which he addressed to Victor and the 
church of Rome, set forth in the following words 
the tradition which had come down to him: [2]     
"We observe the exact day; neither adding, nor 
taking away. For in Asia also great lights have 
fallen asleep, which shall rise again on the day 
of the Lord's coming, when he shall come with 
glory from heaven, and shall seek out all the 
saints. Among these are Philip, one of the twelve 
apostles, who fell asleep in Hierapolis; and his 
two aged virgin daughters, and another daughter, 
who lived in the Holy Spirit and 3 now rests at 
Ephesus; and, moreover, John,   who was both a 
witness and a teacher, who reclined upon the bosom 
of the Lord, and, being     a priest, wore the 
sacerdotal plate. He 4 fell asleep at Ephesus. And 
Polycarp [3] in Smyrna, who was a bishop and 
martyr; and Thraseas, [4] bishop and martyr from 
Eumenia, who fell asleep in Smyrna. Why need I 5 
mention the bishop and martyr Sagaris [5] who fell 
asleep in Laodicea, or the blessed Papirius, [6] 
or Melito, [7] the Eunuch who lived altogether in 
the Holy Spirit, and who lies in Sardis, awaiting 
the episcopate from heaven, when he shall rise 
from the dead ? All these observed the  6 
fourteenth day of the passover according to the 
Gospel, deviating in no respect, but following the 
rule of faith. [8] And I also, Polycrates, the 
least of you all, do according to the tradition of 
my relatives, some of whom I have closely 
followed. For seven of my relatives were bishops; 
and I am the eighth. And my relatives always 
observed the day when the people [9] put away the 
leaven. I, therefore, brethren, 7 who have lived 
sixty-five years in the Lord, and have met with 
the brethren throughout the world, and have gone 
through every Holy Scripture, am not affrighted by 
terrifying words. For those greater than I have 
said ' We ought to obey God rather than man.' " 
[10] He then 8 writes of all the bishops who were 
present with him and thought as he did. His words 
are as follows: "I could mention the bishops who 
were present, whom I summoned at your desire; [11] 
whose names, should I write them, would constitute 
a great multitude. And they, beholding my 
littleness, gave their consent to the letter, 
knowing that I did not bear my gray hairs in vain, 
but had always governed my life by the Lord 
Jesus."  Thereupon Victor, who presided over the 9 
church at Rome, immediately attempted to cut off 
from the common unity the parishes of all Asia, 
with the churches that agreed with them, as 
heterodox; and he wrote letters and declared all 
the brethren there wholly excommuni-

243

10 cate. [12] But this did not please all the 
bishops. And they besought him to consider
the things of peace, and of neighborly unity and
	    love. Words of theirs are extant, sharply
11 rebuking Victor. Among them was Irenaeus,
who, sending letters in the name of the
brethren in Gaul over whom he presided, maintained 
that the mystery of the resurrection of the Lord 
should be observed only on the Lord's day. He 
fittingly admonishes Victor that he should not cut 
off whole churches of God which observed the 
tradition of an ancient custom and after many 
other words he proceeds as follows:  [13]
12  "For the controversy is not only concerning 
the day, but also concerning the very
manner of the fast. For some think that they 
should fast one day, others two, yet others more;
some, moreover, count their day as consisting 13 
of forty hours day and night. [14] And this
variety in its observance has not originated
in our time; but long before in that of our 
ancestors. [15] It is likely that they did not 
hold to

				

strict accuracy, and thus formed a custom for 
their posterity according to their own simplicity 
and peculiar mode. Yet all of these lived none the 
less in peace, and we also live in peace with one 
another; and the disagreement in regard to the 
fast confirms the agreement in the faith."
He adds to this the following account, 14 which I 
may properly insert:
"Among these were the presbyters before Soter, who 
presided over the church which thou now rulest. We 
mean Anicetus, and Plus, and Hyginus, and 
Telesphorus, and Xystus. They neither observed it 
[16] themselves, nor did they permit those after 
them to do so. And yet though not observing it, 
they were none the less at peace with those who 
came to them from the parishes in which it was 
observed; although this observance was more 
opposed to those who did
not observe it. [17] But none were ever cast 15
out on account of this form; but the presbyters 
before thee who did not observe it, sent the 
eucharist to those of other parishes who observed 
it. [18] And when the blessed Poly- 16 carp was at 
Rome [19] in the time of Anicetus,


244

and they disagreed a little about certain other 
things, they immediately made peace with one 
another, not caring to quarrel over this matter. 
For neither could Anicetus persuade Polycarp not 
to observe what he had always observed with John 
the disciple of our Lord, and the other apostles 
with whom he had associated; neither could 
Polycarp persuade Anicetus to observe it as he 
said that he ought to follow the customs of the 
presbyters that had preceded him.
17 But though matters were in this shape, they
communed together, and Anicetus con-
ceded the administration of the eucharist in the 
church to Polycarp, manifestly as a mark of 
respect. [20] And they parted from each other in 
peace, both those who observed, and those who did 
not, maintaining the peace of the whole church."
18  Thus Irenaeus, who truly was well named, [21]
became a peacemaker in this matter, exhorting and 
negotiating in this way in behalf of the peace of 
the churches. And he conferred by letter about 
this mooted question, not only with Victor, but 
also with most of the other rulers of the 
churches. [22]

CHAPTER XXV.
How All came to an Agreement respecting the
Passover.

Those in Palestine whom we have recently 
mentioned, Narcissus and Theophilus, [1] and with

them Cassius, [2] bishop of the church of Tyre, 
and Clarus of the church of Ptolemais, and those 
who met with them, [3] having stated many things 
respecting the tradition concerning the passover 
which had come to them in succession from the 
apostles, at the close of their writing add these 
words: [4]
"Endeavor to send copies of our letter to every 
church, that we may not furnish occasion to those 
who easily deceive their souls. We show you indeed 
that also in Alexandria they keep it on the same 
day that we do. For letters are carried from us to 
them and from them to us, so that in the same 
manner and at the same time we keep the sacred 
day." [5]

CHAPTER XXVI.

The Elegant Works of Irenaeus which have come
down to us.

Besides the works and letters of Irenaeus which we 
have mentioned, [1] a certain book of his On 
Knowledge, written against the Greeks, [2] very 
concise and remarkably forcible, is extant; and 
another, which he dedicated to a brother Martian, 
In Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching; [3] 
and a volume containing various Dissertations, [4] 
in which he mentions the Epistle to the Hebrews 
and the so-called Wisdom of Solomon, making


245

quotations from them. These are the works of 
Irenaeus which have come to our knowledge.
Commodus having ended his reign after thirteen 
years, Severus became emperor in less than six 
months after his death, Pertinax having reigned 
during the intervening time. [5]

CHAPTER XXVII.

The Works of Others that flourished at that
Time.

NUMEROUS memorials of the faithful zeal of the 
ancient ecclesiastical men of that time are still 
preserved by many. Of these we would note 
particularly the writings of Heraclitus [1] On the 
Apostle, and those of Maximus on the question so 
much discussed among heretics, the Origin of Evil, 
and on the Creation of Matter. [2] Also those of 
Candidus on the Hexaemeron, [3] and

of Apion [4] on the same subject; likewise of 
Sextus [5] on the Resurrection, and another 
treatise of Arabianus, [6] and writings of a 
multitude of others, in regard to whom, because we 
have no data, it is impossible to state in our 
work when they lived, or to give any account of 
their history. [7] And works of many others have 
come


246

down to us whose names we are unable to give, 
orthodox and ecclesiastical, as their 
interpretations of the Divine Scriptures show, but 
unknown to us, because their names are not stated 
in their writings. [8]

CHAPTER XXVIII.

	    Those who first advanced the Heresy of 
Artemon; their Manner of Life, and how they dared 
to corrupt the Sacred Scriptures.

1   In a laborious work by one of these
writers against the heresy of Artemon, [1]

which Paul of Samosata [2] attempted to revive
again in our day, there is an account appropriate
to the history which we are now examining.
For he criticises, as a late innovation, the2
above-mentioned heresy which teaches that
the Saviour was a mere man, because they were 
attempting to magnify it as ancient? Having given 
in his work many other arguments in refutation of 
their blasphemous falsehood, he adds the following 
words:
"For they say that all the early teachersa
and the apostles received and taught what
they now declare, and that the truth of the Gospel 
was preserved until the times of Victor, who was 
the thirteenth bishop of Rome from Peter, [4] but 
that from his successor, Zephyrinus, [5]
the truth had been corrupted. And what 4
they say might be plausible, if first of all


247

the Divine Scriptures did not contradict them. And 
there are writings of certain brethren older than 
the times of Victor, which they wrote in behalf of 
the truth against the heathen, and against the 
heresies which existed in their day. I refer to 
Justin [6] and Miltiades [7] and Tatian [8] and 
Clement [9] and many others, in all of whose
5 works Christ is spoken of as God. [10] For
who does not know the works of Irenaeus [11]
and of Melito [12] and of others which teach that 
Christ is God and man? [13] And how many psalms 
and hymns, [14] written by the faithful brethren 
from the beginning, celebrate Christ the Word of 
God, speaking of him as
6  Divine. How then since the opinion held
by the Church has been preached for so
many years, can its preaching have been delayed as 
they affirm, until the times of Victor ? And

how is it that they are not ashamed to speak thus 
falsely of Victor, knowing well that he cut off 
from communion Theodotus, the cobbler, [15] the 
leader and father of this God-denying apostasy, 
and the first to declare that Christ is mere man ? 
For if Victor agreed with their opinions, as their 
slander affirms, how came he to cast out 
Theodotus, the inventor of this heresy ?"
So much in regard to Victor. His bishopric 7 
lasted ten years, and Zephyrinus was
appointed his successor about the ninth year of
the reign of Severus. [16] The author of the 
above-
mentioned book, concerning the founder of this
heresy, narrates another event which occurred in
the time of Zephyrinus, using these words:
"I will remind many of the brethren of  8
a fact which took place in our time, which,
had it happened in Sodom, might, I think, have 
proved a warning to them. There was a certain 
confessor, Natalius, [17] not long ago, but in
our own day. This man was deceived at  9
one time by Asclepiodotus [18] and another
Theodotus, [19] a money-changer. Both of them were 
disciples of Theodotus, the cobbler, who, as I 
have said, was the first person excommunicated by 
Victor, bishop at that time, on account of this 
sentiment, or rather senselessness. [20]
Natalius was persuaded by them to allow 10
himself to be chosen bishop of this heresy with a 
salary, to be paid by them, of one
hundred and fifty denarii a month. [21] When 11
he had thus connected himself with them,
he was warned oftentimes by the Lord through 
visions. For the compassionate God and our Lord 
Jesus Christ was not willing that a witness of his 
own sufferings, being cast out of the Church, 
should perish. But as he paid little 12 regard to 
the visions, because he was en-


248

snared by the first position among them and by 
that shameful covetousness which destroys a great 
many, he was scourged by holy angels, and punished 
severely through the entire night. [22] Thereupon 
having risen in the morning, he put on sackcloth 
and covered himself with ashes, and with great 
haste and tears he fell down before Zephyrinus, 
the bishop, rolling at the feet not only of the 
clergy, but also of the laity; and he moved with 
his tears the compassionate l Church of the 
merciful Christ. And though he used much 
supplication, and showed the welts of the stripes 
which he had received, yet scarcely was he taken 
back into communion."
13  We will add from the same writer some
other extracts concerning them, which run
as follows: [23]
"They have treated the Divine Scriptures 
recklessly and without fear. They have set aside 
the rule of ancient faith; and Christ they have 
not known. They do not endeavor to learn what the 
Divine Scriptures declare, but strive laboriously 
after any form of syllogism which may be devised 
to sustain their impiety. And if any one brings 
before them a passage of Divine Scripture, they 
see whether a conjunctive
or disjunctive form of syllogism can be
14 made from it. And as being of the earth
and speaking of the earth, and as ignorant
of him who cometh from above, they forsake the 
holy writings of God to devote themselves to 
geometry. [24] Euclid is laboriously measured [25] 
by some of them; and Aristotle and Theophrastus 
are admired; and Galen, perhaps, by 15 some is 
even worshiped. But that those

who use the arts of unbelievers for their 
heretical opinions and adulterate the simple faith 
of the Divine Scriptures by the craft of the 
godless, are far from the faith, what need is 
there to say? Therefore they have laid their hands 
boldly upon the Divine Scriptures, alleging that 
they have corrected them. That 16
I am not speaking falsely of them in this
matter, whoever wishes may learn. For if any one 
will collect their respective copies, and compare 
them one with another, he will
find that they differ greatly. Those of As- 17
clepiades, [26] for example, do not agree with
those of Theodotus. And many of these can be 
obtained, because their disciples have assiduously 
written the corrections, as they call them, that 
is the corruptions, [27] of each of them.

i	Again, those of Hermophilus 28 do not agree with 
these, and those of Apollonides [29] are
not consistent with themselves. For you can 
compare those prepared by them at an earlier date 
with those which they corrupted later,
and you will find them widely different. But 18
how daring this offense is, it is not likely
that they themselves are ignorant. For either they 
do not believe that the Divine Scriptures were 
spoken by the Holy Spirit, and thus are 
unbelievers, or else they think themselves wiser 
than the Holy Spirit, and in that case what else 
are they than demoniacs? For they cannot deny the 
commission of the crime, since the copies have 
been written by their own hands. For they did not 
receive such Scriptures from their instructors, 
nor can they produce any copies from which they 
were transcribed.
But some of them have not thought it 19
worth while to corrupt them, but simply
deny the law and the prophets, [30] and thus 
through their lawless and impious teaching under 
pretense of grace, have sunk to the lowest depths 
of perdition."
Let this suffice for these things.


BOOK VI.

CHAPTER I.

The Persecution under Severus.

WHEN Severus began to persecute the churches,[1] 
glorious testimonies were given everywhere by the 
athletes of religion. This was especially the case 
in Alexandria, to which city, as to a most 
prominent theater, athletes of God were brought 
from Egypt and all Thebais according to their 
merit, and won crowns from God through their great 
patience under many tortures and every mode of 
death. Among these was Leonides, who was called 
the father of Origen,[2] and who was beheaded 
while his son was still young. How remarkable the 
predilection of this son was for the Divine Word, 
in consequence of his father's instruction, it 
will not be amiss to state briefly, as his fame 
has been very greatly celebrated by many.

CHAPTER II.

The Training of Origen from Childhood.[1]

MANY things might be said in attempting 1 to 
describe the life of the man while in school; but 
this subject alone would require a separate 
treatise. Nevertheless, for the present, abridging 
most things, we shall state a few facts concerning 
him as briefly as possible, gathering them from 
certain letters, and from the statement of persons 
still living who were acquainted with him. What 
they report of 2 Origen seems to me worthy of 
mention, even, so to speak, from his 
swathing-bands.

It was the tenth year of the reign of Severus,

250

while Laetus[2] was governor of Alexandria and the 
rest of Egypt, and Demetrius[3] had lately 
received the episcopate of the parishes 3 there, 
as successor of Julian.[4] As the flame of 
persecution had been kindled greatly,[5] and 
multitudes had gained the crown of martyrdom, such 
desire for martyrdom seized the soul of Origen, 
although yet a boy, that he went close to danger, 
springing forward and rushing 4 to the conflict in 
his eagerness. And truly the termination of his 
life had been very near had not the divine and 
heavenly Providence, for the benefit of many, 
prevented his desire through the agency of his 
mother. 5 For, at first, entreating him, she 
begged him to have compassion on her motherly 
feelings toward him; but finding, that when he had 
learned that his father had been seized and 
imprisoned, he was set the more resolutely, and 
completely carried away with his zeal for 
martyrdom, she hid all his clothing, and 6 thus 
compelled him to remain at home. But, as there was 
nothing else that he could do, and his zeal beyond 
his age would not suffer him to be quiet, he sent 
to his father an encouraging letter on 
martyrdom,[6] in which he exhorted him, saying, 
"Take heed not to change your mind on our 
account." This may be recorded as the first 
evidence of Origen's youthful wisdom and of his 
genuine 7 love for piety. For even then he had 
stored up no small resources in the words of the 
faith, having been trained in the Divine 
Scriptures from childhood. And he had not studied 
them with indifference, for his father, besides 
giving him the usual liberal education,[7] had 
made them a matter of no secondary 8 importance. 
First of all, before inducting him into the Greek 
sciences, he drilled him in sacred studies, 
requiring him to learn and recite every day. Nor 
was this irksome to the boy, but he was eager and 
diligent in these studies. And he was not 
satisfied with learning what was simple and 
obvious in the sacred words, but sought for 
something more, and even at that age busied 
himself with deeper speculations. So that he 
puzzled his father with inquiries for the true 
meaning of the inspired Scriptures.

And his father rebuked him seemingly to 10 his 
face, telling him not to search beyond his age, or 
further than the manifest meaning. But by himself 
he rejoiced greatly and thanked God, the author of 
all good, that he had deemed him worthy to be the 
father of such a child. And they say that often, 
standing by the 11 boy when asleep, he uncovered 
his breast as if the Divine Spirit were enshrined 
within it, and kisses it reverently; considering 
himself blessed in his goodly offspring. These and 
other things like them are related to Origen when 
a boy. But when 12 his father ended his life in 
martyrdom, he was left with his mother and six 
younger brothers when he was not quite seventeen 
years old.[8] And the poverty of his father being 
13 confiscated to the royal treasury, he and his 
family were in want of the necessaries of life. 
But he was deemed worthy of Divine care. And he 
found welcome and rest with a woman of great 
wealth, and distinguished in her manner of life 
and in other respects. She was treating with great 
honor a famous heretic then in Alexandria;[9] who, 
however, was born in Antioch. He was with her as 
an adopted son, and she treated him with the 
greatest kindness. But although Origen was under 
the necessity 14 of associating with him, he 
nevertheless gave from this time on strong 
evidences of his orthodoxy in the faith. For when 
on account of the apparent skill in argument[10] 
of Paul, -- for this was the man's name, -- a 
great multitude came to him, not only of heretics 
but also of our people, Origen could never be 
induced to join with him in prayer;[11] for he 
held, although a boy, the rule of the Church,[12] 
and abominated, as he somewhere expresses it, 
heretical teachings.[13] Having been instructed in 
the sciences of the Greeks by his father, he

251

devoted him after his death more assiduously and 
exclusively to the study of literature, so that he 
obtained considerable preparation in philology[14] 
ad was able not long after the death of his 
father, by devoting himself to that subject, to 
earn a compensation amply sufficient for his needs 
at his age.[15]

CHAPTER III.

While still very Young, he taught diligently the 
Word of Christ.

1 BUT while he was lecturing in the school, as he 
tells us himself, and there was no one at 
Alexandria to give instruction in the faith, as 
all were driven away by the threat of persecution, 
some of the heathen came to him to 2 hear the word 
of God. The first of them, he says, was 
Plutarch,[1] who after living well, was honored 
with divine martyrdom. The second was Heracles,[2] 
a brother of Plutarch; who after he too had given 
with him abundant evidence of a philosophic ad 
ascetic life, was esteemed worthy to succeed 
Demetrius in the bishopric of Alexandria. He was 
in his eighteenth year when he 3 took charge of 
the catechetical school.[3] He was prominent also 
at this time, during the persecution under 
Aquila,[4] the governor of Alexandria, when his 
name became celebrated among the leaders in the 
faith, through the kindness and goodwill which he 
manifested toward all the holy martyrs, whether 
known to him or strangers. For not only was he 
with them 4 while in bonds, and until their final 
condemnation, but when the holy martyrs were led 
to death, he was very bold and went with them into 
danger. So that as he acted bravely, and with 
great boldness saluted the martyrs with a kiss, 
oftentimes the heathen multitude round about them 
became infuriated, and were on the point of 
rushing upon him. But through 5 the helping hand 
of God, he escaped absolutely and marvelously. And 
this same divine and heavenly power, again and 
again, it is impossible to say how often, on 
account of his great zeal and boldness for the 
words of Christ, guarded him when thus 
endangered.[5] So great was the enmity of the 
unbelievers toward him, on account of the 
multitude that were instructed by him in the 
sacred faith, that they placed bands of soldiers 
around the house where he abode. Thus day by day 
the persecution burned 6 against him, so that the 
whole city could no longer contain him; but he 
removed from house to house and was driven in 
every direction because of the multitude who 
attended upon the divine instruction which he 
gave. For his life also exhibited right and 
admirable conduct according to the practice of 
genuine philosophy. For they say that his manner 
of life was 7 as his doctrine, and his doctrine as 
his life.[6] Therefore, by the divine Power 
working with him he aroused a great many to his 
own zeal. But when he saw yet more coming to him 8 
for instruction, and the catechetical school

252

had been entrusted to him alone by Demetrius, who 
presided over the church, he considered the 
teaching of grammatical science inconsistent with 
training in divine subjects,[7] and forthwith he 
gave up his grammatical school as unprofitable 9 
and a hindrance to sacred learning. Then, with 
becoming consideration, that he might not need aid 
from others, he disposed of whatever valuable 
books of ancient literature he possessed, being 
satisfied with receiving from the purchaser four 
aboli a day.[8] For many years he lived 
philosophically[9] in this manner, putting away 
all the incentives of youthful desires. Through 
the entire day he endured no small amount of 
discipline; and for the greater part of the night 
he gave himself to the study of the Divine 
Scriptures. He restrained himself as much as 
possible by a most philosophic life; sometimes by 
the discipline of fasting, again by limited time 
for sleep. And in his zeal he never lay upon a 10 
bed, but upon the ground. Most of all, he thought 
that the words of the Saviour in the Gospel should 
be observed, in which he exhorts not to have two 
coats nor to use shoes,[10] nor to occupy oneself 
with cares for the future.[11] 11 With a zeal 
beyond his age he continued in col and nakedness; 
and, going to the very extreme of poverty, he 
greatly astonished those about him. And indeed he 
grieved may of his friends who desired to share 
their possessions with him, on account of the 
wearisome toil which they saw him enduring in the 
teaching 12 of divine things. But he did not relax 
his perseverance. He is said to have walked for a 
number of years never wearing a shoe, and, for a 
great many years, to have abstained from the use 
of wine, and of all other things beyond his 
necessary food; so that he was in danger of 
breaking down and destroying his constitution.[12]

By giving such evidences of a philosophic 13 life 
to those who saw him,, he aroused may of his 
pupils to similar zeal; so that prominent men even 
of the unbelieving heathen and men that followed 
learning and philosophy were led to his  
instruction. Some of them having received from hi 
into the depth of their souls faith in the Divine 
Word, became prominent in the persecution then 
prevailing; and some of them were seized and 
suffered martyrdom.

CHAPTER IV.

The fist of thee was Plutarch, who was 1 mentioned 
just above.[1] As he was led to death the man of 
whom we are speaking being with him at the end of 
hiss life, came near being slain by his 
fellow-citizens, as if he were the cause of his 
death. But the providence of God preserved him at 
this time also. After 2 Plutarch, the second 
martyr among the pupils of Origen was Serenus,[2] 
who gave through fire a proof of the faith which 
he had received. The third martyr from the same 3 
school was Heraclides,[3] and after him the fourth 
was Hero.[4] The former of these was as yet a 
catechumen, and the latter had but recently been 
baptized. Both of them were beheaded. After them, 
the fifth from the same school proclaimed as an 
athlete of piety was another Serenus, who, it is 
reported, was beheaded, after a long endurance of 
tortures. And of women, Herais[5] died while yet a 
catechumen, receiving baptism by fire, as Origen 
himself somewhere says.

253

CHAPTER V.

Potamiaena.[1]

1 BASILIDES[2] may be counted the seventh of 
these. He led to martyrdom the celebrated 
Potamiaena, who is still famous among the people 
of the country for the many things which she 
endured for the preservation of her chastity and 
virginity. For she was blooming in the perfection 
of her mind and her physical graces. Having 
suffered much for the faith of Christ, finally 
after tortures dreadful and terrible to speak of, 
she with her mother, 2 Marcella,[3] was put to 
death by fire. They say that the judge, Aquila by 
name, having inflicted severe tortures upon her 
entire body, at last threatened to hand her over 
to the gladiators for bodily abuse. After a little 
consideration, being asked for her decision, she 
made a reply which was regarded as impious. 3 
Thereupon she received sentence immediately, and 
Basilides, one of the officers of the army, led 
her to death. But as the people attempted to annoy 
and insult her with abusive words, he drove back 
her insulters, showing her much pity and kindness. 
And perceiving the man's sympathy for her, she 
exhorted him to be of good courage, for she would 
supplicate her Lord for him after her departure, 
and he would soon received a reward for the 
kindness he 4 had shown her. Having said this, she 
nobly sustained the issue, burning pitch being 
poured little by little, over various parts of her 
body, from the sole of her feet to the crown of 
her head. Such was the conflict endured by this 
famous maiden. 5 Not long after this Basilides, 
being asked by his fellow-soldiers to swear for a 
certain reason, declared that it was not lawful 
for him to swear at all, for he was a Christian, 
and he confessed this openly. At first they 
thought that he was jesting, but when he continued 
to affirm it, he was led to the judge, and, 
acknowledging his conviction before him, he was 
imprisoned. But the brethren in God coming 6 to 
him and inquiring the reason of this sudden and 
remarkable resolution, he is reported to have said 
that Potamiaena, for three days after her 
martyrdom, stood beside him by night and placed a 
crown on his head and said that she had besought 
the Lord for him and had obtained what she asked, 
and that soon she would take him with her. 
Thereupon the brethren gave him the seal[4] of the 
Lord; and on the next day, after giving glorious 
testimony for the Lord, he was beheaded. And many 
others 7 in Alexandria are recorded to have 
accepted speedily the word of Christ in those 
times. For Potamiaena appeared to them in their 
dreams and exhorted them. But let this suffice in 
regard to this matter.

CHAPTER VI.

Clement of Alexandria.

CLEMENT[1] having succeeded Pantaenus,[2] had 
charge at that time of the catechetical 
instruction in Alexandria, so that Origen also, 
while still a boy,[3] was one of his pupils. In 
the first

254

book of the work called Stromata, which Clement 
wrote, he gives a chronological table,[4] bringing 
events down to the death of Commodus. So it is 
evident that that work was written during the 
reign of Severus, whose times we are now 
recording.

CHAPTER VII.

The Writer, Judas.[1]

AT this time another writer, Judas, discoursing 
about the seventy weeks in Daniel, brings down the 
chronology to the tenth year of the reign of 
Severus. He thought that the coming of Antichrist, 
which was much talked about, was then near.[2] So 
greatly did the agitation caused by the 
persecution of our people at this time disturb the 
minds of many.

CHAPTER VIII.

Origen's Daring Deed.

1 AT this time while Origen was conducting 
catechetical instruction at Alexandria, a deed was 
done by him which evidenced an immature and 
youthful mind, but at the same time gave the 
highest proof of faith and continence.[1] For he 
took the words, "There 2 are eunuchs who have made 
themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's 
sake,"[2] in too literal ad extreme a sense. And 
in order to fulfill the Saviour's word, and at the 
same time to take away from the unbelievers all 
opportunity for scandal,--for, although young, he 
met for the study of divine things with women as 
well as men,--he carried out in action the word of 
the Saviour. He thought that this would not be 
known by many of his acquaintances. But it was 
impossible for him, though desiring to do so, to 
keep such an actio secret. When Demetrius, who 
presided over that 3 parish, at last learned of 
this, he admired greatly the daring nature of the 
act, and as he perceived his zeal and the 
genuineness of his faith, he immediately exhorted 
him to courage, and urged him the more to continue 
his work of catechetical instruction. Such was he 
at 4 that time. But soon afterward, seeing that he 
was prospering, and becoming great and 
distinguished among all men, the same Demetrius, 
overcome by human weakness, wrote of his deed

255

as most foolish to the bishops throughout the 
world. But the bishops of Cesarea and Jerusalem, 
who were especially notable and distinguished 
among the bishops of Palestine, considering Origen 
worthy in the highest degree of the
5 honor, ordained him a presbyter. [3] There-
upon his fame increased greatly, and his
name became renowned everywhere, and he obtained 
no small reputation for virtue and wisdom. But 
Demetrius, having nothing else that he could say 
against him, save this deed of his boyhood, 
accused him bitterly, [4] and dared to include 
with him in these accusations those who had raised 
him to the presbyterate. These things, however, 
took place a little later. But at this time Origen 
continued fearlessly the instruction in divine 
things at Alexandria by day and night to all who 
came to him; devoting his entire leisure without 
cessation to divine studies and to his pupils.
7   Severus, having held the government for
eighteen years, was succeeded by his son,
Antoninus. [5] Among those who had endured 
courageously the persecution of that time, and had 
been preserved by the Providence of God through 
the conflicts of confession, was Alexander, of 
whom we have spoken already [6] as bishop

of the church in Jerusalem. On account of his 
pre-eminence in the confession of Christ he was 
thought worthy of that bishopric, while Narcissus, 
[7] his predecessor, was still living.

CHAPTER IX.

The Miracles of Narcissus.

The citizens of that parish mention many  1
other miracles of Narcissus, on the tradition of 
the brethren who succeeded him; among
which they relate the following wonder as
performed by him. They say that the oil2
once failed while the deacons were watching
through the night at the great paschal vigil.
Thereupon the whole multitude being dismayed,
Narcissus directed those who attended to the
lights, to draw water and bring it to him.
This being immediately done he prayed 3
over the water, and with firm faith in the
Lord, commanded them to pour it into the lamps. 
And when they had done so, contrary to all 
expectation by a wonderful and divine power, the 
nature of tim water was changed into that of oil. 
A small portion of it has been preserved even to 
our day by many of the brethren there as a memento 
of the wonder. [1]
They tell many other things worthy to be 4
noted of the life of this man, among which
is this. Certain base men being unable to endure 
the strength and firmness of his life, and fearing 
punishment for the many evil deeds of which they 
were conscious, sought by plotting to anticipate 
him, and circulated a terrible
slander against him. And to persuade  5
those who heard of it, they confirmed their
accusations with oaths: one invoked upon himself 
destruction by fire; another the wasting of his 
body by a foul disease; the third the loss of


256

his eyes. But though they swore in this manner, 
they could not affect the mind of the believers; 
because the continence and virtuous
life of Narcissus were well known to all.
6  But he could not in any wise endure the
wickedness of these men; and as he had
followed a philosophic [2] life for a long time, 
he fled from the whole body of the Church, and
hid himself in desert and secret places, and
7 remained there many years. [3] But the great
eye of judgment was not unmoved by these
things, but soon looked down upon these impious 
men, and brought on them the curses with which 
they had bound themselves. The residence of the 
first, from nothing but a little spark failing 
upon it, was entirely consumed by night, and he 
perished with all his family. The second was 
speedily covered with the disease which he had 
imprecated upon himself, from the
8 sole of his feet to his head. But the third, 
perceiving what had happened to the others, 
and fearing the inevitable judgment of God, the  
ruler of all, confessed publicly what they had 
plotted together. And in his repentance he became 
so wasted by his great lamentations,
and continued weeping to such an extent, that both 
his eyes were destroyed. Such were the punishments 
which these men received for their
falsehood.

CHAPTER X.

The Bishops of Jerusalem.

Narcissus having departed, and no one knowing 
where he was, those presiding over the neighboring 
churches thought it best to ordain another bishop. 
His name was Dius. [1] He presided but a short 
time, and Germanio succeeded him. He was followed 
by Gordius, [2] in whose time Narcissus appeared 
again, as if raised from the dead. [3] And 
immediately the brethren besought him to take the 
episcopate, as all admired him the more on account 
of his retirement and philosophy, and especially 
because of the punishment with which God had 
avenged him.

CHAPTER XI. Alexander.
But as on account of his great age Narcissus 1 was 
no longer able to perform his
official duties, [1] the Providence of God called 
to
the office with him, by a revelation given him
in a night vision, the above-mentioned Alexander, 
who was then bishop of another parish. [2]


257

Thereupon, as by Divine direction, he journeyed 
from the land of Cappadocia, where he first held 
the episcopate, to Jerusalem, in consequence of a 
vow and for the sake of information in regard to 
its places. [3] They received , him there with 
great cordiality, and would not
permit him to return, because of another 
revelation seen by them at night, which uttered 
the clearest message to the most zealous among 
them. For it made known that if they would go 
outside the gates, they would receive the bishop 
foreordained for them by God. And having done 
this, with the unanimous consent of the bishops of 
the neighboring churches, they constrained him to 
remain. Alexander, himself, in private letters to 
the Antinoites,4 which are still preserved among 
us, mentions the joint episcopate of NarciSsus and 
himself, writing in these words at the end of the 
epistle:
4   "Narcissus salutes you, who held the 
episcopate here before me, and is now associated
with me in prayers, being one hundred and sixteen 
years of age; and he exhorts you, as I do, to be 
of one mind."
These things took place in this manner. But, on 
the death of Serapion, [5] Asclepiades, [6] who 
had

been himself distinguished among the confessors r 
during the persecution, succeeded to the 
episcopate of the church at Antioch. Alexander 
alludes to his appointment, writing thus to the 
church at Antioch:
"Alexander, a servant and prisoner of Jesus 5 
Christ, to the blessed church of Antioch,
greeting in the Lord. The Lord hath made my
bonds during the time of my imprisonment light
and easy, since I learned that, by the Divine 
Providence, Asclepiades, who in regard to the true
faith is eminently qualified, has undertaken the
bishopric of your holy church at Antioch."
He indicates that he sent this epistle by 6
Clement, [8] writing toward its close as follows:
"My honored brethren, [9] have sent this letter to 
you by Clement, the blessed presbyter, a man 
virtuous and approved, whom ye yourselves also 
know and will recognize. Being here, in the 
providence and oversight of the Master, he has 
strengthened and built up the Church of the Lord."

CHAPTER XII.

Serapion and his Extant Works.

It is probable that others have preservedI
other memorials of Serapion's [x] literary 
industry, [2] but there have reached us only those 
addressed to a certain Domninus, who, in the time 
of persecution, fell away from faith in Christ to 
the Jewish will-worship; [3] and those addressed


258

to Pontius and Caricus, [4] ecclesiastical men, 
and other letters to different persons, and still 
another work composed by him on the so-called 
Gospel of Peter. [5] He wrote this last to refute 
the falsehoods which that Gospel contained, on 
account of some in the parish of Rhossus [6] who 
had been led astray by it into heterodox notions. 
It may be well to give some brief extracts from 
his work, showing his opinion of the book. He 
writes as follows:
	    "For we, brethren, receive both Peter and the 
other apostles as Christ; but we
	    reject intelligently the writings falsely 
ascribed to them, knowing that such were not 
handed
4 down to us. When I visited you I supposed
that all of you held the true faith, and as I
had not read the Gospel which they put forward 
under the name of Peter, I said, ' If this is the 
only thing which occasions dispute among you, let 
it be read.' But now having learned, from what has 
been told me, that their mind was involved in some 
heresy, I will hasten to come to you again. 
Therefore, brethren,
5	expect me shortly. But you will learn, 
	brethren, from what has been written to you,
that we perceived the nature of the heresy  of 
Marcianus, [7] and that, not understanding',
what he was saying, he contradicted himself. 
6  For having obtained this Gospel from others 
who had studied it diligently, namely, from 
the successors of those who first used k, whom  we 
call Docet' [8] (for most of their opinions are 
					
					
connected with the teaching of that school [9]) we 
have been able to read it through, and we
	    find many things in accordance with the true 
doctrine of the Saviour, but some things added to 
that doctrine, which we have pointed out for you 
farther on."
	So much in regard to Serapion.
	
CHAPTER XIII.

The Writings of Clement.[1]

All the eight Stromata of Clement are preserved 
among us, and have been given by


259

him the following title: "Titus Flavius Clement's
	    Stromata of Gnostic Notes on the True 
Philosophy." 2 [2] The books entitled Hypotyposes 
[3]

are of the same number. In them he mentions 
Pant'nus [4] by name as his teacher, and
gives his opinions and traditions. Besides
these there is his Hortatory Discourse
addressed to the Greeks; [5] three books of a work 
entitled the Instructor; [6] another with the 
title What Rich Man is Saved? [7] the work on
the Passover ; [8] discussions on Fasting and on 
Evil Speaking ; [9] the Hortatory Discourse on 
Patience, or To Those Recently Baptized; 20 and 
the one bearing the title Ecclesiastical Canon, or 
Against the Judaizers, [11] which he dedicated


260

to Alexander, the bishop mentioned above.
4 In the Stromata, he has not only treated
extensively [12] of the Divine Scripture, but he
also quotes from the Greek writers whenever 
anything that they have said seems to him 
profitable.
He elucidates the opinions of many, both
5  Greeks and barbarians. He also refutes the 
false doctrines of the heresiarchs, and besides
this, reviews a large portion of history, giving 
us specimens of very various learning; with all 
the rest he mingles the views of philosophers. It 
is likely that on this account he gave his work 
the
	appropriate title of Stromata. [13]
6   He makes use also in these works of 
testimonies from the disputed Scriptures, [14] the
so-called Wisdom of Solomon, [15] and of Jesus, 
the son of Sirach, and the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
[16] and those of Barnabas, [17] and Clement  [18]

and Jude. [19] He mentions also Tatian's [20] 7
Discourse to the Greeks, and speaks of Cassianus 
[21] as the author of a chronological work. He 
refers to the Jewish authors Philo, [22] 
Aristobulus, [28] Josephus, [24] Demetrius, [25] 
and Eupolemus, [226] as showing, all of them, in 
their works, that Moses and the Jewish race 
existed before
the earliest origin of the Greeks. These 8
books abound also in much other learning.
In the first of them [27] the author speaks of 
him-


261

self as next after the successors of the apostles.
In them he promises also to write a com- 
9 mentary on Genesis. (28) In his book on the
Passover (29) he acknowledges that he had
been urged by his friends to commit to writing, 
for posterity, the traditions which he had heard 
from the ancient presbyters; and in the same work 
he mentions Melito and Iren'us, and certain 
others, and gives extracts from their writings.

		CHAPTER XIV.
	The Scriptures mentioned by him.
1	To sum up briefly, he has given in the
	Hypotyposes (1) abridged accounts of all
canonical Scripture, not omitting the disputed 
books, (2) -- I refer to Jude and the other 
Catholic epistles, and Barnabas (3) and the 
so-called Apocalypse of Peter. (4) He says that 
the Epistle to the Hebrews (5) is the work of
Paul, and that it was written to the Hebrews in 
the Hebrew language; but that Luke translated it 
carefully and published it for the Greeks, and 
hence the same style of expression is found in 
this epistle and in the Acts. But he says that the 
words, Paul the Apostle, were probably not 
prefixed, because, in sending it to the Hebrews, 
who were prejudiced and suspicious of him, he 
wisely did not wish to repel them at the very 
beginning by giving his name.
4 Farther on he says: "But now, as the
blessed presbyter said, since the Lord being the 
apostle of the Almighty, was sent to the Hebrews, 
Paul, as sent to the Gentiles, on account of his 
modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of 
the Hebrews, through respect for the Lord, and 
because being a herald and apostle of the Gentiles 
he wrote to the Hebrews out of his 
superabundance."
5   Again, in the same books, Clement gives
the tradition of the earliest presbyters, as
to the order of the Gospels, in the following
manner: The Gospels containing the genealogies, 6 
he says, were written first. The

Gospel according to Marks had this occasion. As 
Peter had preached the Word publicly at Rome, and 
declared the Gospel by the Spirit, many who were 
present requested that Mark, who had followed him 
for a long time and remembered his sayings, should 
write them out. And having composed the Gospel he 
gave
it to those who had requested it. When  7
Peter learned of this, he neither directly for-
bade nor encouraged it. But, last of all, John, 
perceiving that the external (7) facts had been 
made plain in the Gospel, being urged by his 
friends, and inspired by the Spirit, composed a 
spiritual Gospel. (8) This is the account of 
Clement.
Again the above-mentioned Alexander, (9) 8
in a certain letter to Origen, refers to Clement, 
and at the same time to Pant'nus, as being among 
his familiar acquaintances. He writes as follows:
"For this, as thou knowest, was the will of God, 
that the ancestral friendship existing between us 
should remain unshaken; nay,
rather should be warmer and stronger. For  9
we know well those blessed fathers who
have trodden the way before us, with whom we shall 
soon be; (10) Pant'nus, the truly blessed man and 
master, and the holy Clement, my master and 
benefactor, and if there is any other like them, 
through whom I became acquainted with thee, the 
best in everything, my master and brother." (11)
So much for these matters. But Adamantius, 10 (12) 
-- for this also was a name of Origen,
-- when Zephyrinus (13) was bishop of Rome, 
visited


262

Rome, "desiring," as he himself somewhere says, 
"to see the most ancient church of Rome."
After a short stay there he returned to
11 Alexandria. And he performed the duties
of catechetical instruction there with great
zeal; Demetrius, who was bishop there at that 
time, urging and even entreating him to work 
diligently for the benefit of the brethren. (14)

CHAPTER XV.

Heraclas. (1)

BUT when he saw that he had not time for the 
deeper study of divine things, and for the 
investigation and interpretation of the Sacred 
Scriptures, and also for the instruction of those 
who came to him,-- for coming, one after another, 
from morning till evening to be taught by him, 
they scarcely gave him time to breathe, --he 
divided the multitude. And from those whom he knew 
well, he selected Heraclas, who was a zealous 
student of divine things, and in other respects a 
very learned man, not ignorant of philosophy, and 
made him his associate in the work of instruction. 
He entrusted to him the elementary training of 
beginners, but reserved for himself the teaching 
of those who were farther advanced.

CHAPTER XVI.

Origen's Earnest Study of the Divine Scriptures.

1   So earnest and assiduous was Origen's
research into the divine words that he
learned the Hebrew language, (1) and procured as 
his own the original Hebrew Scriptures which were 
in the hands of the Jews. He investigated also the 
works of other translators of the Sacred 
Scriptures besides the Seventy. (2) And in 
addition to the well-known translations of Aquila, 
(3) Symmachus, (4) and Theodotion, (5) he 
discovered certain others which had been concealed 
from remote times, -- in what out-of-the-way 
corners I know not, -- and by his search he
brought them to light. (6) Since he did not    2


263

	      know the authors, he simply stated that he 
had found this one in Nicopolis near Ac-tium (7) 
and that one in some other place. In the Hexapla 
(8) of the Psalms, after the four

prominent translations, he adds not only a fifth,
p            
but also a sixth and seventh. (9) He states of one
of these that he found it in a jar in Jericho in 
the time of Antoninus, the son of Severus.
Having collected all of these, he divided 4
them into sections, and placed them opposite
each other, with the Hebrew text itself. He thus 
left us the copies of the so-called Hexapla. He 
arranged also separately an edition of Aquila and 
Symmachus and Theodotion with the Septuagint, in 
the Tetrapla. (10)


264

CHAPTER XVII.

The Translator Symmachus. (1)

As to these translators it should be stated that 
Symmachus was an Ebionite. But the heresy of the 
Ebionites, as it is called, asserts that Christ 
was the son of Joseph and Mary, considering him a 
mere man, and insists strongly on keeping the law 
in a Jewish manner, as we have seen already in 
this history. (2) Commentaries of Symmachus are 
still extant in which he appears to support this 
heresy by attacking the Gospel of Matthew. (3) 
Origen states that he obtained these and other 
commentaries of Symmachus on the Scriptures from a 
certain Juliana, (4) who, he says, received the 
books by inheritance from Symmachus himself.

CHAPTER XVIII. Ambrose.
ABOUT this time Ambrose, (1) who held the heresy 
of Valentinus, (2) was convinced by

Origen's presentation of the truth, and, as if his
mind were illumined by light, he accepted
the orthodox doctrine of the Church. Many2
others also, drawn by the fame of Origen's
learning, which resounded everywhere, came to
him to make trial of his skill in sacred 
literature. And a great many heretics, and not a 
few
of the most distinguished philosophers, studied
under him diligently, receiving instruction from
him not only in divine things, but also in
secular philosophy. For when he perceived 3
that any persons had superior intelligence
he instructed them also in philosophic branches
--in geometry, arithmetic, and other preparatory 
studies--and then advanced to the systems (3) of 
the philosophers and explained their
writings. And he made observations and comments 
upon each of them, so that he became
celebrated as a great philosopher even
among the Greeks themselves. And he 4
instructed many of the less learned in the
common school branches, (4) saying that these 
would be no small help to them in the study and 
understanding of the Divine Scriptures. On this 
account he considered it especially necessary for 
himself to be skilled in secular and philosophic 
learning. (5)

CHAPTER XIX.

Circumstances related of Origen.

THE Greek philosophers of his age are witnesses to 
his proficiency in these subjects.
We find frequent mention of him in their writings. 
Sometimes they dedicated their own works to him; 
again, they submitted their labors to him as a 
teacher for his judgment. Why need we say these 
things when even Porphyry, (1) who lived in Sicily 
in our own times and


265

wrote books against us, attempting to traduce the 
Divine Scriptures by them, mentions those who have 
interpreted them; and being unable in any way to 
find a base accusation against the doctrines, for 
lack of arguments turns to reviling and 
calumniating their interpreters, attempting 
especially to slander Origen, whom he says he
3  knew in his youth. But truly, without knowing 
it, he commends the man; telling the

I truth about him in some cases where he could  
not do otherwise; but uttering falsehoods where he 
thinks he will not be detected. Sometimes he 
accuses him as a Christian; again he describes his 
proficiency in philosophic learning. But hear his 
own words:
"Some persons, desiring to find a solution 4 of 
the baseness of the Jewish Scriptures
rather than abandon them, have had recourse to 
explanations inconsistent and incongruous with

the words written, which explanations, instead of 
supplying a defense of the foreigners, contain 
rather approval and praise of themselves. For they 
boast that the plain words of Moses are enigmas, 
and regard them as oracles full of hidden 
mysteries; and having bewildered the mental 
judgment by folly, they make their explanations." 
Farther on he says:
"As an example of this absurdity take a 5 man whom 
I met when I was young, and who was then greatly 
celebrated and still is, on account of the 
writings which he has left. I refer to Origen, who 
is highly honored by the
teachers of these doctrines. For this man,  6
having been a hearer of Ammonius, (2) who
had attained the greatest proficiency in 
philosophy of any in our day, derived much benefit 
from his teacher in the knowledge of the sciences; 
but as to the correct choice of life,
he pursued a course opposite to his. For 7 
Ammonius, being a Christian, and brought up by 
Christian parents, when he gave himself to study 
and to philosophy straightway conformed to the 
life required by the laws. But Origen, having been 
educated as a Greek in Greek literature, went over 
to the barbarian recklessness. (3) And carrying 
over the learning


266

which he had obtained, he hawked it about, in his 
life conducting himself as a Christian and 
contrary to the laws, but in his opinions of 
material things and of the Deity being like a 
Greek, and mingling Grecian teachings with foreign 
fables. (4)
8  For he was continually studying Plato, and
he busied himself with the writings of Numenius 
(5) and Cronius, (6) Apollophanes, (7) Longinus, 
(8)
Moderatus, (9) and Nicomachus, (10) and those 
famous
among the Pythagoreans. And he used the books
of Ch'remon (11) the Stoic, and of Cornutus. (12)

Becoming acquainted through them with the 
figurative interpretation of the Grecian 
mysteries, he applied it to the Jewish 
Scriptures." (13)
These things are said by Porphyry in the  9
third book of his work against the Christians. 
(14) He speaks truly of the industry and learning 
of the man, but plainly utters a falsehood (for 
what will not an opposer of Christians do?) when 
he says that he went over from the Greeks, (15) 
and that Ammonius fell from a life
of piety into heathen customs. For the 10
doctrine of Christ was taught to Origen by
his parents, as we have shown above. And Ammonius 
held the divine philosophy unshaken and

267

unadulterated to the end of his life. (16) His 
works yet extant show this, as he is celebrated 
among many for the writings which he has left. For 
example, the work entitled The Harmony of Moses 
and Jesus, and such others as are in
11 the possession of the learned. These things
are sufficient to evince the slander of the
false accuser, and also the proficiency of Origen 
in Grecian learning. He defends his diligence in 
this direction against some who blamed him for it, 
in a certain epistle, (17) where he writes as
	follows:
"When I devoted myself to the word, and the fame 
of my proficiency went abroad, and when heretics 
and persons conversant with Grecian learning, and 
particularly with philosophy, came to me, it 
seemed necessary that I should examine the 
doctrines of the heretics, 
and what the philosophers say concerning
13 the truth. And in this we have followed
Pantaenus, (18) who benefited many before our
time by his thorough preparation in such things, 
and also Heraclas, (19) who is now a member of the 
presbytery of Alexandria. I found him with the 
teacher of philosophic learning, with whom he had 
already continued five years before I
began to hear lectures on those subjects. (20) 14 
And though he had formerly worn the com-

mon dress, he laid it aside and assumed and still 
wears the philosopher's garment; (21) and he 
continues the earnest investigation of Greek 
works."
He says these things in defending himself
for his study of Grecian literature. About 15
this time, while he was still at Alexandria,
a soldier came and delivered a letter from the 
governor of Arabia (22) to Demetrius, bishop of 
the parish, and to the prefect of Egypt who was in 
office at that time, requesting that they would 
with all speed send Origen to him for an 
interview. Being sent by them, he went to Arabia. 
And having in a short time accomplished the object 
of his visit, he returned to Alexandria. But 
sometime after a considerable 16
war broke out in the city, (23) and he departed
from Alexandria. And thinking that it would be 
unsafe for him to remain in Egypt, he went to 
Palestine and abode in Caesarea. While there the 
bishops of the church in that country (24) 
requested him to preach and expound the Scriptures 
publicly, although he had not yet
been ordained as presbyter. (25) This is evi- 17

268

dent from what Alexander, (26) bishop of Jerusalem 
and Theoctistus (27) of Caesarea, wrote to 
Demetrius (28) in regard to the matter, defending 
themselves thus:
"He has stated in his letter that such a thing was 
never heard of before, neither has hitherto taken 
place, that laymen should preach in the presence 
of bishops. I know not how he comes to
18 say what is plainly untrue. For whenever
persons able to instruct the brethren are
found, they are exhorted by the holy bishops to 
preach to the people. Thus in Laranda, Euelpis by 
Neon; and in Iconium, Paulinus by Celsus; and in 
Synada, Theodorus by Atticus, our blessed 
brethren. (29) And probably this has been done in 
other places unknown to us."
	    He was honored in this manner while yet a 
young man, not only by his countrymen, but
19 also by foreign bishops. (30) But Demetrius
sent for him by letter, and urged him
through members and deacons of the church to 
return to Alexandria. So he returned and resumed 
his accustomed duties.

CHAPTER XX.

The Extant Works of the Writers of that Age.

1   THERE flourished many learned men in
the Church at that time, whose letters to
each other have been preserved and are easily 
accessible. They have been kept until our time in 
the library at AElia, (1) which was established by 
Alexander, who at that time presided over that 
church. We have been able to gather from that 
library material for our present work.
Among these Beryllus (2) has left us, besides 2 
letters and treatises, various elegant works. He 
was bishop of Bostra in Arabia. Likewise also 
Hippolytus, (3) who presided over another
church, has left writings. There has reached 3 us 
also a dialogue of Caius, (4) a very learned man, 
which was held at Rome under Zephyrinus, (5) with 
Proclus, who contended for the Phrygian heresy. In 
this he curbs the rashness and boldness of his 
opponents in setting forth new Scriptures. He 
mentions only thirteen epistles of the holy 
apostle, not counting that to the Hebrews (6) with 
the others. And unto our day there are some among 
the Romans who do not consider this a work of the 
apostle.

CHAPTER XXI.

The Bishops that were well known at that Time.

AFTER Antoninus (1) had reigned seven years 1
and six months, Macrinus succeeded him.
He held the government but a year, and was 
succeeded by another Antoninus. During his first 
year the Roman bishop, Zephyrinus, (2) having held 
his office for eighteen years, died, and Callistus 
(3) received the episcopate. He continued 2 for 
five years, and was succeeded by


269

Urbanus. (4) After this, Alexander became Roman 
emperor, Antoninus having reigned but four years. 
(5) At this time Philetus (6) also succeeded 
Asclepiades (7) in the church of Antioch. 3     
The mother of the emperor, Mammaea 8

by name, was a most pious woman, if there ever was 
one, and of religious life. When the fame of 
Origen had extended everywhere and had come even 
to her ears, she desired greatly to see the man, 
and above all things to make trial of his 
celebrated understanding of
divine things. Staying for a time in Antioch, 4 
she sent for him with a military escort.
Having remained with her a while and shown her 
many things which were for the glory of the Lord 
and of the excellence of the divine teaching, he 
hastened back to his accustomed work.

CHAPTER XXII.

The Works of Hippolytus which have reached us.

AT that time Hippolytus, (1) besides many 1
other treatises, wrote a work on the pass-


270

over. (2) He gives in this a chronological table, 
and presents a certain paschal canon of sixteen
years, bringing the time down to the first
2.  year of the Emperor Alexander. Of his
other writings the following have reached

us: On the Hexaemeron, (3) On the Works after the 
Hexaemeron, (4) Against Marcion, (5) On the Song 
of Songs, (6) On Portions of Ezekiel, (7) On the 
Passover, (8) Against All the Heresies; (9) and 
you can find many other works preserved by many.


271

CHAPTER XXIII.

Origen's Zeal and his Elevation to the 
Presbyterate.

1   AT that time Origen began his commentaries on 
the Divine Scriptures, being urged
thereto by Ambrose, (1) who employed innumerable
incentives, not only exhorting him by word,
but also furnishing abundant means. For he 
dictated to more than seven amanuenses, who 
relieved each other at appointed times. And he 
employed no fewer copyists, besides girls who were 
skilled in elegant writing. For all these Ambrose 
furnished the necessary expense in abundance, 
manifesting himself an inexpressible earnestness 
in diligence and zeal for the divine oracles, by 
which he especially pressed him on to the 
preparation of his commentaries. While these 
things were in progress, Urbanus, (2) who had been 
for eight years bishop
	    of the Roman church, was succeeded by 
Pontianus, (3) and Zebinus (4) succeeded Philetus 
(5) in
4 Antioch. At this time Origen was sent to
Greece on account of a pressing necessity

in connection with ecclesiastical affairs, (6) and 
went through Palestine, and was ordained as 
presbyter in Caesarea by the bishops of that 
country. The matters that were agitated concerning 
him on this account, and the decisions on these 
matters by those who presided over the churches, 
besides the other works concerning the divine word 
which he published while in his prime, demand a 
separate treatise. We have written of them to some 
extent in the second book of the Defense which we 
have composed in his behalf. (7)

CHAPTER XXIV.

The Commentaries which he prepared at
Alexandria.

IT may be well to add that in the sixth 1
book of his exposition of the Gospel of
John (1) he states that he prepared the first five 
while in Alexandria. Of his work on the entire 
Gospel only twenty-two volumes have come down to 
us. In the ninth of those on Genesis, (2) of which 
there are twelve in all, he


272

states that not only the preceding eight had been 
composed at Alexandria, but also those on the 
first twenty-five Psalms (3) and on Lamentations. 
(4) Of these last five volumes have reached us. In 
them he mentions also his books On the
3  Resurrection, (5) of which there are two. He
wrote also the books De Principiis (6) before
leaving Alexandria; and the discourses entitled 
Stromata, (7) ten in number, he composed in the 
same city during the reign of Alexander, as the 
notes by his own hand preceding the volumes 
indicate.

		CHAPTER XXV.
	His Review of the Canonical Scriptures.
	WHEN expounding the first Psalm, (1) he	I
gives a catalogue of the sacred Scriptures
of the Old Testament (2) as follows:
"It should be stated that the canonical books,
as the Hebrews have handed them down, are
twenty-two; corresponding with the number of
their letters." Farther on he says:
"The twenty-two books of the Hebrews 2
are the following: That which is called by
us Genesis, but by the Hebrews, from the beginning 
of the book, Bresith, (3) which means, 'In the 
beginning'; Exodus, Welesmoth, (3a) that is, 
'These are the names'; Leviticus, Wikra, 'And he 
called'; Numbers, Ammesphekodeim; Deuteronomy, 
Eleaddebareim, ' These are the words'; Jesus, the 
son of Nave, Josoue ben Noun; Judges and Ruth, 
among them in one book, Saphateim; the First and 
Second of Kings, among them one, Samouel, that is, 
'The called of God'; the Third and Fourth of Kings 
in one, Wammelch David, that is, 'The kingdom of 
David'; of the Chronicles, the First and Second in 
one, Dabreiamein, that is, 'Records of days'; 
Esdras, (4) First and Second in one, Ezra, that 
is, 'An assistant'; the book of Psalms, 
Spharthelleim; the Proverbs of Solomon, Me-loth; 
Ecclesiastes, Koelth; the Song of Songs (not, as 
some suppose, Songs of Songs), Sir Hassirim; 
Isaiah, Jessia; Jeremiah, with Lamentations and 
the epistle in one, Jeremia; Daniel, Daniel; 
Ezekiel, Jezekiel; Job, Job; Esther, Esther. And 
besides these there are the Maccabees, which are 
entitled Sarbeth Sabanaiel. (5) He gives these in 
the above-mentioned work.


273

3   In his first book on Matthew's Gospel, (6)
maintaining the Canon of the Church, he
	     testifies that he knows only four Gospels, 
writing as follows:
4   "Among the four Gospels, (7) which are the
only indisputable ones in the Church of God
under heaven, I have learned by tradition that the 
first was written by Matthew, who was once a 
publican, but afterwards an apostle of Jesus 
Christ, and it was prepared for the converts from 
Judaism, and published in the Hebrew
5 language. (8) The second is by Mark, who
composed it according to the instructions of
Peter, (9) who in his Catholic epistle 
acknowledges him as a son, saying, 'The church 
that is at Babylon elected together with you, 
saluteth you, and so doth Marcus, my son.' (10) 
And the third by Luke, the Gospel commended
	     by Paul, (11) and composed for Gentile 
converts. Last of all that by John." (12)
7   In the fifth book of his Expositions of
John's Gospel, he speaks thus concerning
the epistles of the apostles: (13)
"But he who was 'made sufficient to be a
minister of the New Testament, not of the letter, 
but of the Spirit,' (14) that is, Paul, who 'fully
preached the Gospel from Jerusalem and round
about even unto Illyricum,' (15) did not write
to all the churches which he had instructed
	and to those to which he wrote he sent but
8 few lines. (16) And Peter, on whom the Church
of Christ is built, 'against which the gates
of hell shall not prevail,' (17) has left one 
acknowledged epistle; perhaps also a second, but 
this

i is doubtful. (18) Why need we speak of him9
who reclined upon the bosom of Jesus, (19)
John, who has left us one Gospel, (20) though he 
confessed that he might write so many that the 
world could not contain them? (21) And he wrote 
also the Apocalypse, but was commanded to keep 
silence and not to write the words of the seven 
thunders. (22) He has left also an epistle of very 
few lines; perhaps also a second and third; but 
not all consider them
genuine, and together they do not contain
hundred lines."
In addition he makes the following statements 11 
in regard to the Epistle to the He-
brews (23) in his Homilies upon it:
"That the verbal style of the epistle entitled 'To 
the Hebrews,' is not rude like the language of the 
apostle, who acknowledged himself 'rude in 
speech,' (24) that is, in expression; but that its 
diction is purer Greek, any one who has the power 
to discern differences of phraseology will 
acknowledge. Moreover, that the thoughts of the 
epistle are admirable, and not inferior to the 
acknowledged apostolic writings, any one who 
carefully examines the apostolic text (25) will 
admit." Farther on he adds:
"If I gave my opinion, I should say that the 
thoughts are those of the apostle, but the diction 
and phraseology are those of some one who 
remembered the apostolic teachings, and wrote down 
at his leisure what had been said by his teacher. 
Therefore if any church holds that this epistle is 
by Paul, let it be commended for this. For not 
without reason have the ancients
handed it down as Paul's. But who wrote 14
the epistle, in truth, God knows. The statement of 
some who have gone before us is that Clement, 
bishop of the Romans, wrote the epistle, and of 
others that Luke, the author of the Gospel and the 
Acts, wrote it." But let this suffice on these 
matters.


274

CHAPTER XXVI.

Heraclas becomes Bishop of Alexandria.

IT was in the tenth year of the above-mentioned 
reign that Origen removed from Alexandria to 
Caesarea, (1) leaving the charge of the 
catechetical school in that city to Heraclas. Not 
long afterward Demetrius, bishop of the church of 
Alexandria, died, having held the office for 
forty-three full years, (2) and Heraclas succeeded 
him. At this time Firmilianus, (3) bishop of 
Caesarea in Cappadocia, was conspicuous.

CHAPTER XXVII.

How the Bishops regarded Origen.

HE was so earnestly affected toward Origen, that 
he urged him to come to that country for the 
benefit of the churches, and moreover he visited 
him in Judea, remaining with him for some time, 
for the sake of improvement in divine things. And 
Alexander, (1) bishop of Jerusalem, and 
Theoctistus, (2) bishop of Caesarea, at-tended on 
him constantly, (3) as their only teacher, and 
allowed (4) him to expound the Divine Scriptures, 
and to perform the other duties pertaining to 
ecclesiastical discourse. (5)

CHAPTER XXVIII.

The Persecution under Maximinus.

THE Roman emperor, Alexander, having finished his 
reign in thirteen years, was succeeded by 
Maximinus Caesar. (1) On account of his hatred 
toward the household of Alexander, (2) which 
contained many believers, he began a persecution, 
commanding that only the rulers of the churches 
should be put to death, as responsible for the 
Gospel teaching. Thereupon Origen composed his 
work On Martyrdom, (3) and dedicated it to Ambrose 
and Protoctetus, (4) a presbyter of the parish of 
Caesarea, because in the persecution there had 
come upon them both unusual hardships, in which it 
is reported that they were eminent in confession 
during the reign of Maximinus, which lasted but 
three years. Origen has noted this as the time of 
the persecution in the twenty-second book of his 
Commentaries on John, and in several epistles. (5)

CHAPTER XXIX.

Fabianus, who was wonderfully designated
Bishop of Rome by God.

GORDIANUS succeeded Maximinus as Roman emperor; 
(1) and Pontianus, (2) who had


275

been bishop of the church at Rome for six years, 
was succeeded by Anteros. (3) After he had held 
the office for a month, Fabianus (4) succeeded 
him. They say (5) that Fabianus having come,  
after the death of Anteros, with others from the 
country, was staying at Rome, and that while there 
he was chosen to the office through a most 
wonderful manifestation of divine and heavenly 
grace. For when all the brethren had assembled to 
select by vote him who should succeed to the 
episcopate of the church, several renowned and 
honorable men were in the minds of many, but 
Fabianus, although present, was in the mind of 
none. But they relate that suddenly a dove flying 
down lighted on his head, resembling the descent 
of the Holy Spirit on the Saviour in the form of a 
dove. Thereupon all the people, as if moved by one 
Divine Spirit, with all eagerness and unanimity 
cried out that he was worthy, and without delay 
they took him and placed him upon the episcopal 
seat. (6)
5	About that time Zebinus, (7) bishop of Antioch 
died, and Babylas (8) succeeded him. 

And in Alexandria Heraclas, (9) having received 
the episcopal office after Demetrius, (10) was 
succeeded in the charge of the catechetical school 
by Dionysius, (11) who had also been one of 
Origen's pupils.

CHAPTER XXX. The Pupils of Origen.
WHILE Origen was carrying on his customary duties 
in Caesarea, many pupils came to him not only from 
the vicinity, but also from other countries. Among 
these Theodorus, the same that was distinguished 
among the bishops of our day under the name of 
Gregory, (1) and his brother


276

Athenodorus, (2) we know to have been especially 
celebrated. Finding them deeply interested in 
Greek and Roman learning, he infused into them a 
love of philosophy, and led them to exchange their 
old zeal for the study of divinity. Remaining with 
him five years, they made such progress in divine 
things, that although they were still young, both 
of them were honored with a bishopric in the 
churches of Pontus.

CHAPTER XXXI.

Africanus.

AT this time also Africanus, (1) the writer of the 
books entitled Cesti, was well known.

There is extant an epistle of his to Origen,  
expressing doubts (2) of the story of Susannah in 
Daniel, as being spurious and fictitious. Origen 
answered this very fully. Other works of the same 
Africanus which have reached us are his five books 
on Chronology, a work accurately and laboriously 
prepared. He says in this that he went to 
Alexandria on account of the great fame of 
Heraclas, (3) who excelled especially in 
philosophic studies and other Greek learning, and 
whose appointment to the bishopric of the church 
there we have


277

3  already mentioned. There is extant also
another epistle from the same Africanus to
Aristides on the supposed discrepancy between 
Matthew and Luke in the Genealogies of Christ. In 
this he shows clearly the agreement of the 
evangelists, from an account which had come down 
to him, which we have already given in its proper 
place in the first book of this work. (4)

CHAPTER XXXII.

The Commentaries which Origen composed in
Caesarea in Palestine.

1   ABOUT this time Origen prepared his
Commentaries on Isaiah (1) and on Ezekiel. (2)
Of the former there have come down to us thirty 
books, as far as the third part of Isaiah, to the 
vision of the beasts in the desert; (3) on Ezekiel 
twenty-five books, which are all that he wrote on 
the whole prophet. Being at that time in Athens, 
(4) he finished his work on Ezekiel and commenced 
his Commentaries on the Song of Songs, (5) which 
he carried forward  to the fifth book. After his 
return to Caesarea,

he completed these also, ten books in number. But 
why should we give in this history 3
an accurate catalogue of the man's works,
which would require a separate treatise? (6) we 
have furnished this also in our narrative of the 
life of Pamphilus, (7) a holy martyr of our own 
time. After showing how great the diligence of 
Pamphilus was in divine things, we give in that a 
catalogue of the library which he collected of the 
works of Origen and of other ecclesiastical 
writers, Whoever desires may learn readily from 
this which of Origen's works have reached us. But 
we must proceed now with our history.

		CHAPTER XXXIII.
		
		The Error of Beryllus.
		
BERYLLUS, (1) whom we mentioned recently  1
as bishop of Bostra in Arabia, turned aside
from the ecclesiastical standard (2) and attempted 
to introduce ideas foreign to the faith. He dared 
to assert that our Saviour and Lord did not 
pre-exist in a distinct form of being of his own 
(3) before his abode among men, and that he does 
not possess a divinity of his own, (4) but only 
that of the Father dwelling
in him. Many bishops carried on investigations 2 
and discussions with him on this matter, and 
Origen having been invited with the others, went 
down at first for a conference with him to 
ascertain his real opinion. But when he understood 
his views, and perceived that they were erroneous, 
having persuaded him by argument, and convinced 
him by demonstration, he brought him back to the 
true doctrine, and re-


278

stored him to his former sound opinion. There are 
still extant writings of Beryllus and of the synod 
held on his account, which contain the questions 
put to him by Origen, and the discussions which 
were carried on in his parish, as well as all the 
things done at that time.
4   The elder brethren among us s have handed
down many other facts respecting Origen
which I think proper to omit, as not pertaining to 
this work. But whatever it has seemed necessary to 
record about him can be found in the Apology in 
his behalf written by us and Pamphilus, the holy 
martyr of our day. We prepared this carefully and 
did the work jointly on account of faultfinders. 
(6)

CHAPTER XXXIV. Philip Caesar.
GORDIANUS had been Roman emperor for six years 
when Philip, with his son Philip, succeeded him. 
(1) It is reported that he, being a Christian 
desired, on the day of the last paschal vigil, to 
share with the multitude in the prayers of the 
Church, (2) but that he was not permitted to 
enter, by him who then presided, (3) until he had 
made confession and had numbered himself among 
those who were reckoned as transgressors and who 
occupied the place of penance. (4) For if he had 
not done this, he would never have been received 
by him, on account of the many crimes which he had 
committed. It is said that he obeyed readily, 
manifesting in his conduct a genuine and pious 
fear of God.

CHAPTER XXXV.

Dionysius succeeds Heraclas in the Episcopate.

IN the third year of this emperor, Heraclas 1 
died, having held his office for sixteen years, 
and Dionysius (2) received the episcopate of the 
churches of Alexandria.

CHAPTER XXXVI. Other Works of Origen.
AT this time, as the faith extended and our 
doctrine was proclaimed boldly before all, (1) 
Origen, being, as they say, over sixty years old, 
(2) and having gained great facility by his long 
practice, very properly permitted his public 
discourses to be taken down by stenographers, a 
thing which he had never before allowed. He also 
at this time composed a work of eight books in 
answer to that entitled True Discourse, which had 
been written against us by Celsus (3)


279

the Epicurean, and the twenty-five books on the 
Gospel of Matthew, (4) besides those on the
Twelve Prophets, of which we have found
3 only twenty-five. (5) There is extant also an
epistle (6) of his to the Emperor Philip, and
another to Severa his wife, with several others
to different persons. We have arranged in distinct 
books to the number of one hundred, so
that they might be no longer scattered, as many

of these as we have been able to collect, (7) 
which have been preserved here and there by 
different persons. He wrote also to Fabianus 4 , 
(8) bishop of Rome, and to many other
rulers of the churches concerning his orthodoxy. 
You have examples of these in the eighth book of 
the Apology (9) which we have written in his 
behalf.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

The Dissension of the Arabians. (1)

ABOUT the same time others arose in Arabia, 
putting forward a doctrine foreign to the truth. 
They said that during the present time the human 
soul dies and perishes with the body, but that at 
the time of the resurrection they will be renewed 
together. And at that time also a synod of 
considerable size assembled, and Origen, being 
again invited thither, spoke publicly on the 
question with such effect that the opinions of 
those who had formerly fallen were changed.


280

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

The Heresy of the Elkesites.

ANOTHER error also arose at this time, called the 
heresy of the Elkesites, (1) which was 
extinguished in the very beginning. Origen speaks 
of it in this manner in a public homily on the 
eighty-second Psalm: (2)
"A certain man (3) came just now, puffed up 
greatly with his own ability, proclaiming that 
godless and impious opinion which has appeared 
lately in the churches, styled 'of the Elkesites.' 
I will show you what evil things that opinion 
teaches, that you may not be carried away by it. 
It rejects certain parts of every scripture. Again 
it uses portions of the Old Testament and the 
Gospel, but rejects the apostle (4) altogether. It 
says that to deny Christ is an indifferent matter, 
and that he who understands will, under necessity, 
deny with his mouth, but not in his heart. They 
produce a certain book which they say fell from 
heaven. They hold that whoever hears and believes 
(5) this shall receive remission of sins, another 
remission than that which Jesus Christ has given."
Such is the account of these persons.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

The Persecution under Decius, and the Sufferings 
of Origen.

AfTER a reign of seven years Philip was 1
succeeded by Decius. (1) On account of his
hatred of Philip, he commenced a persecution of 
the churches, in which Fabianus (2) suffered 
martyrdom at Rome, and Cornelius succeeded him in 
the episcopate. (3) In Pales- 2 tine, Alexander, 
(4) bishop of the church of Jerusalem, was brought 
again on Christ's account


281

before the governor's judgment seat in Caesarea, 
and having acquitted himself nobly in a second
confession was cast into prison, crowned
3 with the hoary locks of venerable age. And
after his honorable and illustrious confession
	    at the tribunal of the governor, he fell 
asleep in prison, and Mazabanes (5) became his 
successor 4 in the bishopric of Jerusalem. Baby-
las (6) in Antioch, having like Alexander passed
away	in prison after hi confession, was succeeded 
by Fabius 7 in the episcopate of that church.
15   But how many and how great things came
upon Origen in the persecution, and what
was their final result, -- as the demon of evil
marshaled all his forces, and fought against the
man with his utmost craft and power, assaulting
him beyond all others against whom he con-
tended at that time, --and what and how many
things he endured for the word of Christ, bonds
and bodily tortures and torments under the iron
collar and in the dungeon; and how for many
days with his feet stretched four spaces in the
stooks (8) he bore patiently the threats of fire 
and 
whatever other things were inflicted by his
enemies; and how his sufferings terminated, as
his judge strove eagerly with all his might not
to end his life; and what words he left after
these things, full of comfort to those needing
aid, a great many of his epistles show with truth 
and accuracy. (9)	

CHAPTER XL.

The Events which happened to Dionysius. (1)

I SHALL quote from the epistle of Dionysius to 
Germanus (2) an account of what befell the former. 
Speaking of himself, he writes as follows:


	   282 "I speak before God, and he knows that I 
do not lie. I did not flee on my own impulse nor 
without divine direction. But even before this, at 
the very hour when the Decian persecution was 
commanded, Sabinus (3) sent a frumentarius (4) to 
search for me, and I remained at home four days 
awaiting his arrival. But he went about examining 
all places, -- roads, rivers, and fields, --where 
he thought I might be concealed or on the way. But 
he was smitten with blindness, and did not find 
the house, (5) for he did not suppose, that being 
pursued, I would remain at home. And after the 
fourth day God commanded me to depart, and made a 
way for me in a wonderful manner; and I and my 
attendants (6) and many of the brethren went away 
together. And that this occurred through the 
providence of God was made manifest by what 
followed, in which perhaps we were useful to 
some." Farther on he relates in this manner what 
happened to him after his flight:
"For about sunset, having been seized with those 
that were with me, I was taken by the soldiers to 
Taposiris, (7) but in the providence of God, 
Timothy (8) was not present and was not

captured. But coming later, he found the house 
deserted and guarded by soldiers, and our-
selves reduced to slavery." (9) After a little 5 
he says:
"And what was the manner of his admirable 
management? for the truth shall be told. One of 
the country people met Timothy fleeing and 
disturbed, and inquired the cause of his
haste. And he told him the truth. And 6 when the 
man heard it (he was on his way to a marriage 
feast, for it was customary to spend the entire 
night in such gatherings), he entered and 
announced it to those at the table. And they, as 
if on a preconcerted signal, arose with one 
impulse, and rushed out quickly and came and burst 
in upon us with a shout. Immediately the soldiers 
who were guarding us fled, and they came to us 
lying as we were upon the
bare couches. But I, God knows, thought 7 at first 
that they were robbers who had come for spoil and 
plunder. So I remained upon the bed on which I 
was, clothed only in a linen garment, and offered 
them the rest of my clothing which was lying 
beside me. But they directed me to rise and come 
away quickly.
Then I understood why they were come,8
and I cried out, beseeching and entreating
them to depart and leave us alone. And I requested 
them, if they desired to benefit me in any way, to 
anticipate those who were carrying me off, and cut 
off my head themselves. And when I had cried out 
in this manner, as my companions and partners in 
everything know, they raised me by force. But I 
threw myself on my back on the ground; and they 
seized me by the hands and feet and dragged me 
away. And the witnesses of all these occurrences 9 
followed: Gaius, Faustus, Peter, and Paul. (10)
But they who had seized me carried me out of the 
village hastily, and placing me on an ass without 
a saddle, bore me away." (11)
Dionysius relates these things respecting himself.


283

CHAPTER XLI.

The Martyrs in Alexandria.

1   THE same writer, in an epistle to Fabius, (1)
bishop of Antioch, relates as follows the
sufferings of the martyrs in Alexandria under 
Decius:
"The persecution among us did not begin with the 
royal decree, but preceded it an entire year. (2) 
The prophet and author of evils (3) to this city, 
whoever he was, previously moved and aroused 
against us the masses of the heathen, rekindling 
among them the superstition of
2  their country. And being thus excited by
him and finding full opportunity for any
wickedness, they considered this the only pious 
service of their demons, that they should slay

"They seized first an old man named Metras 3 , (4) 
and commanded him to utter impious words. But as 
he would not obey, they beat him with clubs, and 
tore his face and eyes with sharp sticks, and 
dragged him out of the city and
stoned him. Then they carried to their 4
idol temple a faithful woman, named Quinta,
that they might force her to worship. And as she 
turned away in detestation, they bound her feet 
and dragged her through the entire city over the 
stone-paved streets, and dashed her against the 
millstones, and at the same time scourged her; 
then, taking her to the same
place, they stoned her to death. Then all 5
with one impulse rushed to the homes of
the pious, and they dragged forth whomsoever any 
one knew as a neighbor, and despoiled and 
plundered them. They took for themselves the more 
valuable property; but the poorer articles and 
those made of wood they scattered about and burned 
in the streets, so that the city
appeared as if taken by an enemy. But the 6
brethren withdrew and went away, and 'took
joyfully the spoiling of their goods,' (5) like 
those to whom Paul bore witness. I know of no one 
unless possibly some one who fell into their

hands, who, up to this time, denied the
Lord. Then they seized also that most admirable 7 
virgin, Apollonia, an old woman,
and, smiting her on the jaws, broke out all her 
teeth. And they made a fire outside the city and 
threatened to burn her alive if she would not join 
with them in their impious cries. And she, 
supplicating a little, was released, when she 
leaped eagerly into the fire and was consumed. 
Then they seized Serapion in his  8
own house, and tortured him with harsh cruelties, 
and having broken all his limbs, they threw him 
headlong from an upper story. And there was no 
street, nor public road, nor lane open to us, by 
night or day; for always and everywhere, all of 
them cried out that if any one would not repeat 
their impious words, he should immediately be 
dragged away and burned. And matters 9 continued 
thus for a considerable time.
But a sedition and civil war came upon the 
wretched people and turned their cruelty toward us 
against one another. (6) So we breathed for a 
little while as they ceased from their rage 
against us. But presently the change from that 
milder reign was announced to us, (7) and great 
fear


284

10 of what was threatened seized us. For the
decree arrived, almost like unto that most
terrible time foretold by our Lord, which if it
	    were possible would offend even the elect. 
(8)
11 All truly were affrighted. And many of
the more eminent in their fear came for-
ward immediately; (9) others who were in the 
public service were drawn on by their official 
duties; (10) others were urged on by their 
acquaintances. And as their names were called they 
approached the impure and impious sacrifices. Some 
of them were pale and trembled as if they were not 
about to sacrifice, but to be themselves 
sacrifices and offerings to the idols; so that 
they were jeered at by the multitude who stood 
around, as it was plain to every one that they 
were afraid either to die or to sacrifice. But 
some advanced to the altars more readily, 
declaring boldly that they had never been 
Christians. Of these the prediction of our Lord is 
most true that they shall 'hardly' (11) be saved. 
Of the rest some followed the one, others the 
other of these classes, some fled
13 and some were seized. And of the latter some
continued faithful until bonds and imprisonment, 
and some who had even been imprisoned for many 
days yet abjured the faith before they were 
brought to trial. Others having for
a time endured great tortures finally retracted 
14. But the firm and blessed pillars
of the Lord being strengthened by him, and
having received vigor and might suitable and
	    appropriate to the strong faith which they 
possessed, became admirable witnesses of his
15 kingdom. The first of these was Julian, a
man who suffered so much with the gout that
he was unable to stand or walk. They brought him 
forward with two others who carried him.

One of these immediately denied. But the other, 
whose name was Cronion, and whose surname was 
Eunus, and the old man Julian himself, both of 
them having confessed the Lord, were carried on 
camels through the entire city, which, as you 
know, is a very large one, and in this elevated 
position were beaten and finally burned in a 
fierce fire, (12) surrounded by all the populace.
But a soldier, named Besas, who stood by16
them as they were led away rebuked those
who insulted them. And they cried out against him, 
and this most manly warrior of God was arraigned, 
and having done nobly in the
great contest for piety, was beheaded. A 17
certain other one, a Libyan by birth, but in
name and blessedness a true Macar, 13 was strongly 
urged by the judge to recant; but as he would not 
yield he was burned alive. After them Epimachus 
and Alexander, having remained in bonds for a long 
time, and endured countless agonies from scrapers 
(14) and scourges, were also consumed in a fierce 
fire. (15) And with them 18
there were four women. Ammonarium, a
holy virgin, the judge tortured relentlessly and 
excessively, because she declared from the first 
that she would utter none of those things which he 
commanded; and having kept her promise truly, she 
was dragged away. The others were Mercuria, a very 
remarkable old woman, and Dionysia, the mother of 
many children, who did not love her own children 
above the Lord. (16) As the governor was ashamed 
of torturing thus ineffectually, and being always 
defeated by women, they were put to death by the 
sword, without the trial of tortures. For the 
champion, Ammonarium, endured these in behalf of 
all.
The Egyptians, Heron and Ater and Isidorus 19, and 
with them Dioscorus, (17) a boy about fifteen 
years old, were delivered up. At first the judge 
attempted to deceive the lad by fair words, as if 
he could be brought over easily, and then to force 
him by tortures, as one who would readily yield. 
But Dioscorus was
neither persuaded nor constrained. As the 20


285

others remained firm, he scourged them cruelly and 
then delivered them to the fire. But admiring the 
manner in which Dioscorus had distinguished 
himself publicly, and his wise answers to his 
persuasions, he dismissed him, saying that on 
account of his youth he would give him time for 
repentance. And this most godly Dioscorus is among 
us now, awaiting a longer conflict and more severe 
contest.
21 But a certain Nemesion, who also was an
Egyptian, was accused as an associate of
robbers; but when he had cleared himself before 
the centurion of this charge most foreign to the 
truth, he was informed against as a Christian, and 
taken in bonds before the governor. And the most 
unrighteous magistrate inflicted on him tortures 
and scourgings double those which he executed on 
the robbers, and then burned him between the 
robbers, thus honoring the blessed man by the 
likeness to Christ.
22 A band of soldiers, Ammon and Zeno and
Ptolemy and Ingenes, and with them an
old man, Theophilus, were standing close together 
before the tribunal. And as a certain person who 
was being tried as a Christian, seemed inclined to 
deny, they standing by gnashed their teeth, and 
made signs with their faces and stretched out 
their hands, and gestured with their bodies. And 
when the attention of all was turned to them, 
before any one else could seize them, they rushed 
up to the tribunal saying that they were 
Christians, so that the governor and his council 
were affrighted. And those who were on trial 
appeared most courageous in prospect of their 
sufferings, while their judges trembled. And they 
went exultingly from the tribunal rejoicing in 
their testimony; (18) God himself having caused 
them to triumph gloriously."

CHAPTER XLII.

Others of whom Dionysius gives an Account.

1   "MANY others, in cities and villages, were
torn asunder by the heathen, of whom I will
mention one as an illustration. Ischyrion (1) was 
employed as a steward by one of the rulers. His 
employer commanded him to sacrifice, and on his 
refusal insulted him, and as he remained

firm, abused him. And as he still held out he 
seized a long staff and thrust it through his 
bowels (2) and slew him.
"Why need I speak of the multitude that wandered 
in the deserts and mountains, and perished by 
hunger, and thirst, and cold, and sickness, and 
robbers, and wild beasts? Those of them who 
survived are witnesses of their election and 
victory. But I will relate one occurrence as an 
example. Chaeremon, (3) who was very old, was 
bishop of the city called Nilus. He fled with his 
wife (4) to the Arabian mountain (5) and did not 
return. And though the brethren searched 
diligently they could not find either them or 
their
bodies. And many who fled to the same 4
Arabian mountain were carried into slavery
by the barbarian Saracens. Some of them were 
ransomed with difficulty and at a large price 
others have not been to the present time. I have 
related these things, my brother, not without an 
object, but that you may understand how many and 
great distresses came upon us. Those indeed will 
understand them the best who have had the largest 
experience of them."
A little further on he adds: "These  5
divine martyrs among us, who now are
seated with Christ, and are sharers in his 
kingdom, partakers of his judgment and judges with 
him, received some of the brethren who had fallen 
away and become chargeable with the guilt of 
sacrificing. When they perceived that their 
conversion and repentance were sufficient to be 
acceptable with him who by no means desires the 
death of the sinner, but his repentance, having 
proved them they received them back and brought 
them together, and met with them and had 
fellowship with them in prayers and feasts. (6) 
What counsel then,


286

brethren, do you give us concerning such persons? 
What should we do? Shall we have the same judgment 
and rule as theirs, and observe their decision and 
charity, and show mercy to those whom they pitied? 
Or, shall we declare their decision unrighteous, 
and set ourselves as judges of their opinion, and 
grieve mercy and overturn order?" (7) These words 
Dionysius very properly added when making mention 
of those who had been weak in the time of 
persecution.

CHAPTER XLIII.

Novatus, (1) his Manner of Life and his Heresy.

	    AFTER this, Novatus, a presbyter of the 
church at Rome, being lifted up with arrogance 
against these persons, as if there was no longer 
for them a hope of salvation, not even if they 
should do all things pertaining to a genuine and 
pure conversion, became leader of the heresy of 
those who, in the pride of their imagination, call 
themselves Cathari. (2) There- 2 upon a very large 
synod assembled at Rome, (3) of bishops in number 
sixty, and a great many more presbyters and 
deacons; while the pastors of the remaining 
provinces deliberated in their places privately 
concerning what ought to be done. A decree was 
confirmed by all, that Novatus and those who 
joined with him, and those who adopted his 
brother-hating and inhuman opinion, should be 
considered by the church as strangers; but that 
they should heal such of the brethren as had 
fallen into misfortune, (4) and should minister to 
them with the medicines of repentance.
There have reached us epistles (5) of Cornelius 3, 
bishop of Rome, to Fabius, of the church at 
Antioch, which show what was done at the synod at 
Rome, and what seemed best to all those in Italy 
and Africa and the regions thereabout. (6) Also 
other epistles, written in the


287

Latin language, of Cyprian and those with him in 
Africa, (7) which show that they agreed as to the 
necessity of succoring those who had been tempted, 
and of cutting off from the Catholic Church the 
leader of the heresy and all
4 that joined with him. Another epistle of
Cornelius, concerning the resolutions of the
synod, is attached to these; and yet others, (8) 
on the conduct of Novatus, from which it is proper
for us to make selections, that any one who
5 sees this work may know about him. Cornelius 
informs Fabius what sort of a man
Novatus was, in the following words:
"But that you may know that a long time ago this 
remarkable man desired the episcopate, but kept 
this ambitious desire to himself and concealed 
it,--using as a cloak for his rebellion those 
confessors who had adhered to him
from the beginning,-- I desire to speak.
6  Maximus, (9) one of our presbyters, and 
Urbanus, (10) who twice gained the highest honor

by confession, with Sidonius, (11) and Celerinus, 
(12) a man who by the grace of God most heroically 
endured all kinds of torture, and by the strength 
of his faith overcame the weakness of the flesh, 
and mightily conquered the adversary,-- these men 
found him out and detected his craft and 
duplicity, his perjuries and falsehoods, his 
un-sociability and cruel friendship. And they 
returned to the holy church and proclaimed in the 
presence of many, both bishops and presbyters and 
a large number of the laity, all his craft and 
wickedness, which for a long time he had 
concealed. And this they did with lamentations 
land repentance, because through the persuasions 
of the crafty and malicious beast they had left 
the church for the time." A little farther on he
says:
"How remarkable, beloved brother, the  7
change and transformation which we have
seen take place in him in a short time. For this 
most illustrious man, who bound himself with 
terrible oaths in nowise to seek the bishopric, 
(13) sudden-


288

ly appears a bishop as if thrown among us by some 
machine. (14) For this dogmatist, this defender of 
the doctrine of the Church, (15) attempting to 
grasp and seize the episcopate, which had not been 
given him from above, chose two of his companions 
who had given up their own salvation. And he sent 
them to a small and insignificant corner of Italy, 
that there by some counterfeit argument he might 
deceive three bishops, who were rustic and very 
simple men. And they asserted positively and 
strongly that it was necessary that they should 
come quickly to Rome, in order that all the 
dissension which had arisen there might be 
appeased
through their mediation, jointly with other 
bishops. When they had come, being, as we have 
stated, very simple in the craft and artifice of 
the wicked, they were shut up with certain 
selected men like himself. And by the tenth hour, 
when they had become drunk and sick, he compelled 
them by force to confer on him the episcopate 
through a counterfeit and vain imposition of 
hands. Because it had not
come to him, he avenged himself by craft
10 and treachery. One of these bishops shortly
after came back to the church, lamenting
and confessing his transgression. And we communed 
with him as with a layman, all the people present 
interceding for him. And we ordained
successors of the other bishops, and sent
11 them to the places where they were. This
avenger of the Gospel (16) then did not know
that there should be one bishop in a catholic 
church; (17) yet he was not ignorant (for how

could he be?) that in it there were forty-six
presbyters, seven (18) deacons, seven sub-deacons, 
(19)
forty-two acolyths, (20) fifty-two exorcists, (21) 
readers, (22)
and janitors, (23) and over fifteen hundred widows
and persons in distress, all of whom the grace
and kindness of the Master nourish. But12
not even this great multitude, so necessary
in the church, nor those who, through God's
providence, were rich and full, together with the
very many, even innumerable people, could turn
him from such desperation and presumption and 
recall him to the Church." Again, 13
farther on, he adds these words:
"Permit us to say further: On account of
what works or conduct had he the assurance to
contend for the episcopate? Was it that he had
been brought up in the Church from the beginning, 
and had endured many conflicts in her be-
half, and had passed through many and great
dangers for religion? Truly this is not the
fact. But Satan, who entered and dwelt in 14
him for a long time, became the occasion of
his believing. Being delivered by the exorcists, 
he fell into a severe sickness; and as he seemed 
about to die, he received baptism by affusion,


289

on the bed where he lay; (24) if indeed we
15 can say that such a one did receive it. And
when he was healed of his sickness he did
not receive the other things which it is necessary 
to have according to the canon of the Church, even 
the being sealed by the bishop. (25) And as
he did not receive this, (26) how could he receive 
16 the Holy Spirit?" Shortly after he
	says again:
	"In the time of persecution, through coward-
ice and love of life, he denied that he was a 
presbyter. For when he was requested and 
en-treated by the deacons to come out of the 
chamber in which he had imprisoned himself and 
give aid to the brethren as far as was lawful and 
possible for a presbyter to assist those of the 
brethren who were in danger and needed help, he 
paid so little respect to the entreaties of the 
deacons that he went away and departed in anger. 
For he said that he no longer desired to be a 
presbyter, as he was an admirer
17	of another philosophy." (27) Passing by a few
	things, he adds the following:

"For this illustrious man forsook the Church of 
God, in which, when he believed, he was judged 
worthy of the presbyterate through the favor of 
the bishop who ordained him to the presbyterial 
office. This had been resisted by all the clergy 
and many of the laity; because it was unlawful 
that one who had been affused on his bed on 
account of sickness as he had been should enter 
into any clerical office; (28) but the bishop 
requested that he might be permitted to ordain 
this one only." He adds to these yet another, the 
worst of all the man's offenses, as follows:
"For when he has made the offerings, and 
distributed a part to each man, as he gives it he 
compels the wretched man to swear in place of the 
blessing. Holding his hands in both of his own, he 
will not release him until he has sworn in this 
manner (for I will give his own words):
Swear to me by the body and blood of our Lord 
Jesus Christ that you will never forsake me and 
turn to Cornelius.' And the unhappy man does not 
taste until he has called down imprecations on 
himself; and instead of saying Amen, as he takes 
the bread, he says, I will never return to 
Cornelius." Farther on he says again:
"But know that he has now been made bare and 
desolate; as the brethren leave him every day and 
return to the church. Moses


290

also, the blessed martyr, who lately suffered 
among us a glorious and admirable martyrdom, while 
he was yet alive, beholding his boldness and 
folly, refused to commune with him and with the 
five presbyters who with him had separated 
themselves from the church."
	    At the close of his letter he gives a list of 
the bishops who had come to Rome and
	     condemned the silliness of Novatus, with 
their names and the parish over which each of
22 them presided. He mentions also those
who did not come to Rome, but who ex-
pressed by letters their agreement with the vote 
of these bishops, giving their names and the 
cities from which they severally sent them. (30) 
Cornelius wrote these things to Fabius, bishop of 
Antioch.

CHAPTER XLIV.

Dionysius' Account of Serapion.

1   To this same Fabius, who seemed to lean
somewhat toward this schism, (1) Dionysius of
Alexandria also wrote an epistle. (2) He writes in 
this many other things concerning repentance, and 
relates the conflicts of those who had lately 
suffered martyrdom at Alexandria. After the other 
account he mentions a certain wonderful fact, 
which deserves a place in this work. It is as 
follows:
"I will give thee this one example which occurred 
among us. There was with us a certain Serapion, 
(3) an aged believer who had lived for a long time 
blamelessly, but had fallen in the trial. He 
besought often, but no one gave heed to him, 
because he had sacrificed. But he became sick, and 
for three successive days continued speechless and 
senseless. Having recovered somewhat on the fourth 
day he sent for his daughter's son, and said, 'How 
long do you detain me, my child? I beseech you, 
make haste, and absolve me speedily. Call one of 
the presbyters to me.' And when he had said this, 
he became again speechless. And the boy ran to the 
presbyter. But it was night and he was sick, and 
there-
4  fore unable to come. But as I had commanded 
that persons at the point of death,
if they requested it, and especially if they had 
asked for it previously, should receive remission,

that they might depart with a good hope, he
gave the boy a small portion of the eucharist,
telling him to soak (4) it and let the drops fall
into the old man's mouth. (5) The boy re-  5
turned with it, and as he drew near, before
he entered, Serapion again arousing, said, 'Thou
art come, my child, and the presbyter could not
come; but do quickly what he directed, and
let me depart.' Then the boy soaked it and
dropped it into his mouth. And when he had
swallowed a little, immediately he gave up
the ghost. Is it not evident that he was  6
preserved and his life continued till he was
absolved, and, his sin having been blotted out, he 
could be acknowledged (6) for the many good deeds 
which he had done?"
Dionysius relates these things.

CHAPTER XLV.

An Epistle of Dionysius to Novatus.

BUT let us see how the same man addressed Novatus 
(1) when he was disturbing the Roman brotherhood. 
As he pretended that some of the brethren were the 
occasion of his apostasy and schism, as if he had 
been forced by them to proceed as he had, (2) 
observe the manner in which he writes to him:
"Dionysius to his brother Novatus, greeting. If, 
as thou sayest, thou hast been led on unwillingly, 
thou wilt prove this if thou retirest willingly. 
For it were better to suffer everything, rather 
than divide the Church of God. Even martyrdom for 
the sake of preventing division would not be less 
glorious than for refusing to worship idols. Nay, 
to me it seems greater. For in the one case a man 
suffers martyrdom


291 for the sake of his own soul; in the other 
case in behalf of the entire Church. And now if 
thou canst persuade or induce the brethren to come 
to unanimity, thy righteousness will be greater 
than thine error, and this will not be counted, 
but that will be praised. But if thou canst not 
prevail with the disobedient, at least save thine 
own soul. I pray that thou mayst fare well, 
maintaining peace in the Lord."
This he wrote to Novatus.

CHAPTER XLVI.

Other Epistles of Dionysius.

1   HE wrote also an epistle to the brethren
in Egypt on Repentance. (1) In this he sets
	    forth what seemed proper to him in regard to 
those who had fallen, and he describes the classes 
of transgressions. There is extant also a private 
letter on Repentance, which he wrote to Conon, (2) 
bishop of the parish of Hermopolis, and another of 
an admonitory (3) character, to his flock at 
Alexandria. Among them also is the one written to 
Origen on Martyrdom (4) and to the brethren at 
Laodicea, (5) of whom The-lymidres was bishop. He 
likewise sent one on Repentance to the brethren in 
Armenia, (6) of whom Merozanes was bishop. Besides 
all these, he wrote to Cornelius of Rome, when he 
had received from him an epistle against Novatus. 
(7) He states in this that he had been
invited by Helenus, (8) bishop of Tarsus, in 
Cilicia, and the others who were with him, 
Firmilianus, (9) bishop in Cappadocia, and 
Theoctistus, (10) of
Palestine, to meet them at the synod in Antioch,
where some persons were endeavoring to establish 
the schism of Novatus. Besides this 4
he writes that he had been informed that Fabius 
(11) had fallen asleep, and that Demetrianus (12) 
had been appointed his successor in the episcopate 
of Antioch. He writes also in these words 
concerning the bishop of Jerusalem: "For the 
blessed Alexander (13) having been confined
in prison, passed away happily." In addition 5 to 
this there is extant also a certain
other diaconal epistle of Dionysius, sent to those 
in Rome through Hippolytus. (14) And he wrote


292 another to them on Peace, and likewise on 
Repentance; (15) and yet another to the confessors

there who still held to the opinion of Novatus. 
(16) He sent two more to the same persons after 
they had returned to the Church. And he 
communicated with many others by letters, which he 
has left behind him as a benefit in various ways 
to those who now diligently study his writings. 
(17)


BOOK VII.

INTRODUCTION.

IN this seventh book of the Church History, the 
great bishop of Alexandria, Dionysius, (1) shall 
again assist us by his own words; relating the 
several affairs of his time in the epistles which 
he has left. I will begin with them.

CHAPTER I.

The Wickedness of Decius and Gallus.

WHEN Decius had reigned not quite two years, (1) 
he was slain with his children, and Gallus 
succeeded him. At this time Origen died, being 
sixty-nine years of age. (2) Dionysius, writing to 
Hermammon, (3) speaks as follows of Gallus: (4)
"Gallus neither recognized the wickedness of 
Decius, nor considered what had destroyed him; but 
stumbled on the same stone, though it lay before 
his eyes. For when his reign was prosperous and 
affairs were proceeding according to his mind, he 
attacked the holy men who were interceding with 
God for his peace and welfare. Therefore with them 
he persecuted also their prayers in his behalf." 
So much concerning him.

CHAPTER II.

The Bishops of Rome in those Times.

CORNELIUS, (1) having held the episcopate in the 
city of Rome about three years, was succeeded by 
Lucius. (2) He died in less than eight months, and 
transmitted his office to Stephen. (3) Diony-


294

sius wrote to him the first of his letters on 
baptism, (4) as no small controversy had arisen as 
to whether those who had turned from any heresy 
should be purified by baptism. For the ancient 
custom prevailed in regard to such, that they 
should receive only the laying on of hands with 
prayers. (5)

CHAPTER III.

	    Cyprian, and the Bishops with him, first 
taught that it was necessary to purify by Baptism 
those converted from Heresy.

FIRST of all, Cyprian, pastor of the parish of 
Carthage, (1) maintained that they should not be 
received except they had been purified from their 
error by baptism. But Stephen considering it 
unnecessary to add any innovation contrary to the 
tradition which had been held from the beginning, 
was very indignant at this. (2)

CHAPTER IV.

The Epistles which Dionysius wrote an this
Subject.

DIONYSIUS, therefore, having communicated with him 
extensively on this question by letter, (1) 
finally showed him that since the persecution had 
abated, (2) the churches everywhere had rejected 
the novelty of Novatus, and were at peace among 
themselves. He writes as follows:

CHAPTER V.

The Peace following the Persecution.

"BUT know now, my brethren, that all  1
the churches throughout the East and beyond, which 
formerly were divided, have become united. And all 
the bishops everywhere are of one mind, and 
rejoice greatly in the peace which has come beyond 
expectation. Thus Demetrianus in Antioch, (1) 
Theoctistus in Caesarea, Mazabanes in AElia, 
Marinus in Tyre (Alexander having fallen asleep), 
(2) Heliodorus in Laodicea (Thelymidres being 
dead), Helenus in Tarsus, and all the churches of 
Cilicia, Firmilianus, and all Cappadocia. I have 
named only the more illustrious bishops, that I 
may not make my epistle too long and my words too 
burden-
some. And all Syria, and Arabia to which  2
you send help when needed, (3) and whither
you have just written, (4) Mesopotamia, Pontus, 
Bithynia, and in short all everywhere are 
rejoicing and glorifying God for the unanimity and 
brotherly love." Thus far Dionysius.
But Stephen, having filled his office two 3
years, was succeeded by Xystus. (5) Diony-


295

sius wrote him a second epistle on baptism, (6) in 
which he shows him at the same time the opinion 
and judgment of Stephen and the other
bishops, and speaks in this manner of
4 Stephen: "He therefore had written pre-
viously concerning Helenus and Firmilianus, and 
all those in Cilicia and Cappadocia and Galatia 
and the neighboring nations, saying that he would 
not commune with them for this same cause; namely, 
that they re-baptized heretics. But consider the 
importance of the
5  matter. For truly in the largest synods of
the bishops, as I learn, decrees have been
passed on this subject, that those coming over 
from heresies should be instructed, and then 
should be washed (7) and cleansed from the filth 
of the old and impure leaven. And I wrote 
entreating him concerning all these things." 
Further on he says:
6   "I wrote also, at first in few words, recently 
in many, to our beloved fellow-presbyters, 
Dionysius (8) and Philemon, (9) who formerly had 
held the same opinion as Stephen, and had written 
to me on the same matters." So much in regard to 
the above-mentioned controversy.

CHAPTER VI.

The Heresy of Sabellius.

HE refers also in the same letter to the heretical 
teachings of Sabellius, (1) which were in his time 
becoming prominent, and says:

"For concerning the doctrine now agitated in 
Ptolemais of Pentapolis,-- which is impious and 
marked by great blasphemy against the Almighty 
God, the Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, and 
contains much unbelief respecting his Only 
Begotten Son and the first-born of every creature, 
the Word which became man, and a want of 
perception of the Holy Spirit, --as there came to 
me communications from both sides and brethren 
discussing the matter, I wrote certain letters 
treating the subject as instructively as, by the 
help. of God, I was able. (2) Of these I send (3) 
thee copies."

CHAPTER VII.

	    The Abominable Error of the Heretics; the 
Divine Vision of Dianysius; and the Ecclesiastical 
Canon which he received.

IN the third epistle on baptism which this same 
Dionysius wrote to Philemon, (1) the Roman 
presbyter, he relates the following:
"But I examined the works and traditions of the 
heretics, defiling my mind for a little time with 
their abominable opinions, but receiving this 
benefit from them, that I refuted them by myself, 
and detested them all the more. And when a certain 
brother among the presbyters restrained me, 
fearing that I should be carried away with the 
filth of their wickedness (for it would defile my 
soul), -- in which also, as I perceived, he spoke 
the truth,


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	    --a vision sent from God came and 
strengthened me. And the word which came to me 
commanded me, saying distinctly, 'Read everything 
which thou canst take in hand, (2) for thou art 
able to correct and prove all; and this has been 
to thee from the beginning the cause of thy 
faith.' I received the vision as agreeing with the 
apostolic word, which says to them that are 
stronger, 'Be skillful money-changers.' " (3)
4   Then after saying some things concerning
all the heresies he adds: "I received this
rule and ordinance from our blessed father, (4) 
Heraclas. (5) For those who came over from 
heresies, although they had apostatized from the 
Church, --or rather had not apostatized, but 
seemed to meet with them, yet were charged with 
resorting to some false teacher,-- when he, had 
expelled them from the Church he did not receive 
them back, though they entreated for it, until 
they had publicly reported all things which they 
had heard from their adversaries; but then he 
received them without requiring of them another 
baptism. (6) For they had formerly received the 
Holy Spirit from him."

Again, after treating the question thoroughly, 5  
he adds: "I have learned also that
this (7) is not a novel practice introduced in 
Africa alone, but that even long ago in the times 
of the bishops before us this opinion has been 
adopted in the most populous churches, and in 
synods of the brethren in Iconium and Synnada, (8) 
and by many others. To overturn their counsels and 
throw them into strife and contention, I cannot 
endure. For it is said? (9) 'Thou shalt not remove 
thy neighbor's landmark, which thy fathers have 
set.' " (10)
His fourth epistle on baptism n was writ- 6 ten to 
Dionysius (12) of Rome, who was then a presbyter, 
but not long after received the epis-copate of 
that church. It is evident from what is stated of 
him by Dionysius of Alexandria, that he also was a 
learned and admirable man. Among other things he 
writes to him as follows concerning Novatus:

CHAPTER VIII.

The Heterodoxy of Navatus.

"FOR with good reason do we feel hatred toward 
Novatian, (1) who has sundered the Church and 
drawn some of the brethren into impiety and 
blasphemy, and has introduced impious teaching 
concerning God, and has calumniated our most 
compassionate Lord Jesus Christ as unmerciful. And 
besides all this he rejects the

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holy baptism, (2) and overturns the faith and 
confession which precede it, (3) and entirely 
banishes from them the Holy Ghost, if indeed there 
was any hope that he would remain or return to 
them." (4)

CHAPTER IX.

The Ungodly Baptism of the Heretics.

HIS fifth epistle (1) was written to Xystus, (2) 
bishop of Rome. In this, after saying

much against the heretics, he relates a certain
occurrence of his time as follows:
"For truly, brother, I am in need of counsel,
and I ask thy judgment concerning a certain
matter which has come to me, fearing that
I may be in error. For one of the brethren 2 that 
assemble, who has long been
considered a believer, and who, before my 
ordination, and I think before the appointment of
the blessed Heraclas, (3) was a member of the
congregation, was present with those who were
recently baptized. And when he heard the
questions and answers, (4) he came to me weeping,
and bewailing himself; and falling at my feet
he acknowledged and protested that the baptism 
with which he had been baptized among
the heretics was not of this character, nor in
any respect like this, because it was full of
impiety and blasphemy. (5) And he said that
his soul was now pierced with sorrow, and
that he had not confidence to lift his eyes to
God, because he had set out from those impious 
words and deeds. And on this account he
besought that he might receive this most perfect 
purification, and reception and grace.
But I did not dare to do this; and said 4
that his long communion was sufficient for
this. For I should not dare to renew from the
beginning one who had heard the giving of
thanks and joined in repeating the Amen; who
had stood by the table and had stretched forth
his hands to receive the blessed food; and who
had received it, and partaken for a long while
of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ.
But I exhorted him to be of good courage, and
to approach the partaking of the saints with
firm faith and good hope. But he does not  5
cease lamenting, and he shudders to approach the 
table, and scarcely, though entreated, does he 
dare to be present at the prayers." (6)


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6   Besides these there is also extant another
epistle of the same man on baptism, ad-
dressed by him and his parish to Xystus and the 
church at Rome. In this he considers the question 
then agitated with extended argument. And there is 
extant yet another after these, addressed to 
Dionysius of Rome, (7) concerning Lucian. (8) So 
much with reference to these.

CHAPTER X.

Valerian and the Persecution under him.

	    1     GALLUS and the other rulers, (1) having 
held the government less than two years, were 
overthrown, and Valerian, with his son Gallienus, 
received the empire. The circumstances which 
Dionysius relates of him we may learn from his 
epistle to Hermammon, (2) in which he gives the 
following account:
"And in like manner it is revealed to John; 'For 
there was given to him,' he says, 'a mouth 
speaking great things and blasphemy; and there was 
given unto him authority and forty and two 
months.' (3) It is wonderful that both of these 
things occurred under Valerian; and it is the more 
remarkable in this case when we consider his 
previous conduct, for he had been mild and 
friendly toward the men of God, for none of the 
emperors before him had treated them so kindly and 
favorably; and not even those who were said openly 
to be Christians (4) received them with such 
manifest hospitality and friendliness as he did at 
the beginning of his reign. For his entire house 
was filled with
4 pious persons and was a church of God.
But the teacher and ruler of the synagogue
of the Magi from Egypt (5) persuaded him to

change his course, urging him to slay and 
persecute pure and holy men (6) because they 
opposed and hindered the corrupt and abominable 
incantations. For there are and there were men 
who, being present and being seen, though they 
only breathed and spoke, were able to scatter the 
counsels of the sinful demons. And he induced him 
to practice initiations and abominable sorceries 
and to offer unacceptable sacrifices; to slay 
innumerable children and to sacrifice the 
offspring of unhappy fathers; to divide the bowels 
of new-born babes and to mutilate and cut to 
pieces the creatures of God, as if by suck 
practices they could attain happiness."
He adds to this the following: "Splendid 5 indeed 
were the thank-offerings which Macrianus brought 
them (7) for the empire which was the object of 
his hopes. He is said to have been formerly the 
emperor's general finance minister (8); yet he did 
nothing praiseworthy or of general benefit, (9) 
but fell under the pro-


299

6 phetic saying, 'Woe unto those who prophesy
from their own heart and do not consider
the general good.' (10) For he did not perceive
the general Providence, nor did he look for the
judgment of Him who is before all, and through
all, and over all. Wherefore he became an enemy of 
his Catholic (11) Church, and alienated
and estranged himself from the compassion of
God, and fled as far as possible from his 
salvation. In this he showed the truth of his own
name." (12)
7   And again, farther on he says: "For Valerian, 
being instigated to such acts by this
man, was given over to insults and reproaches, 
according to what was said by Isaiah: 'They have 
chosen their own ways and their abominations in 
which their soul delighted; I also will choose 
their delusions and will render unto
8  them their sins.' (13) But this man (14) madly
desired the kingdom though unworthy of it,
and being unable to put the royal garment on his 
crippled body, set forward his two sons to bear 
their father's sins. (15) For concerning them the 
declaration which God spoke was plain, 'Visiting 
the iniquities of the fathers upon the children 
unto the third and fourth generation 9 of them 
that hate me.' (16) For heaping
on the heads of his sons his own evil desires,
in which he had met with success, (17) he wiped 
off upon them his own wickedness and hatred toward 
God."
Dionysius relates these things concerning 
Valerian.

CHAPTER XI.

The Events which happened at this Time to 
Dionysius and those in Egypt.

BUT as regards the persecution which  1
prevailed so fiercely in his reign, and the
sufferings which Dionysius with others endured on 
account of piety toward the God of the universe, 
his own words shall show, which he wrote in answer 
to Germanus, (1) a contemporary bishop who was 
endeavoring to slander him. His statement is as 
follows:
"Truly I am in danger of falling into 2 great 
folly and stupidity through being forced to relate 
the wonderful providence of God toward us. But 
since it is said (2) that 'it is good to keep 
close the secret of a king, but it is honorable to 
reveal the works of God,' (3) I will join issue 
with the violence of Germanus.
I went not alone to AEmilianus; (4) but my 3
fellow-presbyter, Maximus, (5) and the deacons 
Faustus, (6) Eusebius, (7) and Chaeremon, (8) and 
a brother who was present from Rome,
went with me. But AEmilianus did not at 4
first say to me: 'Hold no assemblies;' 9
for this was superfluous to him, and the last 
thing to one who was seeking to accomplish the 
first. For he was not concerned about our 
assembling, but that we ourselves should not be 
Christians. And he commanded me to give this up; 
supposing if I turned from it, the
others also would follow me. But I answered 5 him, 
neither unsuitably nor in many


300

words: 'We must obey God rather than men.' (10) 
And I testified openly that I worshiped the one 
only God, and no other; and that I would not turn 
from this nor would I ever cease to be a 
Christian. Thereupon he commanded us to go to a 
village near the desert, called Cephro. (11)
6  But listen to the very words which were
spoken on both sides, as they were re-
corded:
"Dionysius, Faustus, Maximus, Marcellus, (12) and 
Chaeremon being arraigned, AEmilianus the prefect 
said: 'I have reasoned verbally with you
concerning the clemency which our rulers
7  have shown to you; for they have given
you the opportunity to save yourselves, if
you will turn to that which is according to 
nature, and worship the gods that preserve their  
empire, and forget those that are contrary to 
nature. (13) What then do you say to this? For 

	    I do not think that you will be ungrateful 
for their kindness, since they would turn you to
8 a better course.' Dionysius replied: 'Not
all people worship all gods; but each one
those whom he approves. We therefore reverence and 
worship the one God, the Maker of all; who hath 
given the empire to the divinely favored and 
august Valerian and Gallienus; and we pray to him 
continually for their empire 9, that it may remain 
unshaken.' AEmilianus, the prefect, said to them: 
'But who
forbids you to worship him, if he is a god, 
together with those who are gods by nature. For ye 
have been commanded to reverence the gods,
and the gods whom all know.' Dionysius
10 answered: 'We worship no other.' AEmilianus, 
the prefect, said to them: 'I see that
you are at once ungrateful, and insensible to the 
kindness of our sovereigns. Wherefore ye shall not 
remain in this city. But ye shall be sent into the 
regions of Libya, to a place called Cephro. For I 
have chosen this place at the command of our 
sovereigns, and it shall by no means be permitted 
you or any others, either to hold assemblies, or 
to enter into the so-
11 called cemeteries. (14) But if any one shall be
seen without the place which I have commanded, or 
be found in any assembly, he will bring peril on 
himself. For suitable punishment shall not fail. 
Go, therefore where ye have been ordered.'

"And he hastened me away, though I was sick, not 
granting even a day's respite. What opportunity 
then did I have, either to hold assemblies, or not 
to hold them?" (15)
Farther on he says: "But through the 12
help of the Lord we did not give up the
open assembly. But I called together the more 
diligently those who were in the city, as if I 
were with them; being, so to speak, (16) 'absent 
in body but present in spirit.' (17) But in Cephro 
a large church gathered with us of the brethren 
that followed us from the city, and those that 
joined us from Egypt; and there 'God
opened unto us a door for the Word.' (18) At13
first we were persecuted and stoned; but
afterwards not a few of the heathen forsook the 
idols and turned to God. For until this time they 
had not heard the Word, since it was then first 
sown by us. And as if God had 14

brought us to them for this purpose, when
we had performed this ministry he transferred us 
to another place. For AEmilianus, as it appeared, 
desired to transport us to rougher and more 
Libyan-like places; (19) so he commanded them to 
assemble from all quarters in Mareotis, (20) and 
assigned to them different villages throughout the 
country. But he ordered us to be placed nearer the 
highway that we might be seized first. (21) For 
evidently he arranged and prepared matters so that 
whenever he wished to seize us he could take all 
of us without difficulty. When I was first ordered 
to go to Cephro I did not know where the place 
was, and had scarcely ever heard the name; yet I 
went readily and cheerfully. But when I was told 
that I was to remove to the district of 
Colluthion, (22) those


301

who were present know how I was affected.
16 For here I will accuse myself. At first I was
grieved and greatly disturbed; for though
these places were better known and more familiar 
to us, yet the country was said to be destitute of 
brethren and of men of character, and to be
exposed to the annoyances of travelers and
17 incursions of robbers. But I was comforted
when the brethren reminded me that it was
nearer the city, and that while Cephro afforded us 
much intercourse with the brethren from Egypt, so 
that we were able to extend the Church more 
widely, as this place was nearer the city we 
should enjoy more frequently the sight of those 
who were truly beloved and most closely related 
and dearest to us. For they would come and remain, 
and special meetings (23) could be held, as in the 
more remote suburbs. And thus it turned out."
		   After other matters he writes again as 
follows of the things which happened to him
18 "Germanus indeed boasts of many confessions. He 
can speak forsooth of many
adversities which he himself has endured. But is 
he able to reckon up as many as we can, of 
sentences, confiscations, proscriptions, 
plundering of goods, loss of dignities, contempt 
of worldly glory, disregard for the flatteries of 
governors and of councilors, and patient endurance 
of the threats of opponents, of outcries, of 
perils and persecutions, and wandering and 
distress, and all kinds of tribulation, such as 
came upon me under Decius and Sabinus, (24) and 
such as continue even now under AEmilianus? But 
where has Germanus been seen? And what
19 account is there of him? But I turn from
this great folly into which I am falling on
account of Germanus. And for the same reason I 
desist from giving to the brethren who know it
an account of everything which took place."'
	    The same writer also in the epistle to! 
Domitius and Didymus (25) mentions some
	
particulars of the persecution as follows: "As our 
people are many and unknown to you, it would be 
superfluous to give their names; but understand 
that men and women, young and old, maidens and 
matrons, soldiers and civilians, of every race and 
age, some by scourging and fire, others by the 
sword, have conquered in
the strife and received their crowns. But 21 in 
the case of some a very long time was
not sufficient to make them appear acceptable
to the Lord; as, indeed, it seems also in my
own case, that sufficient time has not yet 
elapsed.
Wherefore he has retained me for the time which
he knows to be fitting, saying, 'In an acceptable
time have I heard thee, and in a day of
salvation have I helped thee.' (26) For as you22
have inquired of our affairs and desire us to
tell you how we are situated, you have heard fully 
that when we -- that is, myself and Gaius and 
Faustus and Peter and Paul (27)-- were led away as 
prisoners by a centurion and magistrates, with 
their soldiers and servants, certain persons from 
Mareotis came and dragged us away by force,
as we were unwilling to follow them. (28) But 23
now I and Gaius and Peter are alone, deprived of 
the other brethren, and shut up in a desert and 
dry place in Libya, three days' journey from 
Paraetonium." 29
He says farther on: "The presbyters, 24 Maximus, 
(30) Dioscorus, (31) Demetrius, and Lucius (32) 
concealed themselves in the city, and visited the 
brethren secretly; for Faustinus and Aquila, (33) 
who are more prominent in the world, are wandering 
in Egypt. But the deacons, Faustus, Eusebius, and 
Chaeremon, (34) have survived those who died in 
the pestilence. Eusebius is one whom God has 
strengthened. and endowed from the first to 
fulfill energetically the ministrations for the 
imprisoned confessors, and to attend to the 
dangerous task of preparing for burial the bodies 
of the perfected and
blessed martyrs. For as I have said be- 25


302

fore, unto the present time the governor continues 
to put to death in a cruel manner those who are 
brought to trial. And he destroys some with 
tortures, and wastes others away with imprisonment 
and bonds; and he suffers no one to go near them, 
and investigates whether any one does so. 
Nevertheless God gives relief to the afflicted 
through the zeal and persistence of the brethren."
26  Thus far Dionysius. But it should be
known that Eusebius, whom he calls a deacon, 
shortly afterward became bishop of the church of 
Laodicea in Syria; (35) and Maximus, of whom he 
speaks as being then a presbyter, succeeded 
Dionysius himself as bishop of Alexandria. (36) 
But the Faustus who was with him, and who at that 
time was distinguished for his confession, was 
preserved until the persecution in our day, (87) 
when being very old and full of days, he closed 
his life by martyrdom, being beheaded. But such 
are the things which happened at that time (38) to 
Dionysius.

CHAPTER XII.

The Martyrs in Caesarea in Palestine.

DURING the above-mentioned persecution under 
Valerian, three men in Caesarea in Palestine, 
being conspicuous in their confession of Christ, 
were adorned with divine martyrdom, becoming food 
for wild beasts. One of them was called Priscus, 
another Malchus, and the name of the third was 
Alexander. (1) They say that these men, who lived 
in the country, acted at first in a cowardly 
manner, as if they were careless and thoughtless. 
For when the opportunity was given to those who 
longed for the prize with heavenly desire, they 
treated it lightly, lest they should seize the 
Crown of martyrdom prematurely. But having 
deliberated on the matter, they hastened to 
Caesarea, and went before the judge and met the 
end we have mentioned. They relate that besides 
these, in the same persecution and the same city, 
a certain woman endured a similar conflict. But it 
is reported that she belonged to the sect of 
Marcion. (2)

CHAPTER XIII.

The Peace under Gallienus.

SHORTLY after this Valerian was reduced  1
to slavery by the barbarians, (1) and his son
having become sole ruler, conducted the government 
more prudently. He immediately re-
strained the persecution against us by public
proclamations, (2) and directed the bishops to 
per-
form in freedom their customary duties, in a
rescript (3) which ran as follows:
"The Emperor Caesar Publius Licinius 2.
Gallienus, Pius, Felix, Augustus, (4) to 
Dionysius, Pinnas, Demetrius, (5) and the other 
bishops. I have ordered the bounty of my gift to 
be declared through all the world, that they may 
depart from the places of religious worship. (6) 
And for this purpose you may use this copy of my 
rescript, that no one may molest you. And this 
which you are now enabled lawfully to do, has 
already for a long time been conceded by me. (7) 
Therefore Aurelius Cyrenius, (8) who is the chief 
administrator of affairs, (9) will observe this 
ordinance which I have given."


303

I have given this in a translation from the Latin, 
that it may be more readily understood. Another 
decree of his is extant addressed to other 
bishops, permitting them to take possession again 
of the so-called cemeteries. (10)

CHAPTER XIV.

The Bishops that flourished at that Time.

AT that time Xystus (1) was still presiding over 
the church of Rome, and Demetrianus, (2) successor 
of Fabius, (3) over the church of Antioch, and 
Firmilianus (4) over that of Caesarea in 
Cappadocia; and besides these, Gregory (5) and his 
brother Athenodorus, (6) friends of Origen, were 
presiding over the churches in Pontus; and 
Theoctistus (7) of Caesarea in Palestine having 
died, Domnus (8) received the episcopate there. He 
held it but a short time, and Theotecnus, (9) our 
contemporary, succeeded him. He also was a member 
of Origen's school. But in Jerusalem, after the 
death of Mazabanes, (10) Hymenaeus, (11) who has 
been celebrated among us for a great many years, 
succeeded to his seat.

CHAPTER XV.

The Martyrdom of Marinus at Caesarea.

AT this time, when the peace of the 1 churches had 
been everywhere (1) restored,
Marinus in Caesarea in Palestine, who was honored 
for his military deeds, and illustrious by
virtue of family and wealth, was beheaded for
his testimony to Christ, on the following
account. The vine-branch (2) is a certain2
mark of honor among the Romans, and
those who obtain it become, they say, centurions. 
A place being vacated, the order of succession 
called Marinus to this position. But when he was 
about to receive the honor, another person came 
before the tribunal and claimed that it was not 
legal, according to the ancient laws, for him to 
receive the Roman dignity, as he was a Christian 
and did not sacrifice to the emperors; but that 
the office belonged rather to him.
Thereupon the judge, whose name was 3 Achaeus, (3) 
being disturbed, first asked what opinion Marinus 
held. And when he perceived  that he continually 
confessed himself a Christian, [he gave him three 
hours for reflection.
When he came out from the tribunal, Theotecnus 4 , 
(4) the bishop there, took him aside
and conversed with him, and taking his hand led 
him into the church. And standing with him within, 
in the sanctuary, he raised his cloak a little, 
and pointed to the sword that hung by his side; 
and at the same time he placed before him the 
Scripture of the divine Gospels, and told him to 
choose which of the two he wished. And without 
hesitation he reached forth his right hand, and 
took the divine Scripture. "Hold fast then," says 
Theotecnus to him, "hold fast to God, and 
strengthened by him mayest thou obtain what thou 
hast chosen, and go in
peace." Immediately on his return the  5
herald cried out calling him to the tribunal,
for the appointed time was already completed. And 
standing before the tribunal, and manifesting 
greater zeal for the faith, immediately, as he 
was, he was led away and finished his course by 
death.


304

CHAPTER XVI.

Story in Regard to Astyrius.

ASTYRIUS (1) also is commemorated on account of 
his pious boldness in connection with this affair. 
He was a Roman of senatorial rank, and in favor 
with the emperors, and well known to all on 
account of his noble birth and wealth. Being 
present at the martyr's death, he took his body 
away on his shoulder, and arraying him in a 
splendid and costly garment, prepared him for the 
grave in a magnificent manner, and gave him 
fitting burial. (2) The friends of this man, that 
remain to our day, relate many other facts, 
concerning him.

CHAPTER XVII.

The Signs at Paneas of the Great Might of our
Saviour.

AMONG these is also the following wonder. At 
Caesarea Philippi, which the Phoenicians call 
Paneas,(1) springs are shown at the foot of the 
Mountain Panius, out of which the Jordan flows. 
They say that on a certain feast day, a victim was 
thrown in, (2) and that through the power of the 
demon it marvelously disappeared and that which 
happened was a famous wonder to those who were 
present. Astyrius was once there when these things 
were done, and seeing the multitude astonished at 
the affair, he pitied their delusion; and looking 
up to heaven he supplicated the God over all 
through Christ, that he would rebuke the demon who 
deceived the people, and bring the men's delusion 
to an end. And they say that when he had prayed 
thus, immediately the sacrifice floated on the 
surface of the fountain. And thus the miracle 
departed; and no wonder was ever afterward 
performed at the place.

CHAPTER XVIII.

The Statue which the Woman with an Issue
of Blood erected. (1)

SINCE I have mentioned this city I do  1
not think it proper to omit an account
which is worthy of record for posterity. For they 
say that the woman with an issue of blood, who, as 
we learn from the sacred Gospel, (2) received from 
our Saviour deliverance from her affliction, came 
from this place, and that her house is shown in 
the city, and that remarkable memorials of the 
kindness of the Saviour
to her remain there. For there stands upon 2
an elevated stone, by the gates of her
house, a brazen image of a woman kneeling, with 
her hands stretched out, as if she were praying. 
Opposite this is another upright image of a man, 
made of the same material, clothed decently in a 
double cloak, and extending his hand toward the 
woman. At his feet, beside the statue itself, (3) 
is a certain strange plant, which climbs up to the 
hem of the brazen cloak, and is a remedy for all 
kinds of diseases.
They say that this statue is an image of 3
Jesus. It has remained to our day, so that we 
ourselves also saw it when we were staying in the 
city. Nor is it strange that those 4
of the Gentiles who, of old, were benefited
by our Saviour, should have done such things, 
since we have learned also that the likenesses of 
his apostles Paul and Peter, and of Christ 
himself, are preserved in paintings, (4) the 
ancients being accustomed, as it is likely, 
according to a habit of the Gentiles, to pay this 
kind of honor indiscriminately to those regarded 
by them as deliverers.


305

CHAPTER XIX.

The Episcopal Chair of James.

THE chair of James, who first received the 
episcopate of the church at Jerusalem from the 
Saviour himself (1) and the apostles, and who, as 
the divine records show, (2) was called a brother 
of Christ, has been preserved until now, (3) the 
brethren who have followed him in succession there 
exhibiting clearly to all the reverence which both 
those of old times and those of our own day 
maintained and do maintain for holy men on account 
of their piety. So much as to this matter.

CHAPTER XX.

The Festal Epistles of Dionysius, in which he
also gives a Paschal Canon.

DIONYSIUS, besides his epistles already mentioned, 
(1) wrote at that time (2) also his extant Festal 
Epistles, (3) in which he uses words of panegyric 
respecting the passover feast. He addressed one of 
these to Flavius, (4) and another to Domitius and 
Didymus, (5) in which he sets forth a canon of 
eight years, (6) maintaining that it is not proper 
to observe the paschal feast until after the 
vernal equinox. Besides these he sent another 
epistle to his fellow-presbyters in Alexandria, as 
well as various others to different persons while 
the persecution was still prevailing. (7)

CHAPTER XXI.

The Occurrences at Alexandria.

PEACE had but just been restored when he returned 
to Alexandria; (1) but as sedition and war broke 
out again, rendering it impossible if or him to 
oversee all the brethren, separated in different 
places by the insurrection, at the feast of the 
passover, as if he were still an exile from 
Alexandria, he addressed them again by letter. (2) 
And in another festal epistle written later to 
Hierax, (3) a bishop in Egypt, he mentions the 
sedition then prevailing in Alexandria, as 
follows:
"What wonder is it that it is difficult for me to 
communicate by letters with those who live far 
away, when it is beyond my power even to reason 
with myself, or to take counsel for my own life? 
Truly I need to send letters to those who are as 
my own bowels, (4) dwelling in one home, and 
brethren of one soul, and citizens of the same 
church; but how to send them I cannot tell. For it 
would be easier for one to go, not only beyond the 
limits of the province, but even from the East to 
the West, than from Alexandria to Alexandria 
itself.


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4 For the very heart of the city is more intricate 
and impassable than that great and
trackless desert which Israel traversed for two 
generations. And our smooth and waveless harbors 
have become like the sea, divided and walled up, 
through which Israel drove and in whose highway 
the Egyptians were overwhelmed. For often from the 
slaughters there commit-
5 ted they appear like the Red Sea. And
the river which flows by the city has some-
times seemed drier than the waterless desert, and 
more parched than that in which Israel, as they 
passed through it, so suffered for thirst,
	    that they cried out against Moses, and the 
water flowed for them from the steep rock, (5) 
through him who alone doeth wonders. Again it has 
overflowed so greatly as to flood all the 
surrounding country, and the roads and the fields; 
threatening to bring back the deluge of water that 
occurred in the days of Noah. And it flows along, 
polluted always with blood and slaughter and 
drownings, as it became for Pharaoh through the 
agency of Moses, when he changed it into blood, 
and it stank. (6) And what other water could 
purify the water which purifies everything? How 
could the ocean, so great and impassable for men, 
if poured into it, cleanse this bitter sea? Or how 
could the great river which flowed out of Eden, if 
it
	    poured the four heads into which it is 
divided into the one of Geon, (7) wash away this 
pollution? Or when can the air poisoned by these 
noxious exhalations become pure? For such vapors 
arise from the earth, and winds from the sea, and 
breezes from the river, and
	    mists from the harbors, that the dews are, as 
it were, discharges from dead bodies putrefying in 
all the elements around us. Yet men wonder and 
cannot understand whence these
continuous pestilences; whence these severe
sicknesses; whence these deadly diseases of all
kinds; whence this various and vast human
destruction; why this great city no longer 
contains as many inhabitants, from tender infants
to those most advanced in life, as it formerly
contained of those whom it called hearty old
men. But the men from forty to seventy years
of age were then so much more numerous that
their number cannot now be filled out, even
when those from fourteen to eighty years are
enrolled and registered for the public allowance 
10 of food. And the youngest in appearance have 
become, as it were, of equal age
with those who formerly were the oldest. But 
though they see the race of men thus constantly 

diminishing and wasting away, and though their 
complete destruction is increasing and advancing, 
they do not tremble."

CHAPTER XXII.
The Pestilence which came upon them.
AFTER these events a pestilential disease  1
followed the war, and at the approach of
the feast he wrote again to the brethren, 
describing the sufferings consequent upon this 
calamity. (1)
"To other men (2) the present might not 2 seem to 
be a suitable time for a festival. Nor indeed is 
this or any other time suitable for them; neither 
sorrowful times, nor even such as might be thought 
especially cheerful. (3) Now, indeed, everything 
is tears and every one is mourning, and wailings 
resound daily through the city because of the 
multitude of the
dead and dying. For as it was written of3
the firstborn of the Egyptians, so now 'there
has arisen a great cry, for there is not a house
where there is not one dead.' (4) And would
that this were all! (5) For many terrible things 4
have happened already. First, they drove
us out; and when alone, and persecuted, and put to 
death by all, even then we kept the feast. And 
every place of affliction was to us a place of 
festival: field, desert, ship, inn, prison; but 
the perfected martyrs kept the most joyous
festival of all, feasting in heaven. After these 5
things war and famine followed, which we
endured in common with the heathen. But we
bore alone those things with which they afflicted
us, and at the same time we experienced also
the effects of what they inflicted upon and 
suffered from one another; and again, we rejoiced
in the peace of Christ, which he gave to us
alone.
"But after both we and they had enjoyed  6
a very brief season of rest this pestilence
assailed us; to them more dreadful than any dread, 
and more intolerable than any other calamity; and, 
as one of their own writers has said, the only 
thing which prevails over all hope.


307

But to us this was not so, but no less than the 
other things was it an exercise and probation. For 
it did not keep aloof even from us,
but the heathen it assailed more severely." 7 
Farther on he adds:
"The most of our brethren were unsparing in their 
exceeding love and brotherly kindness. They held 
fast to each other and visited the sick 
fearlessly, and ministered to them continually, 
serving them in Christ. And they died with them 
most joyfully, taking the affliction of others, 
and drawing the sickness from their neighbors to 
themselves and willingly receiving their pains. 
And many who cared for the sick and gave strength 
to others died themselves having transferred to 
themselves their death. And the popular saying 
which always seems a mere expression of courtesy, 
they then made real in action, taking their 
departure as the
	others' 'offscouring.' (6)
8   "Truly the best of our brethren departed
from life in this manner, including some
presbyters and deacons and those of the people who 
had the highest reputation; so that this form of 
death, through the great piety and strong faith it 
exhibited, seemed to lack nothing of martyrdom. 
And they took the bodies of the saints in their 
open hands and in their bosoms, and closed their 
eyes and their mouths; and they bore them away on 
their shoulders and laid them out; and they clung 
to them and embraced them; and they prepared them 
suitably with washings and garments. And after a 
little they received like treatment themselves, 
for the survivors were continually following those 
who had gone before them.
10  "But with the heathen everything was quite
otherwise. They deserted those who began
to be sick, and fled from their dearest friends.
And they cast them out into the streets when
they were half dead, and left the dead like 
refuse,
unburied. They shunned any participation or
fellowship with death; which yet, with all
their precautions, it was not easy for them to
escape."                    
11  After this epistle, when peace had been 
restored to the city, he wrote another festal 
letter (7) to the brethren in Egypt, and again  
several others besides this. And there is also 

a certain one extant On the Sabbath, (8) and 
another On Exercise. Moreover, he wrote again an 
epistle to Hermammon (9) and the brethren in 
Egypt, describing at length the wickedness of 
Decius and his successors, and mentioning the 
peace under Gallienus.

CHAPTER XXIII.

The Reign of Gallienus.

BUT there is nothing like hearing his own 1 words, 
which are as follows:
"Then he, (1) having betrayed one of the emperors 
that preceded him, and made war on the other, (2) 
perished with his whole family speedily and 
utterly. But Gallienus was proclaimed and 
universally acknowledged at once an old emperor 
and a new, being before them and
continuing after them. For according to 2 the word 
spoken by the prophet Isaiah, 'Behold the things 
from the beginning have come to pass, and new 
things shall now arise.' (3) For as a cloud 
passing over the sun's rays and obscuring them for 
a little time hides it and appears in its place; 
but when the cloud has passed by or is dissipated, 
the sun which had  risen before appears again; so 
Macrianus who  put himself forward and approached 
the existing empire of Gallienus, is not, since he 
never
was. But the other is just as he was. And 3 his 
kingdom, as if it had cast aside old age, and had 
been purified from the former wickedness, now 
blossoms out more vigorously, and is seen and 
heard farther, and extends in all directions." (4)
He then indicates the time at which he 4 wrote 
this in the following words: "It occurs to me 
again to review the days of
the imperial years. For I perceive that those most 
impious men, though they have been famous, yet in 
a short time have become nameless. But the holier 
and more godly prince, (5) having


308

passed the seventh year, is now completing the 
ninth, (6) in which we shall keep the feast."

CHAPTER XXIV. Nepos and his Schism. (1)
BESIDES all these the two books on the Promises 
(2) were prepared by him. The occasion of these 
was Nepos, a bishop in Egypt,
who taught that the promises to the holy men
in the Divine Scriptures should be understood
in a more Jewish manner, and that there would
be a certain millennium of bodily luxury
upon this earth. As he thought that he 2
could establish his private opinion by the
Revelation of John, he wrote a book on this
subject, entitled Refutation of Allegorists. (3)
Dionysius opposes this in his books on the 3
Promises. In the first he gives his own
opinion of the dogma; and in the second he treats 
of the Revelation of John, and mentioning Nepos at 
the beginning, writes of him in this manner:
"But since they bring forward a certain 4
work of Nepos, on which they rely confidently, as 
if it proved beyond dispute that there will be a 
reign of Christ upon earth, I confess that (4) in 
many other respects I approve and love Nepos, for 
his faith and industry and diligence in the 
Scriptures, and for his extensive psalmody, (5) 
with which many of the brethren are still 
delighted; and I hold him in the more reverence 
because he has gone to rest before us. But the 
truth should be loved and honored most of all. And 
while we should praise and approve un-grudgingly 
what is said aright, we ought to examine and 
correct what does not seem to
have been written soundly. Were he present 5 to 
state his opinion orally, mere unwritten 
discussion, persuading and reconciling those who 
are opposed by question and answer, would be 
sufficient. But as some think his work very 
plausible, and as certain teachers regard the law 
and prophets as of no consequence, and do not 
follow the Gospels, and treat lightly the 
apostolic epistles, while they make promises (6) 
as to the teaching of this work as if it were some 
great hidden mystery, and do not permit our 
simpler brethren to have any sublime and lofty 
thoughts concerning the glorious and truly divine 
appearing of our Lord, and our resurrection from 
the dead, and our being gathered together unto 
him, and made like him, but on the contrary lead 
them to hope for small and mortal things in the 
kingdom of God, and for things such as exist 
now,-- since this is the case, it is necessary 
that we should dispute with our brother


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Nepos as if he were present." Farther on he
says:
6   "When I was in the district of Arsinoe, (7)
where, as you know, this doctrine has prevailed 
for a long time, so that schisms and apostasies of 
entire churches have resulted, I called together 
the presbyters and teachers of the brethren in the 
villages,--such brethren as wished being also 
present,--and I exhorted them to make a public 
examination of this question. Accordingly when 
they brought me this book, as if it were a weapon 
and fortress impregnable, sitting with them from 
morning till evening for three successive days, I 
endeavored to correct what was written in
8 it. And I rejoiced over the constancy,
sincerity, docility, and intelligence of the
brethren, as we considered in order and with 
moderation the questions and the difficulties and 
the points of agreement. And we abstained from 
defending in every manner and contentiously the 
opinions which we had once held, unless they 
appeared to be correct. Nor did we evade 
objections, but we endeavored as far as possible 
to hold to and confirm the things which lay before 
us, and if the reason given satisfied us, we were 
not ashamed to change our opinions and agree with 
others; but on the contrary, conscientiously and 
sincerely, and with hearts laid open before God, 
we accepted whatever was established by the proofs 
and teachings of the Holy Scriptures. And finally 
the author and mover of this teaching, who was 
called Coracion, (8) in the hearing of all the 
brethren that were present, acknowledged and 
testified to us that he would no longer hold this 
opinion, nor discuss it, nor mention nor teach it, 
as he was fully convinced by the arguments against 
it. And some of the other brethren expressed their 
gratification at the conference, and at the spirit 
of conciliation and harmony which all had 
manifested."

CHAPTER XXV.

The Apocalypse of John. (1)

	    Afterward he speaks in this manner of
the Apocalypse of John. "Some before us have set 
aside and rejected the book altogether, 
criticising it chapter by chapter, and pronouncing 
it without sense or
argument, and maintaining that the title is 2 
fraudulent. For they say that it is not the

work of John, nor is it a revelation, because
it is covered thickly and densely by a vail of
obscurity. And they affirm that none of the
apostles, rend none of the saints, nor any one in
the Church is its author, but that Cerinthus, who
founded the sect which was called after him the
Cerinthian, desiring reputable authority for
his fiction, prefixed the name. For the doctrine 3 
which he taught was this: that the
kingdom of Christ will be an earthly one. And as 
he was himself devoted to the pleasures of the 
body and altogether sensual in his nature, he 
dreamed that that kingdom would consist in those 
things which he desired, namely, in the delights 
of the belly and of sexual passion; that is to 
say, in eating and drinking and marrying, and in 
festivals and sacrifices and the slaying of 
victims, under the guise of which he thought he 
could indulge his appetites with a better grace. 
(2)
"But I could not venture to reject the 4
book, as many brethren hold it in high esteem. But 
I suppose that it is beyond my comprehension, and 
that there is a certain concealed and more 
wonderful meaning in every part. For if I do not 
understand I suspect that a deeper sense lies 
beneath the words.
I do not measure and judge them by my 5
own reason, but leaving the more to faith I
regard them as too high for me to grasp. And I do 
not reject what I cannot comprehend, but rather 
wonder because I do not understand it."
After this he examines the entire Book  6
of Revelation, and having proved that it is
impossible to understand it according to the 
literal sense, proceeds as follows:
"Having finished all the prophecy, so to speak, 
the prophet pronounces those blessed who shall 
observe it, and also himself. For he says, 
'Blessed is he that keepeth the words of the 
prophecy of this book, and I, John,
who saw and heard these things.' (3)  There-  7
fore that he was called John, and that this
book is the work of one John, I do not deny. And I 
agree also that it is the work of a holy and 
inspired man. But I cannot readily admit that he 
was the apostle, the son of Zebedee, the brother 
of James, by whom the Gospel of John and the 
Catholic Epistle (4) were written.
For I judge from the character of both,  8
and the forms of expression, and the entire
execution of the book, (5) that it is not his. For


310

the evangelist nowhere gives his name, or pro-
claims himself, either in the Gospel or 9 
Epistle." Farther on he adds:
"But John never speaks as if referring to himself, 
or as if referring to another person. (6) But the 
author of the Apocalypse introduces himself at the 
very beginning: 'The Revelation of Jesus Christ, 
which he gave him to show unto his servants 
quickly; and he sent and signified it by his angel 
unto his servant John, who bare witness of the 
word of God and of his testimony, even of all 
things that he saw." (7)
10 Then he writes also an epistle: 'John to
the seven churches which are in Asia, grace
be with you, and peace.' (8) But the evangelist 
did not prefix his name even to the Catholic 
Epistle; but without introduction he begins with 
the mystery of the divine revelation itself: 'That 
which was from the beginning, which we have heard, 
which we have seen with our eyes.' (9) For because 
of such a revelation the Lord also blessed Peter, 
saying, 'Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-Jonah, for 
flesh and blood hath not revealed it unto thee, 
but my heavenly
11 Father.' (10) But neither in the reputed second 
or third epistle of John, though they
are very short, does the name John appear; but 
there is written the anonymous phrase, 'the 
eider.' (11) But this author did not consider it 
sufficient to give his name once and to proceed 
with his work; but he takes it up again: 'I, John, 
who also am your brother and companion in 
tribulation, and in the kingdom and in the 
patience of Jesus Christ, was in the isle that is 
called Patmos for the Word of God and the 
testimony of Jesus.' (12) And toward the close he 
speaks thus: 'Blessed is he that keepeth the words 
of the prophecy of this book, and I, John, who saw 
and heard these things.' (13)
12  "But that he who wrote these things was
called John must be believed, as he says it;
but who he was does not appear. For he did not 
say, as often in the Gospel, that he was the 
beloved disciple of the Lord, (14) or the one who 
lay on his breast, (15) or the brother of James, 
or
the eyewitness and hearer of the Lord. 13 For he 
would have spoken of these things

if he had wished to show himself plainly. But he 
says none of them; but speaks of himself as our 
brother and companion, and a witness of Jesus, and 
blessed because he had
seen and heard the revelations. But I am 14
of the opinion that there were many with
the same name as the apostle John, who, on account 
of their love for him, and because they admired 
and emulated him, and desired to be loved by the 
Lord as he was, took to themselves the same 
surname, as many of the children
of the faithful are called Paul or Peter. For 15
example, there is also another John, surnamed 
Mark, mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, (16) 
whom Barnabas and Paul took with them; of whom 
also it is said, 'And they had also John as their 
attendant.' (17) But that it is he who wrote this, 
I would not say. For it
not written that he went with them into Asia, but, 
'Now when Paul and his company set sail from 
Paphos, they came to Perga in Pamphylia
and John departing from them returned to
Jerusalem.' (18) But I think that he was some 16
other one of those in Asia; as they say that
there are two monuments in Ephesus, each bearing 
the name of John. (19)
"And from the ideas, and from the words and their 
arrangement, it may be reasonably conjectured that 
this one is different from that one. (20) For the 
Gospel and Epistle agree with each other and begin 
in the same manner. The one says, 'In the 
beginning was the Word '; (21) the other, 'That 
which was from the beginning.' (22) The one: 'And 
the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us, and we 
beheld his glory, the glory as of the only 
begotten of the Father'; (23) the other says the 
same things slightly altered: 'Which we have 
heard, which we have seen with our eyes; which we 
have looked upon and our hands have handled of the 
Word of life,--and the life was manifested.' (24) 
For he introduces these things 19
at the beginning, maintaining them, as is
evident from what follows, in opposition to those 
who said that the Lord had not come in the flesh. 
Wherefore also he carefully adds, 'And we have 
seen and bear witness, and declare unto you the 
eternal life which was with the Father and was 
manifested unto us. That which we have seen and 
heard declare we unto you
also.' (25) He holds to this and does not 20 
digress from his subject, but discusses every-


311

	thing under the same heads and names
21	some of which we will briefly mention. Any
	one who examines carefully will find the
phrases, 'the life,' 'the light,' 'turning from 
darkness,' frequently occurring in both; also 
continually, 'truth,' 'grace,' 'joy,' 'the flesh 
and blood of the Lord,' 'the judgment,' 'the 
forgiveness of sins,' 'the love of God toward us,' 
the 'commandment that we love one another,' that 
we should' keep all the commandments'; the 
'conviction of the world, of the Devil, of 
AntiChrist,' the 'promise of the Holy Spirit,' the 
'adoption of God,' the 'faith continually required 
of us,' 'the Father and the Son,' occur
	    everywhere. In fact, it is plainly to be seen 
that one and the same character marks the Gospel 
and the Epistle throughout. But the Apocalypse is 
different from these writings and foreign to them; 
not touching, nor in
	    the least bordering upon them; almost, so to 
speak, without even a syllable in common with 
them. Nay more, the Epistle--for I pass by the 
Gospel -- does not mention nor does it contain any 
intimation of the Apocalypse, nor does the 
Apocalypse of the Epistle. But Paul, in his 
epistles, gives some indication of his 
revelations, (26) though he has not written them 
out
	by themselves.
"Moreover, it can also be shown that the, diction 
of the Gospel and Epistle differs  from that of 
the Apocalypse. For they were written not only 
without error as regards the Greek language, but 
also with elegance in their expression, in their 
reasonings, and in their entire structure. They 
are far indeed from betraying any barbarism or 
solecism, or any vulgarism whatever. For the 
writer had, as it seems, both the requisites of 
discourse,-that is, the gift of knowledge and the 
gift of
expression,--as the Lord had bestowed
26 them both upon him. I do not deny that
the other writer saw a revelation and received 
knowledge and prophecy. I perceive, however, that 
his dialect and language are not
accurate Greek, but that he uses barbarous
27 idioms, and, in some places, solecisms. It
is unnecessary to point these out here, for I
would not have any one think that I have said 
these things in a spirit of ridicule, for I have 
said what I have only with the purpose of showing 
dearly the difference between the writings."

CHAPTER XXVI.

The Epistles of Dionysius.

Besides these, many other epistles of Dionysius 
are extant, as those against Sabellius, (1) 
addressed to Ammon, (2) bishop of the church of 
Bernice, and one to Telesphorus, (8) and one to 
Euphranor, and again another to Ammon and Euporus. 
He wrote also four other books on the same 
subject, which he addressed to
his namesake Dionysius, in Rome. (4) Besides 2
these many of his epistles are with us,
and large books written in epistolary form, as 
those on Nature, (5) addressed to the young man 
Timothy, and one on Temptations, (6) which
he also dedicated to Euphranor. More- 3
over, in a letter to Basilides, (7) bishop of the
parishes in Pentapolis, he says that he had 
written an exposition of the beginning of 
Ecclesiastes. (8) And he has left us also various 
letters


312

addressed to this same person. Thus much 
Dionysius.
But our account of these matters being now 
completed, permit us to show to posterity the 
character of our own age. (9)

CHAPTER XXVII.

Paul of Samosata, and the Heresy introduced
by hint at Antioch.

After Xystus had presided over the church of Rome 
for eleven years, (1) Dionysius, (2) namesake of 
him of Alexandria, succeeded him. About the same 
time Demetrianus (3) died in Antioch, and Paul of 
Samosata (4) received that episcopate. As he held, 
contrary to (2) the teaching of the Church, low 
and degraded
views of Christ, namely, that in his nature he was 
a common man, Dionysius of Alexandria was 
entreated to come to the synod. (5) But being 
unable to come on account of age and physical 
weakness, he gave his opinion on the subject under 
consideration by letter. (6) But all the other 
pastors of the churches from all directions, made 
haste to assemble at Antioch, as against a 
de-spoiler of the flock of Christ.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

The Illustrious Bishops of that Time.

Of these, the most eminent were Firmilianus, (1) 
bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia; the brothers 
Gregory (2) and Athenodorus, pastors of the 
churches in Pontus; Helenus (3) of the parish of 
Tarsus, and Nicomas (4) of Iconium moreover, 
Hymenaeus, (5) of the church of Jerusalem, and 
Theotecnus (6) of the neighboring church of 
Caesarea; and besides these Maximus, (7) who 
presided in a distinguished manner over the 
brethren in Bostra. If any should count them up he 
could not fail to note a great many others, 
besides presbyters and deacons, who were at that 
time assembled for the same cause in the 
above-mentioned city. (8) But


313

these were the most illustrious. When all of these 
assembled at different times and frequently to 
consider these matters, the arguments and 
questions were discussed at every meeting; the 
adherents of the Samosatian endeavoring to cover 
and conceal his heterodoxy, and the others 
striving zealously to lay bare and make manifest 
his heresy and blasphemy against Christ.
	    Meanwhile, Dionysius died in the twelfth year 
of the reign of Gallienus, (9) having held the 
episcopate of Alexandria for seventeen
	    4 years, and Maximus (10) succeeded him. 
Gallienus after a reign of fifteen years n was 
succeeded by Claudius, (12) who in two years 
delivered the government to Aurelian.

CHAPTER XXIX.

Paul, having been refuted by Malchion, a Presbyter 
from the Sophists, was excommunicated.

1   During his reign a final synod (1) composed
of a great many bishops was held, and the
leader of heresy (2) in Antioch was detected, and 
his false doctrine clearly shown before all, and 
he was excommunicated from the Catholic Church 
under heaven. (3) Malchion especially drew him out 
of his hiding-place and refuted him. He was a man 
learned in other respects, and principal of the 
sophist school of Grecian learning in Antioch; yet 
on account of the superior nobility of his faith 
in Christ he had been made a presbyter of that 
parish. This man, having conducted a discussion 
with him, which was taken down by stenographers 
and which we know is still extant, was alone able 
to detect the man who dissembled and deceived the 
others.

CHAPTER XXX.

The Epistle of the Bishops against Paul.

The pastors who had assembled about  1
this matter, prepared by common consent
an epistle addressed to Dionysius, (1) bishop of 
Rome, and Maximus (2) of Alexandria, and sent it 
to all the provinces. In this they make manifest 
to all their own zeal and the perverse error of 
Paul, and the arguments and discussions which they 
had with him, and show the entire life and conduct 
of the man. It may be well to put on record at the 
present time the following extracts from their 
writing:
"To Dionysius and Maximus, and to all our 
fellow-ministers throughout the world, bishops, 
presbyters, and deacons, and to the whole Catholic 
Church under heaven, (3) Helenus, (4) Hymenaeus, 
Theophilus, Theotecnus, Maximus, Proclus, Nicomas, 
AElianus, Paul, Bolanus, Protogenes, Hierax, 
Eutychius, Theodorus, (5) Malchion, and Lucius, 
and all the others who dwell with us in the 
neighboring cities and nations, bishops, 
presbyters, and deacons, and the churches of God, 
greeting to the beloved
brethren in the Lord." A little farther on 3
they proceed thus:" We sent for and called
many of the bishops from a distance to relieve us 
from this deadly doctrine; as Dionysius of 
Alexandria (6) and Firmilianus (7) of Cappadocia,


314

those blessed men. The first of these not 
considering the author of this delusion worthy to 
be addressed, sent a letter to Antioch, (6) not 
writ-
ten to him, but to the entire parish, of which 
4 we give a copy below. But Firmilianus
came twice (9) and condemned his innovations, 
as we who were present know and testify, and many 
others understand. But as he promised to change 
his opinions, he believed him and hoped that 
without any reproach to the Word what was 
necessary would be done. So he delayed the matter, 
being deceived by him who denied even his own God 
and Lord, (10) and had not kept the faith which he 
formerly held.
5 And now Firmilianus was again on his way
to Antioch, and had come as far as Tarsus
because he had learned by experience his 
God-denying wickedness. But while we, having come 
together, were calling for him and awaiting his
	arrival, he died." (11)
6   After other things they describe as follows 
the manner of life which he (12) led:
"Whereas he has departed from the rule of faith, 
(12a) and has turned aside after base and spurious 
teachings, it is not necessary,--since he is 
without,--that we should pass judgment upon his 
practices: as for instance in that al-
7 though formerly destitute and poor, and
having received no wealth from his fathers,
nor made anything by trade or business, he
now possesses abundant wealth through his
iniquities and sacrilegious acts, and through
those things which he extorts from the brethren, 
(13) depriving the injured of their rights
and promising to assist them for reward, yet
deceiving them, and plundering those who in
their trouble are ready to give that they may
obtain reconciliation with their oppressors,
8 'supposing that gain is godliness'; (14)--or 
in that he is haughty, and is puffed up,

and assumes worldly dignities, preferring to be 
called ducenarius (15) rather than bishop; and 
struts in the market-places, reading letters and 
reciting them as he walks in public, attended by a 
body-guard, with a multitude preceding and 
following him, so that the faith is envied and 
hated on account of his pride and haughtiness of 
heart;--or in that he practices 9
chicanery in ecclesiastical assemblies, contrives 
to glorify himself, and deceive with appearances, 
and astonish the minds of the simple, preparing 
for himself a tribunal and lofty throne, (16)--not 
like a disciple of Christ,--and possessing a 
'secretum,' (17)--like the rulers of the 
world,--and so calling it, and striking his thigh 
with his hand, and stamping on the tribunal with 
his feet;--or in that he rebukes and insults those 
who do not applaud, and shake their handkerchiefs 
as in the theaters, and shout and leap about like 
the men and women that are stationed around him, 
and hear him in this unbecoming manner, but who 
listen reverently and orderly as in the house of 
God ;--or in that he violently and coarsely 
assails in public the expounders of the Word that 
have departed this life, and magnifies himself, 
not as a bishop,
but as a sophist and juggler, and stops the 10
psalms to our Lord Jesus Christ, as being
the modern productions of modern men, and trains 
women to sing psalms to himself in the midst of 
the church on the great day of the passover, which 
any one might shudder to hear, and persuades the 
bishops and presbyters of the neighboring 
districts and cities who fawn




315

upon him, to advance the same ideas in
11 their discourses to the people. For to 
anticipate something of what we shall presently
write, he is unwilling to acknowledge that the
Son of God has come down from heaven. And
this is not a mere assertion, but it is abundantly
proved from the records which we have sent
you; and not least where he says 'Jesus Christ
is from below.' (18) But those singing to him and
extolling him among the people say that their
impious teacher has come down an angel from
heaven, (19) And he does not forbid such things;
but the arrogant man is even present when
12 they are uttered. And there are the women,
the 'subintroductae,' (19a) as the people of 
Antioch call them, belonging to him and to the 
presbyters and deacons that are with him. Although 
he knows and has convicted these men, yet he 
connives at this and their other incurable sins, 
in order that they may be bound to him, and 
through fear for themselves may not dare to accuse 
him for his wicked words and deeds. (20) But he 
has also made them rich; on which account he is 
loved and admired by those who covet such
13 things. We know, beloved, that the bishop
and all the clergy should be an example to
the people of all good works. And we are not 
ignorant how many have fallen or incurred 
suspicion, through the women whom they have thus 
brought in. So that even if we should allow that 
he commits no sinful act, yet he ought to avoid 
the suspicion which arises from such a thing, lest 
he scandalize some one, or lead
14 others to imitate him. For how can he re-
prove or admonish another not to be too
familiar with women,--lest he fall, as it is 
written, (21)--when he has himself sent one away 
already, and now has two with him, blooming and

beautiful, and takes them with him wherever he 
goes, and at the same time lives in luxury
and surfeiting? Because of these things all 15
mourn and lament by themselves; but they
so fear his tyranny and power, that they
dare not accuse him. But as we have said,
while one might call the man to account
for this conduct, if he held the Catholic doctrine 
and was numbered with us, (28) since he has 
scorned the mystery and struts about in the 
abominable heresy of Artemas (23) (for why should 
we not mention his father?), we think it 
unnecessary to demand of him an explanation of 
these things."
Afterwards, at the close of the epistle, 17 they 
add these words:
"Therefore we have been compelled to excommunicate 
him, since he sets himself against God, and 
refuses to obey; and to appoint in i his place 
another bishop for the Catholic Church. By divine 
direction, as we believe, we have appointed 
Domnus, (24) who is adorned with all the qualities 
becoming in a bishop, and who is a son of the 
blessed Demetrianus, (25) who formerly
presided in a distinguished manner over the  same 
parish. We have informed you of this that
you may write to him, and may receive letters of 
communion (26) from him. But let this man write to 
Artemas; and let those who think as Artemas does, 
communicate with him." (27)


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	    18    As Paul had fallen from the episcopate, 
as well as from the orthodox faith, Domnus, as has 
been said, became bishop of the
	    19 church at Antioch. But as Paul refused to 
surrender the church building, the Emperor 
Aurelian was petitioned; and he decided the matter 
most equitably, ordering the building to be given 
to those to whom the bishops of Italy and of the 
city of Rome should adjudge it. (28) Thus this man 
was driven out of the church, with extreme 
disgrace, by the worldly power. Such was 
Aurelian's treatment of us at that time; but in 
the course of his reign he changed his mind in 
regard to us, and was moved by certain advisers to 
institute a persecution against us. (29) And there 
was great talk about
21 this on every side. But as he was about to
do it, and was, so to speak, in the very act
of signing the decrees against us, the divine 
judgment came upon him and restrained him at the 
very verge (30) of his undertaking, showing in a 
manner that all could see clearly, that the rulers 
of this world can never find an opportunity 
against the churches of Christ, except the hand, 
that defends them permits it, in divine and 
heavenly judgment, for the sake of discipline and
correction, at such times as it sees best.    
	    After a reign of six years, (31) Aurelian was
succeeded by Probus. He reigned for the same 
number of years, and Carus, with his sons,

Carinus and Numerianus, succeeded him. After they 
had reigned less than three years the government 
devolved on Diocletian, and those associated with 
him. (32) Under them took place the persecution of 
our time, and the destruction of the churches 
connected with it. Shortly before this, Dionysius, 
(32) bishop of 23 Rome, after holding office for 
nine years,
died, and was succeeded by Felix. (34)

CHAPTER XXXI.

The Perversive Heresy of the Manicheans which
began at this Time.

AT this time, the madman, (1) named from  1
his demoniacal heresy, armed himself in
the perversion of his reason, as the devil, Satan,


317

who himself fights against God, put him forward to 
the destruction of many. He was a barbarian in 
life, both in word and deed; and in his nature 
demoniacal and insane. In consequence of this he 
sought to pose as Christ, and being puffed up in 
his madness, he proclaimed himself the Paraclete 
and the very Holy Spirit; (2) and afterwards, like 
Christ, he chose twelve disciples 2 as partners of 
his new doctrine. And
he patched together false and godless doctrines 
collected from a multitude of long-extinct 
impieties, and swept them, like a deadly poison, 
from Persia to our part of the world. From him the 
impious name of the Manicheans is still prevalent 
among many. Such was the foundation of this 
"knowledge falsely so-called," (8) which sprang up 
in those times.

CHAPTER XXXII.

	    The Distinguished Ecclesiastics (1) of our 
Day, and which of them survived until the 
Destruction of the Churches.

1   At this time, Felix, (2) having presided over
the church of Rome for five years, was succeeded 
by Eutychianus, (3) but he in less than ten months 
left the position to Caius, (4) who lived in our 
day. He held it about fifteen years, and was in 
turn succeeded by Marcellinus, (5) who was

overtaken by the persecution. About the 2  same 
time Timaeus (6) received the episcopate
of Antioch after Domnus, (7) and Cyril, (8) who 
lived
in our day, succeeded him. In his time we
became acquainted with Dorotheus, (9) a man of
learning among those of his day, who was honored 
with the office of presbyter in Antioch.
He was a lover of the beautiful in divine things,
and devoted himself to the Hebrew language,
so that he read the Hebrew Scriptures
with facility. (10) He belonged to those who(3)
were especially liberal, and was not unacquainted 
with Grecian propaedeutics. (11) Besides
this he was a eunuch, (12) having been so from
his very birth. On this account, as if it were a
miracle, the emperor (13) took him into his 
family,
and honored him by placing him over the
purple dye-works at Tyre. We have heard
him expound the Scriptures wisely in
the Church. After Cyril, Tyrannus (14) re- 4


318

ceived the episcopate of the parish of Antioch. In 
his time occurred the destruction of the
	churches.
5   Eusebius, (15) who had come from the city
of Alexandria, ruled the parishes of Laodicea 
after Socrates. (16) The occasion of his removal 
thither was the affair of Paul. He went on this 
account to Syria, and was restrained from 
returning home by those there who were zealous in 
divine things. Among our contemporaries he was a 
beautiful example of religion, as is readily seen 
from the words of Dionysius which we have quoted. 
(17) Anatolius (18) was appointed his successor; 
one good man, as they say, following another. He 
also was an Alexandrian by birth. In learning and 
skill in Greek philosophy, such as arithmetic and 
geometry, astronomy, and dialectics in general, as 
well as in the theory of physics, he stood first 
among the ablest men of our time, and he was also 
at the head in rhetorical science. It is reported 
that for this reason he was requested by the 
citizens of Alexandria to establish there a school 
of Aristotelian philosophy. (19)
7   They relate of him many other eminent
deeds during the siege of the Pyrucheium (20)

in Alexandria, on account of which he was 
especially honored by all those in high office; 
but
I will give the following only as an example.
They say that bread had failed the besieged,8
so that it was more difficult to withstand
the famine than the enemy outside; but he being 
present provided for them in this manner. As the 
other part of the city was allied with the Roman 
army, and therefore was not under siege, Anatolius 
sent for Eusebius,--for he was still there before 
his transfer to Syria, and was among those who 
were not besieged, and possessed, moreover, a 
great reputation and a renowned name which had 
reached even the Roman general,--and he informed 
him of those who were perishing in the siege from
famine. When he learned this he requested 9 the 
Roman commander as the greatest possible favor, to 
grant safety to deserters from the enemy. Having 
obtained his request, he communicated it to 
Anatolius. As soon as he received the message he 
convened the senate of Alexandria, and at first 
proposed that all should come to a reconciliation 
with the Romans. But when he perceived that they 
were angered by this advice, he said, "But I do 
not think you will oppose me, if I counsel you to 
send the supernumeraries and those who are in 
nowise useful to us, as old women and children and 
old

men, outside the gates, to go wherever they may
please. For why should we retain for no purpose 
these who must at any rate soon die? and
why should we destroy with hunger those who
are crippled and maimed in body, when we
ought to provide only for men and youth, and to
distribute the necessary bread among those who
are needed for the garrison of the city?"
With such arguments he persuaded the assembly 10 , 
and rising first he gave his vote that
the entire multitude, whether of men or women, who 
were not needful for the army, should depart from 
the city, because if they remained and 
unnecessarily continued in the city, there would 
be for them no hope of safety, but they would
perish with famine. As all the others in the 11
senate agreed to this, he saved almost all the

besieged. He provided that first, those belonging 
to the church, and afterwards, of the others in 
the city, those of every age should escape, not 
only the classes included in the decree, but, 
under cover of these, a multitude of others, 
secretly clothed in women's garments; and through 
his management they went out of the gates by night 
and escaped to the Roman camp.


319

There Eusebius, like a father and physician, 
received all of them, wasted away through the
long siege, and restored them by every kind
12 of prudence and care. The church of
Laodicea was honored by two such pastors
in succession, who, in the providence of God, came 
after the aforesaid war from Alexandria to
	that city.
13  Anatolius did not write very many works;
but in such as have come down to us we
	can discern his eloquence and erudition. In
	these he states particularly his opinions on the
	passover. It seems important to give here the
	following extracts from them. (21)
		From the Paschal Canons of Anatolius.
14  "There is then in the first year the new
moon of the first month, which is the beginning of 
every cycle of nineteen years, (21a) on the 
twenty-sixth day of the Egyptian Phamenoth; (22) 
but according to the months of the Macedonians, 
the twenty-second day of Dystrus, (23) or, as the 
Romans would say, the eleventh before
15 the Kalends of April. On the said twenty-
sixth of Phamenoth, the sun is found not
only entered on the first segment, (24) but 
already passing through the fourth day in it. They 
are accustomed to call this segment the first 
dodecatomorion, (25) and the equinox, and the 
beginning of months, and the head of the cycle, 
and the starting-point of the planetary circuit. 
But they call the one preceding this the last of 
months, and the twelfth segment, and the final 
dodecatomorion, and the end of the planetary 
circuit. Wherefore we maintain that those who 
place the first month in it, and determine by it 
the fourteenth of the passover, commit no slight 
or common blunder. And this is not an opinion of 
our own; but it was known to the Jews of old, even 
before Christ, and was carefully observed by them. 
This may be learned from what is said by Philo, 
Josephus,

and Musaeus; (25) and not only by them, but also 
by those yet more ancient, the two Agathobuli, 
(27) surnamed 'Masters,' and the famous 
Aristobulus, (28) who was chosen among the seventy 
interpreters of the sacred and divine Hebrew 
Scriptures (29) by Ptolemy Philadelphus and his 
father, and who also dedicated his exegetical 
books
on the law of Moses to the same kings. These 17
writers, explaining questions in regard to
the Exodus, say that all alike should sacrifice 
the passover offerings after the vernal equinox, 
in the middle of the first month. But this occurs 
while the sun is passing through the first segment 
of the solar, or as some of them have styled it, 
the zodiacal circle. Aristobulus adds that it is 
necessary for the feast of the passover, that not 
only the sun should pass through the equinoctial 
segment, but the moon also.
For as there are two equinoctial segments, 18
the vernal and the autumnal, directly opposite 
each other, and as the day of the passover was 
appointed on the fourteenth of the month, 
beginning with the evening, the moon will hold a 
position diametrically opposite the sun, as may be 
seen in full moons; and the sun will be in the 
segment of the vernal equinox, and of necessity 
the moon in that of the autumnal.
I know that many other things have been (19) said 
by them, some of them probable, and some 
approaching absolute demonstration, by which they 
endeavor to prove that it is altogether necessary 
to keep the passover and the feast of unleavened 
bread after the equinox. But I refrain from 
demanding this sort of demonstration for matters 
from which the veil of the Mosaic law has been 
removed, so that now at


320

length with uncovered face we continually behold 
as in a glass Christ and the teachings and 
sufferings of Christ. (30) But that with the 
Hebrews the first month was near the equinox, the 
teachings also of the Book of Enoch show." (31)
	    20    The same writer has also left the 
Institutes of Arithmetic, in ten books, (32) and 
other evidences of his experience and proficiency
	    21 in divine things. Theotecnus, (33) bishop 
of Caesarea in Palestine, first ordained him as 
bishop, designing to make him his successor in his 
own parish after his death. And for a short time 
both of them presided over the same church. (34) 
But the synod which was held to consider Paul's 
case (35) called him to Antioch, and as he passed 
through the city of Laodicea, Eusebius being dead, 
he was detained by
22 the brethren there. And after Anatolius
had departed this life, the last bishop of
that parish before the persecution was Stephen, 
(36) who was admired by many for his knowledge of 
philosophy and other Greek learning. But he was 
not equally devoted to the divine faith, as the 
progress of the persecution manifested; for it 
showed that he was a cowardly and unmanly 
dissembler rather than a true philosopher 23. But 
this did not seriously injure the
church, for Theodotus (37) restored their affairs, 
being straightway made bishop of that parish by 
God himself, the Saviour of all. He justified by 
his deeds both his lordly name (88) and his office 
of bishop. For he excelled in the medical art for 
bodies, and in the healing art for souls. Nor did 
any other man equal him in kindness, sincerity, 
sympathy, and zeal in helping such as needed his 
aid. He was also greatly devoted to divine 
learning. Such an one was he.
In Caesarea in Palestine, Agapius succeeded 24 
Theotecnus, who had most zealously performed the 
duties of his episcopate. Him too we know to have 
labored diligently, and to have manifested most 
genuine providence in his oversight of the people, 
particularly caring
for all the poor with liberal hand. In his 25
time we became acquainted with Pamphilus, (40) 
that most eloquent man, of truly philosophical 
life, who was esteemed worthy of the office of 
presbyter in that parish. It would be no small 
matter to show what sort of a man he was and 
whence he came. But we have de-


321

scribed, in our special work concerning him, (41) 
all the particulars of his life, and of the school 
which he established, and the trials which he 
endured in many confessions during the 
persecution, and the crown of martyrdom with which 
he was finally honored. But of all that were
there he was indeed the most admirable. 26 Among 
those nearest our times, we have known Pierius, 
(42) of the presbyters in Alexandria, and 
Meletius, (43) bishop of the churches in Pontus, 
-- rarest of men. The first was distinguished for 
his life of extreme poverty and his philosophic 
learning, and was exceedingly diligent in the 
contemplation and exposition of divine things, and 
in public discourses in the church. Meletius, whom 
the learned called the "honey of Attica," (44) was 
a man whom every one would describe as most 
accomplished in all kinds of learning; and it

would be impossible to admire sufficiently his 
rhetorical skill. It might be said that he 
possessed this by nature; but who could surpass 
the excellence of his great experience and 
erudition in other respects? For in all branches 
of knowledge had you undertaken to try him even 
once, you would have said that he was the most 
skillful and learned. Moreover, the virtues of his 
life were not less remarkable. We observed him 
well in the time of the persecution, when for 
seven full years he was escaping from its fury in 
the regions of Palestine.
Zambdas (45) received the episcopate of the church 
of Jerusalem after the bishop Hymenaeus, whom we 
mentioned a little above. (46) He died in a short 
time, and Hermon, (47) the last before the 
persecution in our day, succeeded to the apostolic 
chair, which has been preserved there until the 
present time. (48) In Alexandria, Maximus, (49) 
who, after the death of Dionysius, (50) had been 
bishop for eighteen years, was succeeded by 
Theonas. (51) In his time Achillas, (52) who had 
been appointed a pres-


322

byter in Alexandria at the same time with Pierius, 
became celebrated. He was placed over the school 
of the sacred faith, (53) and exhibited fruits of 
philosophy most rare and inferior
to none, and conduct genuinely evangelical 31. 
After Theonas had held the office
for nineteen years, Peter (54) received the
episcopate in Alexandria, and was very eminent 
among them for twelve entire years. Of these he 
governed the church less than three years before 
the persecution, and for the remainder of his life 
he subjected himself to a more rigid discipline 
and cared in no secret manner for the general 
interest of the churches. On this account he was 
beheaded in the ninth year of the persecution, and 
was adorned with the crown of martyrdom.

Having written out m these books the 32 account of 
the successions from the birth of our Saviour to 
the destruction of the places of worship, -- a 
period of three hundred and five years, (55) 
permit me to pass on to the contests of those who, 
in our day, have heroically fought for religion, 
and to leave in writing, for the information of 
posterity, the extent and the magnitude of those 
conflicts.


BOOK VIII.

INTRODUCTION.

As we have described in seven books the events 
from the time of the apostles, (1) we think it 
proper in this eighth book to record for the 
information of posterity a few of the most 
important occurrences of our own times, which are 
worthy of permanent record. Our account will begin 
at this point.

CHAPTER I.

The Events which preceded the Persecution in
		our
		
1   It is beyond our ability to describe in a
suitable manner the extent and nature of
the glory and freedom with which the word of piety 
toward the God of the universe, proclaimed to the 
world through Christ, was honored among all men, 
both Greeks and barbarians, before the persecution 
in our day. The favor shown our people by the 
rulers might be adduced as evidence; as they 
committed to them the government of provinces, (1) 
and on account of the great friendship which they 
entertained toward their doctrine, released them
3  from anxiety in regard to sacrificing. Why
need I speak of those in the royal palaces,
and of the rulers over all, who allowed the 
members of their households, wives (2) and 
children and servants, to speak openly before them 
for the Divine word and life, and suffered them 
almost to boast of the freedom of their faith? 
Indeed they esteemed them highly, and
4  preferred them to their fellow-servants. Such
an one was that Dorotheus, (3) the most de-

voted and faithful to them of all, and on this 
account especially honored by them among those who 
held the most honorable offices and governments. 
With him was the celebrated Gorgonius, (4) and as 
many as had been esteemed worthy of the same 
distinction on account of
the word of God. And one could see the  5
rulers in every church accorded the great-
est favor (5) by all officers and governors.
But how can any one describe those vast 
assemblies, and the multitude that crowded 
together in every city, and the famous gatherings 
in the houses of prayer; on whose account not 
being satisfied with the ancient buildings they 
erected from the foundation
large churches in all the cities? No envy 6 
hindered the progress of these affairs which 
advanced gradually, and grew and increased day by 
day. Nor could any evil demon slander them or 
hinder them through human counsels, so long as the 
divine and heavenly hand watched over and guarded 
his own people as worthy.
But when on account of the abundant  7
freedom, we fell into laxity and sloth, and
envied and reviled each other, and were almost, as 
it were, taking up arms against one another, 
rulers assailing rulers with words like spears, 
and people forming parties against people, and 
monstrous hypocrisy and dissimulation rising to 
the greatest height of wickedness, the divine 
judgment with forbearance, as is its pleasure, 
while the multitudes yet continued to assemble, 
gently and moderately harassed the episcopacy.
This persecution began with the brethren8
in the army. But as if without sensibility,
we were not eager to make the Deity favorable and 
propitious; and some, like atheists, thought that 
our affairs were unheeded and ungoverned; and thus 
we added one wickedness to another.


324

And those esteemed our shepherds, casting aside 
the bond of piety, were excited to conflicts with 
one another, and did nothing else than heap up 
strifes and threats and jealousy and enmity and 
hatred toward each other, like tyrants eagerly 
endeavoring to assert their power. Then, truly, 
according to the word of Jeremiah, "The Lord in 
his wrath darkened the daughter of Zion, and cast 
down the glory of Israel from heaven to earth, and 
remembered not his foot-  stool in the day of his 
anger. The Lord also overwhelmed all the beautiful 
things of Israel, and threw down all his 
strongholds." (6) And according to what was 
foretold in the Psalms: "He has made void the 
covenant of his servant, and profaned his 
sanctuary to the earth, --in the destruction of 
the churches, -and has thrown down all his 
strongholds, and has made his fortresses 
cowardice. All that pass by have plundered the 
multitude of the people; and he has become besides 
a reproach to his neighbors. For he has exalted 
the right hand of his enemies, and has turned back 
the help of his sword, and has not taken his part 
in the war. But he has deprived him of 
purification, and has cast his throne to the 
ground. He has shortened the days of his time, and 
besides all, has poured out shame upon him." (7)

		CHAPTER II.
	The Destruction of the Churches.
1	All these things were fulfilled in us, when
	we saw with our own eyes the houses of
prayer thrown down to the very foundations, and 
the Divine and Sacred Scriptures committed to the 
flames in the midst of the market-places, and the 
shepherds of the churches basely hidden here and 
there, and some of them captured ignominiously, 
and mocked by their enemies. When also, according 
to another prophetic word, "Contempt was poured 
out upon rulers, and he caused them to wander in 
an untrodden and pathless way." (1)
2.   But it is not our place to describe the sad
misfortunes which finally came upon them,
as we do not think it proper, moreover, to record 
their divisions and unnatural conduct to each 
other before the persecution. Wherefore we have 
decided to relate nothing concerning them except 
the things in which we can vindicate 3 the Divine 
judgment. Hence we
shall not mention those who were shaken
by the persecution, nor those who in everything 
pertaining to salvation were shipwrecked, and by 
their own will were sunk in the depths of the

flood. But we shall introduce into this history in 
general only those events which may be use-fill 
first to ourselves and afterwards to posterity. 
(2) Let us therefore proceed to describe briefly 
the sacred conflicts of the witnesses of the 
Divine Word.
It was in the nineteenth year of the reign (4) of 
Diocletian, (3) in the month Dystrus, (4) called 
March by the Romans, when the feast of the 
Saviour's passion was near at hand, (5) that royal 
edicts were published everywhere, commanding that 
the churches be leveled to the ground and the 
Scriptures be destroyed by fire, and ordering that 
those who held places of honor be degraded, and 
that the household servants, if they persisted in 
the profession of Christianity, be deprived of 
freedom. (6)


325

5   Such was the first edict against us. But
not long after, other decrees were issued,
commanding that all the rulers of the churches in 
every place be first thrown into prison, (7) and 
afterwards by every artifice be compelled to 
sacrifices. (8)

CHAPTER III.

The Nature of the Conflicts endured in the
Persecution.

Then truly a great many rulers of the  1
churches eagerly endured terrible sufferings,
and furnished examples of noble conflicts. But
a multitude of others, (1) benumbed in spirit by
fear., were easily weakened at the first onset.
Of the rest each one endured different forms of
torture. (2) The body of one was scourged with
rods. Another was punished with insupportable
rackings and scrapings, in which some suffered a 
miserable death. Others passed  2
through different conflicts. Thus one, while
those around pressed him on by force and dragged 
him to the abominable and impure sacrifices, was 
dismissed as if he had sacrificed, though he had 
not. (3) Another, though he had not approached at 
all, nor touched any polluted


326

thing, when others said that he had sacrificed, 
went away, bearing the accusation in silence. 
Another being taken up half dead, was cast
aside as if already dead, and again a certain
3  one lying upon the ground was dragged a
long distance by his feet and counted
among those who had sacrificed. One cried out and 
with a loud voice testified his rejection of the 
sacrifice; another shouted that he was a 
Christian, being resplendent in the confession of 
the saving Name. Another protested that he had not 
sacrificed and never would. But they were struck 
in the mouth and silenced by a large band of 
soldiers who were drawn
4 up for this purpose; and they were smitten
on the face and cheeks and driven away
by force; so important did the enemies of piety 
regard it, by any means, to seem to have 
accomplished their purpose. But these things did 
no+ avail them against the holy martyrs; for an 
accurate description of whom, what word of ours 
could suffice?

CHAPTER IV.

	    The Famous Martyrs of God, who filled Every 
Place with their Memory and won Various Crowns in 
behalf of Religion.

1   For we might tell of many who showed
admirable zeal for the religion of the God
	    of the universe, not only from the beginning 
of the general persecution, but long before that 
time, while yet peace prevailed. For though he who 
had received power was seemingly aroused now as 
from a deep sleep, yet from the time after Decius 
and Valerian, he had been plotting secretly and 
without notice against the churches. He did not 
wage war against all of us at once, but made trial 
at first only of those in the army. For he 
supposed that the others could be taken easily if 
he should first attack and subdue these. Thereupon 
many of the soldiers were seen most cheerfully 
embracing private life, so that they might not 
deny their piety toward the Creator of the 
universe. For when the commander, (1) whoever he 
was, (2) began to persecute the soldiers, 
separating onto tribes an purging those who were 
enrolled in the army, giving them the choice 
either by obeying to receive the honor which 
belonged to them, or on the other hand to be 
deprived of it if they disobeyed the command, a 
great many soldiers of Christ's kingdom, without 
hesitation, instantly preferred the confession of 
him to the seeming glory and
prosperity which they were enjoying. And 4
one and another of them occasionally received in 
exchange, for their pious constancy, (3) not only 
the loss of position, but death. But as yet the 
instigator of this plot proceeded with moderation, 
and ventured so far as blood only in some 
instances; for the multitude of believers, as it 
is likely, made him afraid, and deterred him from 
waging war at once against all.
But when he made the attack more boldly,  5
it is impossible to relate how many and
what sort of martyrs of God could be seen, among 
the inhabitants of all the cities and countries. 
(4)

CHAPTER V.

Those in Nicomedia. (1)

Immediately on the publication of the 1
decree against the churches in Nicomedia, (2)
a certain man, not obscure but very highly honored 
with distinguished temporal dignities, moved with 
zeal toward God, and incited with ardent faith, 
seized the edict as it was posted openly and 
publicly, and tore it to pieces as a profane and 
impious thing; (3) and this was done


357

while two of the sovereigns were in the same city, 
-- the oldest of all, and the one who held the 
fourth place in the government after him. (4) But 
this man, first in that place, after 
distinguishing himself in such a manner suffered 
those things which were likely to follow such 
daring, and kept his spirit cheerful and 
undisturbed till death.

CHAPTER VI.

Those in the Palace.

1   This period produced divine and illustrious 
martyrs, above all whose praises have
ever been sung and who have been celebrated for 
courage, whether among Greeks or barbarians, in 
the person of Dorotheus (1) and the servants that 
were with him in the palace. Although they 
received the highest honors from their masters, 
and were treated by them as their own children, 
they esteemed reproaches and trials for religion, 
and the many forms of death that were invented 
against them, as, in truth, greater riches than 
the glory and luxury of this life.
We will describe the manner in which one of them 
ended his life, and leave our readers to infer 
from his case the sufferings of the others. A 
certain man was brought forward in the 
above-mentioned city, before the rulers of whom we 
have spoken. (2) He was then commanded to 
sacrifice, but as he refused, he was ordered to be 
stripped and raised on high and beaten with rods 
over his entire body, until, being conquered, he 
should, even against
3 his will, do what was commanded. But as
he was unmoved by these sufferings, and
his bones were already appearing, they mixed 
vinegar with salt and poured it upon the mangled 
parts of his body. As he scorned these agonies, a 
gridiron and fire were brought forward. And the 
remnants of his body, like flesh intended for 
eating, were placed on the fire, not at once, lest 
he should expire instantly, but a little at a 
time. And those who placed him on the pyre were 
not permitted to desist until, after such 
sufferings, he should assent to the
4 things commanded. But he held his purpose 
firmly, and victoriously gave up his

life while the tortures were still going on. Such 
was the martyrdom of one of the servants of the 
palace, who was indeed well worthy of his
name, for he was called Peter. (3) The martyrdoms 
5 of the rest, though they were not inferior to 
his, we will pass by for the sake of brevity, 
recording only that Dorotheus and Gorgonius, (4) 
with many others of the royal household, after 
varied sufferings, ended their lives by 
strangling, and bore away the trophies of 
God-given victory.
At this time Anthimus, (5) who then pro-  6
sided over the church in Nicomedia, was
beheaded for his testimony to Christ. A great 
multitude of martyrs were added to him, a 
conflagration having broken out in those very days 
in the palace at Nicomedia, I know not how, which 
through a false suspicion was laid to our


328

people. (6) Entire families of the pious in that 
place were put to death in masses at the royal 
command, some by the sword, and others by fire. It 
is reported that with a certain divine and 
indescribable eagerness men and women rushed into 
the fire. And the executioners bound a large 
number of others and put them on boats (7) and 
threw them into the depths of
7  the sea. And those who had been esteemed their 
masters considered it necessary to dig up the 
bodies of the imperial servants, who had been 
committed to the earth with suitable burial (7) 
and cast them into the sea, lest any, as they 
thought, regarding them as gods, might worship 
them lying in their sepulchers. (8)
	Such things occurred in Nicomedia at the
8  beginning of the persecution. (9) But not
long after, as persons in the country called
Melitene, (10) and others throughout Syria, (11) 
at-

tempted to usurp the government, a royal edict 
directed that the rulers of the churches 
everywhere (12) should lye thrown into prison and
bonds. What was to be seen after this  9
exceeds all description. A vast multitude
were imprisoned in every place; and the prisons
everywhere, which had long before been pre-
pared for murderers and robbers of graves,
were filled with bishops, presbyters and deacons, 
readers and exorcists, (13) so that room was
no longer left in them for those condemned
for crimes. And as other decrees followed 10
the first, directing that those in prison if
they would sacrifice should be permitted to depart 
in freedom, but that those who refused should be 
harassed with many tortures, (14) how could any 
one, again, number the multitude of martyrs in 
every province, (15) and especially of those in 
Africa, and Mauritania, and Thebais, and Egypt? 
From this last country many went into other cities 
and provinces, and became illustrious through 
martyrdom.

CHAPTER VII.

The Egyptians in Phoenicia.

THOSE of them that were conspicuous in 1
Palestine we know, as also those that were
at Tyre in Phoenicia. (1) Who that saw them was


329

not astonished at the numberless stripes, and at 
the firmness which these truly wonderful athletes 
of religion exhibited under them? and at their 
contest, immediately after the scourging, with 
bloodthirsty wild beasts, as they were cast before 
leopards and different kinds of bears and wild 
boars and bulls goaded with fire and red-hot iron? 
and at the marvelous endurance of these noble men 
in the face of all sorts of wild beasts?
We were present ourselves when these things 
occurred, and have put on record the divine power 
of our martyred Saviour Jesus Christ, which was 
present and manifested itself mightily in the 
martyrs. For a long time the man-devouring beasts 
did not dare to touch or draw near the bodies of 
those dear to God, but rushed upon the others who 
from the outside irritated and urged them on. And 
they would not in the least touch the holy 
athletes, as they stood alone and naked and shook 
their hands at them to draw them toward 
themselves,--for they were commanded to do this. 
But whenever they rushed at them, they were 
restrained as if by some diviner power and 
retreated
3 again. This continued for a long time,
and occasioned no little wonder to the
	    spectators. And as the first wild beast did 
nothing, a second and a third were let loose
4 against one and the same martyr. One
could not but be astonished at the invincible 
firmness of these holy men, and the enduring and 
immovable constancy of those whose bodies were 
young. You could have seen a youth not twenty 
years of age standing unbound and stretching out 
his hands in the form of a cross, with unterrified 
and untrembling mind, engaged earnestly in prayer 
to God, and not in the least going back or 
retreating from the place where he stood, while 
bears and leopards, breathing rage and death, 
almost touched his flesh. And yet their mouths 
were restrained, I know not how, by a divine and 
incomprehensible power, and they ran back again to 
their place. Such an one was he.
5   Again you might have seen others, for
they were five in all, cast before a wild bull,
who tossed into the air with his horns those who 
approached from the outside, and mangled them, 
leaving them to be token up half dead; but when he 
rushed with rage and threatening upon the holy 
martyrs, who were standing alone, he was unable to 
come near them; but though he stamped with his 
feet, and pushed in all directions with his horns, 
and breathed rage and threatening on account of 
the irritation of the burning irons, he was, 
nevertheless, held back by the sacred Providence. 
And as he in nowise harmed them, they let loose 
other
wild beasts upon them. Finally, after these  6
terrible and various attacks upon them,
they were all slain with the sword; and instead of 
being buried in the earth they were committed to 
the waves of the sea.

CHAPTER VIII. These in Egypt. (1)
Such was the conflict of those Egyptians  1
who contended nobly for religion in Tyre.
But we must admire those also who suffered 
martyrdom in their native land; where thousands of 
men, women, and children, despising the present 
life for the sake of the teaching of our Saviour, 
endured various deaths. Some of them, after 
scrapings and rackings and severest scourgings, 
and numberless other kinds of tortures, terrible 
even to hear of, were committed to the flames; 
some were drowned in the sea; some offered their 
heads bravely to those who cut them off; some died 
under their tortures, and others perished with 
hunger. And yet others were crucified; some 
according to the method commonly employed for 
malefactors; others yet more cruelly, being nailed 
to the cross with their heads downward, and being 
kept alive until they perished on the cross with 
hunger.

CHAPTER IX.

Those in Thebais. (1)

It would be impossible to describe the  1
outrages and tortures which the martyrs in
Thebais endured. They were scraped over the entire 
body with shells instead of hooks until they died. 
Women were bound by one foot and raised aloft in 
the air by machines, and with their bodies 
altogether bare and uncovered, presented to all 
beholders this most shameful,
cruel, and inhuman spectacle. Others being 2
bound to the branches and trunks of trees
perished. For they drew the stoutest branches


330

together with machines, and bound the limbs of the 
martyrs to them; and then, allowing the branches 
to assume their natural position, they
tore asunder instantly the limbs of those
3 for whom they contrived this. All these
things were done, not for a few days or a
short time, but for a long series of years. 
Sometimes more than ten, at other times above 
twenty were put to death. Again not less than 
thirty, then about sixty, and yet again a hundred 
men with young children and women, were slain in 
one day, being condemned to various and diverse 
torments.
4     We, also being on the spot ourselves,

have observed large crowds in one day; some 
suffering decapitation, others torture by fire; so 
that the murderous sword was blunted, and becoming 
weak, was broken, and the very executioners grew 
weary and relieved each other. And we beheld the 
most wonderful ardor, and the truly divine energy 
and zeal of those who believed in the Christ of 
God. For as soon as sentence was pronounced 
against the first, one after another rushed to the 
judgment seat, and confessed themselves 
Christians. And regarding with indifference the 
terrible things and the multiform tortures, they 
declared themselves boldly and undauntedly for the 
religion of the God of the universe. And they 
received the final sentence of death with joy and 
laughter and cheerfulness; so that they sang and 
offered up hymns and thanksgivings to the God of 
the universe till their very last breath.
6   These indeed were wonderful; but yet
more wonderful were those who, being distinguished 
for wealth, noble birth, and honor,
and for learning and philosophy, held everything
secondary to the true religion and to faith 7 in 
our Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ. Such
an one was Philoromus, who held a high
office under the imperial government at 
Alexandria, (2) and who administered justice every 
day, attended by a military guard corresponding to 
his rank and Roman dignity. Such also was Phileas, 
(3) bishop of the church of Thmuis, a man eminent 
on account of his patriotism and the services 
rendered by him to his country, and also on 
account of his philosophical learning.
These persons, although a multitude of 8
relatives and other friends besought them,
and many in high position, and even the judge 
himself entreated them, that they would have 
compassion on themselves and show mercy to their 
children and wives, yet were not in the least 
induced by these things to choose the love of 
life, and to despise the ordinances of our Saviour 
concerning confession and denial. But with manly 
and philosophic minds, or rather with pious and 
God-loving souls, they persevered against all the 
threats and insults of the judge; and both of them 
were beheaded.

CHAPTER X.

The Writings of Phileas the Martyr describing the 
Occurrences at Alexandria.

Since we have mentioned Phileas as having 1 a high 
reputation for secular learning,
let him be his own witness in the following 
extract, in which he shows us who he was, and at 
the same time describes more accurately than we 
can the martyrdoms which occurred in his time at 
Alexandria: (1)
"Having before them all these examples and models 
and noble tokens which are given us in the Divine 
and Sacred Scriptures, the blessed martyrs who 
were with us did not hesitate, but directing the 
eye of the soul in sincerity toward the God over 
all, and having their mind set upon death for 
religion, they adhered firmly to their calling. 
For they understood that our Lord Jesus Christ had 
become man on our account, that he might cut off 
all sin and furnish us with the means of entrance 
into eter-


331

nal life. For 'he counted it not a prize to be on 
an equality with God, but emptied himself taking 
the form of a servant; and being found in fashion 
as a man, he humbled himself unto death, even the 
death of the cross.' (2) Wherefore also being 
zealous for the greater gifts, the Christ-bearing 
martyrs endured all trials and all kinds of 
contrivances for torture; not once only, but some 
also a second time. And although the guards vied 
with each other in threatening them in all sorts 
of ways, not in words only, but in actions, they 
did not give up their resolution; because 'perfect 
love casteth out fear.' (3)
4   "What words could describe their courage
and manliness under every torture? For
as liberty to abuse them was given to all that
	    wished, some beat them with clubs, others 
with rods, others with scourges, yet others with 
thongs, and others with ropes. And the spectacle 
of the outrages was varied and exhibited great 
malignity. For some, with their  hands bound 
behind them, were suspended on the stocks, and 
every member stretched by certain machines. Then 
the torturers, as commanded, lacerated with 
instruments (4) their entire bodies i not only 
their sides, as in the case of murderers, but also 
their stomachs and knees and cheeks. Others were 
raised aloft, suspended from the porch by one 
hand, and endured the most terrible suffering of 
all, through the distension of their joints and 
limbs. Others were bound face to face to pillars, 
not resting on their feet, but with the weight of 
their bodies bearing
on their bonds and drawing them tightly.
6 And they endured this, not merely as long
as the governor talked with them or was at
leisure, but through almost the entire day. For 
when he passed on to others, he left officers 
under his authority to watch the first, and 
observe if any of them, overcome by the tortures, 
appeared to yield. And he commanded to cast them 
into chains without mercy, and afterwards when 
they were at the last gasp to throw them to the 
ground and drag them away. For he said that they 
were not to have the least concern for us, but 
were to think and act as if we no longer existed, 
our enemies having invented this second mode of 
torture in addition to the stripes.
8   "Some, also, after these outrages, were
placed on the stocks, and had both their
feet stretched over the four (5) holes, so that 
they

were compelled to lie on their backs on the
stocks, being unable to keep themselves up on
account of the fresh wounds with which their
entire bodies were covered as a result of the
scourging. Others were thrown on the ground
and lay there under the accumulated infliction
of tortures, exhibiting to the spectators a more
terrible manifestation of severity, as they bore
on their bodies the marks of the various and 
diverse punishments which had been invented.
As this went on, some died under the tortures 9 , 
shaming the adversary by their constancy. Others 
half dead were shut up in prison,
and suffering with their agonies, they died in
a few days; but the rest, recovering under the
care which they received, gained confidence by
time and their long detention in prison.
When therefore they were ordered to choose 10
whether they would be released from molestation by 
touching the polluted sacrifice, and would receive 
from them the accursed freedom, or refusing to 
sacrifice, should be condemned to death, they did 
not hesitate, but went to death cheerfully. For 
they knew what had been declared before by the 
Sacred Scriptures. For it is said, (6) 'He that 
sacrificeth to other gods shall be utterly 
destroyed,' (7) and, 'Thou shalt have no other 
gods before me.'" (8)
Such are the words of the truly philosophical 11 
and God-loving martyr, which, be-
fore the final sentence, while yet in prison, he 
addressed to the brethren in his parish, showing 
them his own circumstances, and at the same time 
exhorting them to hold fast, even after his 
approaching death, to the religion of Christ.
But why need we dwell upon these things, 12 and 
continue to add fresh instances of the conflicts 
of the divine martyrs throughout the world, 
especially since they were dealt with no longer by 
common law, but attacked like enemies of war?

		CHAPTER XI. Those in Phrygia.
A Small town (1) of Phrygia, inhabited solely by 
Christians, was completely sur-


332

rounded by soldiers while the men were in it. 
Throwing fire into it, they consumed them with the 
women and children while they were calling upon 
Christ. This they did because all the inhabitants 
of the city, and the curator himself, and the 
governor, with all who held office, and the entire 
populace, confessed themselves Christians, and 
would not in the least obey those who commanded 
them to worship idols.
9.   There was another man of Roman dignity named 
Adauctus, (2) of a noble Italian
family, who had advanced through every honor under 
the emperors, so that he had blamelessly filled 
even the general offices of magistrate, as they 
call it, and of finance minister. (3) Besides  all 
this he excelled in deeds of piety and in the 
confession of the Christ of God, and was adorned 
with the diadem of martyrdom. He endured the 
conflict for religion while still holding the 
office of finance minister.

CHAPTER XII.

Many Others, both Men and Women, who
suffered in Various Ways.

1   Why need we mention the rest by name,
or number the multitude of the men, or picture the 
various sufferings of the admirable martyrs of 
Christ? Some of them were slain with the axe, as 
in Arabia. The limbs of some were

broken, as in Cappadocia. Some, raised on high by 
the feet, with their heads down, while a gentle 
fire burned beneath them, were suffocated by the 
smoke which arose from the burning wood, as was 
done in Mesopotamia. Others were mutilated by 
cutting off their noses and ears and hands, and 
cutting to pieces the other members and parts of 
their bodies, as in
Alexandria. (1) Why need we revive the 
recollection 2 of those in Antioch who were 
roasted
on grates, not so as to kill them, but so as
to subject them to a lingering punishment? Or
of others who preferred to thrust their right
hand into the fire rather than touch the impious 
sacrifice? Some, shrinking from the trial,
rather than be taken and fall into the hands
of their enemies, threw themselves from lofty
houses, considering death preferable to the
cruelty of the impious.
A certain holy person,--in soul admirable 3 for 
virtue, in body a woman, -- who
was illustrious beyond all in Antioch for wealth 
and family and reputation, had brought up in the 
principles of religion her two daughters, who were 
now in the freshness and bloom of life. Since 
great envy was excited on their account, every 
means was used to find them in their concealment; 
and when it was ascertained that they were away, 
they were summoned deceitfully to Antioch. Thus 
they were caught in the nets of the soldiers. When 
the woman saw herself and her daughters thus 
helpless, and knew the things terrible to speak of 
that men would do to them,--and the most 
unbearable of all terrible things, the threatened 
violation of their chastity, (2)--she exhorted 
herself and the maidens that they ought not to 
submit even to hear of this. For, she said, that 
to surrender their souls to the slavery of demons 
was worse than all deaths and destruction; and she 
set before them the only deliverance from all
these things,--escape to Christ. They then 4
listened to her advice. And after arranging
their garments suitably, they went aside from the 
middle of the road, having requested of the guards 
a little time for retirement, and cast themselves 
into a river which was flowing


333

by. Thus they destroyed themselves. (3) But there 
were two other virgins in the same city of Antioch 
who served God in all things, and were true 
sisters, illustrious in family and distinguished 
in life, young and blooming, serious in mind, 
pious in deportment, and admirable for zeal. As if 
the earth could not bear such excellence, the 
worshipers of demons commanded to cast them into 
the sea. And this was done to them.
6   In Pontus, others endured sufferings horrible 
to hear. Their fingers were pierced
with sharp reeds under their nails. Melted lead, 
bubbling and boiling with the heat, was poured 
down the backs of others, and they were roasted in 
the most sensitive parts of the body. Others 
endured on their bowels and privy members shameful 
and inhuman
and unmentionable torments, which the noble
and law-observing judges, to show their se-
verity, devised, as more honorable manifestations 
of wisdom. And new tortures were
continually invented, as if they were endeavoring, 
by surpassing one another, to gain!
8 prizes in a contest. But at the close of
these calamities, when finally they could
contrive no greater cruelties, and were weary of 
putting to death, and were filled and satiated 
with the shedding of blood, they turned to what 
they considered merciful and humane treatment, so 
that they seemed to be no longer devising 9 
terrible things against us. For they
said that it was not fitting that the cities
should be polluted with the blood of their own 
people, or that the government of their rulers, 
which was kind and mild toward all, should be 
defamed through excessive cruelty; but that rather 
the beneficence of the humane and royal authority 
should be extended to all, and we should no longer 
be put to death. For the infliction of this 
punishment upon us should be stopped in 
consequence of the humanity 10 of the rulers. 
Therefore it was commanded that our eyes should be 
put out,
and that we should be maimed in one of our limbs. 
For such things were humane in their sight, and 
the lightest of punishments for us. So that now on 
account of this kindly treatment accorded us by 
the impious, it was impossible to tell the 
incalculable number of those whose right eyes had 
first been cut out with the sword, and then had 
been cauterized with fire; or who had been 
disabled in the left foot by burning the joints, 
and afterward condemned to the provincial copper 
mines, not so much for service as for distress and 
hardship. Besides all these, others encountered 
other trials, which it is impossible to recount; 
for their manly
endurance surpasses all description. In 11
these conflicts the noble martyrs of Christ
shone illustrious over the entire world, and 
everywhere astonished those who beheld their 
manliness; and the evidences of the truly divine 
and unspeakable power of our Saviour were made 
manifest through them. To mention each by name 
would be a long task, if not indeed impossible.

CHAPTER XIII.

	    The Bishops of the Church that evinced by 
their Blood the Genuineness of the Religion which 
they preached.

As for the rulers of the Church that suffered 1
martyrdom in the principal cities, the first
martyr of the kingdom of Christ whom we shall 
mention among the monuments of the pious is 
Anthimus, (1) bishop of the city of Nicomedia,
who was beheaded. Among the martyrs 2 at Antioch 
was Lucian, (2) a presbyter of that parish, whose 
entire life was most excellent. At Nicomedia, in 
the presence of the emperor, he proclaimed the 
heavenly kingdom of Christ, first in an oral 
defense, and afterwards by
deeds as well. Of the martyrs in Phoenicia 3 the 
most distinguished were those devoted pastors of 
the spiritual flocks of Christ: Tyrannion, (3) 
bishop of the church of Tyre; Zenobius, a 
presbyter of the church at Sidon; and Silvanus, 
(4) bishop of the churches about Emesa.


334

4 The last of these, with others, was made
food for wild beasts at Emesa, and was thus
received into the ranks of martyrs. The other two 
glorified the word of God at Antioch through 
patience unto death. The bishop (5) was thrown 
into the depths of the sea. But Zenobius, who was 
a very skillful physician, died through severe 
tortures which were applied to his sides.
5  Of the martyrs in Palestine, Silvanus, (6) 
bishop
of the churches about Gaza, was beheaded
with thirty-nine others at the copper mines of 
Phaeno. (7) There also the Egyptian bishops,
Peleus and Nilus, (8) with others, suffered
6  death by fire. Among these we must mention 
Pamphilus, a presbyter, who was the
great glory of the parish of Caesarea, and among 
the men of our time most admirable. The virtue of 
his manly deeds we have recorded
7 in the proper place. (9) Of those who suffered 
death illustriously at Alexandria and
throughout Egypt and Thebais, Peter, (10) bishop 
of Alexandria, one of the most excellent teachers 
of the religion of Christ, should first be 
mentioned; and of the presbyters with him Faustus, 
(11) Dius and Ammonius, perfect martyrs of Christ; 
also Phileas, (12) Hesychius, (13) Pachymius and 
Theodorus, bishops of Egyptian churches, and 
besides them many other distinguished per-

sons who are commemorated by the parishes of
their country and region.
It is not for us to describe the conflicts of
those who suffered for the divine religion 
through-
out the entire world, and to relate accurately
what happened to each of them. This would
be the proper work of those who were eye-
witnesses of the events. I will describe for 
posterity in another work (14) those which I 
myself
witnessed. But in the present book (15) I will 8
add to what I have given the revocation
issued by our persecutors, and those events that 
occurred at the beginning of the persecution, 
which will be most profitable to such as shall 
read them.
What words could sufficiently describe the 9
greatness and abundance of the prosperity
of the Roman government before the war against
us, while the rulers were friendly and peaceable
toward us? Then those who were highest in
the government, and had held the position ten
or twenty years, passed their time in tranquil
peace, in festivals and public games and
most joyful pleasures and cheer. While 10
thus their authority was growing uninterruptedly, 
and increasing day by day, suddenly they changed 
their peaceful attitude toward us, and began an 
implacable war. But the second year of this 
movement was not yet past, when a


335

revolution took place in the entire government 11 
and overturned all things. For a
severe sickness came upon the chief of
those of whom we have spoken, by which his 
understanding was distracted; and with him who was 
honored with the second rank, he retired into 
private life. (16) Scarcely had he done this when 
the entire empire was divided; a thing which is 
not recorded as having ever
12 occurred before. (17) Not long after, the 
Emperor Constantius, who through his entire
life was most kindly and favorably disposed toward 
his subjects, and most friendly to the Divine 
Word, ended his life in the common course of 
nature, and left his own son, Constantine, as 
emperor and Augustus in his stead. (18) He was

the first that was ranked by them among the gods, 
and received after death every honor which one 
could pay to an emperor. He was the kindest and 
mildest of emperors, and the only one of those of 
our day that passed all the time of his government 
in a manner worthy of his office. Moreover, he 
conducted himself toward all most favorably and 
beneficently. He took not the smallest part in the 
war against us, but preserved the pious that were 
under him unharmed and unabused. He neither threw 
down the church buildings, (20) nor did he devise 
anything else against us. The end of his life was 
honorable and thrice blessed. He alone at death 
left his empire happily and gloriously to his own 
son as his successor,--one who was in all respects 
most prudent and pious.
His son Constantine entered on the government 14 
at once, being proclaimed supreme
emperor and Augustus by the soldiers, And long 
before by God himself, the King of all. He showed 
himself an emulator of his father's piety toward 
our doctrine. Such an one was he.
But after this, Licinius was declared emperor and 
Augustus by a common vote of the
rulers. (21) These things grieved Maximinus 15
greatly, for until that time he had been
entitled by all only Caesar. He therefore, being 
exceedingly imperious, seized the dignity for 
himself, and became Augustus, being made such by 
himself. (22) In the mean time he whom we


336

have mentioned as having resumed his dignity after 
his abdication, being detected in conspiring 
against the life of Constantine, perished by a 
most shameful death. (23) He was the first whose 
decrees and statues and public monuments were 
destroyed because of his wickedness and impiety. 
(24)

CHAPTER XIV.

The Character of the Enemies of Religion.

Maxentius his son, who obtained the government at 
Rome, (1) at first feigned our faith,

in complaisance and flattery toward the Roman 
people. On this account he commanded his subjects 
to cease persecuting the Christians, pretending to 
religion that he might appear merciful and mild 
beyond his predecessors. But he did not prove in 
his deeds2.
to be such a person as was hoped, but ran
into all wickedness and abstained from no impurity 
or licentiousness, committing adulteries and  
indulging in all kinds of corruption. For having 
separated wives from their lawful consorts, he 
abused them and sent them back most dishonor-ably 
to their husbands. And he not only practiced this 
against the obscure and unknown, but he insulted 
especially the most prominent and distinguished 
members of the Roman sen-
ate. All his subjects, people and rulers,  3
honored and obscure, were worn out by
grievous oppression. Neither, although they kept 
quiet, and bore the bitter servitude, was there 
any relief from the murderous cruelty of the 
tyrant. Once, on a small pretense, he gave the 
people to be slaughtered by his guards; and a 
great multitude of the Roman populace were slain 
in the midst of the city, with the spears and 
arms, not of Scythians and barbarians, but
of their own fellow-citizens. It would be 4
impossible to recount the number of senators who 
were put to death for the sake of their wealth; 
multitudes being slain on various
pretenses. To crown all his wickedness,  5
the tyrant resorted to magic. And in his
divinations he cut open pregnant women, and again 
inspected the bowels of newborn infants. He 
slaughtered lions, and performed various execrable 
acts to invoke demons and avert war. For his only 
hope was that, by these means, victory would be 
secured to
him. It is impossible to tell the ways in 6
which this tyrant at Rome oppressed his
subjects, so that they were reduced to such an 
extreme dearth of the necessities of life as has 
never been known, according to our contemporaries, 
either at Rome or elsewhere.
But Maximinus, the tyrant in the East,  7
having secretly formed a friendly alliance
with the Roman tyrant as with a brother in 
wickedness, sought to conceal it for a long time. 
But being at last detected, he suffered merited 
punishment. (2) It was wonderful 8


337

how akin he was in wickedness to the tyrant at 
Rome, or rather how far he surpassed him in it. 
For the chief of sorcerers and magi-clans were 
honored by him with the highest rank. Becoming 
exceedingly timid and superstitious, he valued 
greatly the error of idols and demons. Indeed, 
without soothsayers and oracles he did not venture 
to move even a finger, (3) so to speak. Therefore 
he persecuted us more violently and incessantly 
than his predecessors. He ordered temples to be 
erected in every city, and the sacred groves which 
had been destroyed through lapse of time to be 
speedily restored. He appointed idol priests in 
every place and city; and he set over them in 
every province, as high priest, some political 
official who had especially distinguished himself 
in every kind of service, giving him a band of 
soldiers and a body-guard. And to all jugglers, as 
if they were pious and beloved of the gods, he 
granted governments and the greatest
10 privileges. From this time on he distressed
and harassed, not one city or country, but
all the provinces under his authority, by extreme 
exactions of gold and silver and goods, and most 
grievous prosecutions and various fines. He took 
away from the wealthy the property which they had 
inherited from their ancestors, and bestowed vast 
riches and large sums of
11 money on the flatterers about him. And
he went to such an excess of folly. and
drunkenness that his mind was deranged and crazed 
in his carousals; and he gave commands when 
intoxicated of which he repented afterward when 
sober. He suffered no one to surpass him in 
debauchery and profligacy, but made 'himself an 
instructor in wickedness to those about him, both 
rulers and subjects. He urged on the army to live 
wantonly in every kind of revelry and 
intemperance, and encouraged the governors and 
generals to abuse their subjects with rapacity and 
covetousness, almost as if they were rulers with 
him. Why need we relate the licentious, shameless 
deeds of the man, or enumerate the multitude with 
whom he committed adultery? For he could not pass 
through a city without continually corrupting 
women and ravishing virgins. And in this he 
succeeded with all except the Christians. For as 
they despised death, they cared nothing for his 
power. For the men endured fire and sword and 
crucifixion and wild beasts and the depths of the 
sea,

and cutting off of limbs, anti burnings, and 
pricking and digging out of eyes, and mutilations 
of the entire body, and besides these, hunger and 
mines and bonds. In all they showed patience in 
behalf of religion rather than transfer to
idols the reverence due to God. And the 14
women were not less manly than the men
in behalf of the teaching of the Divine Word, as 
they endured conflicts with the men, and bore away 
equal prizes of virtue. And when they were dragged 
away for corrupt purposes, they surrendered their 
lives to death rather than their bodies to 
impurity. (4)
One only of those who were seized for 15
adulterous purposes by the tyrant, a most
distinguished and illustrious Christian woman in 
Alexandria, conquered the passionate and 
intemperate soul of Maximinus by most heroic 
firmness. Honorable on account of wealth and 
family and education, she esteemed all of these 
inferior to chastity. He urged her many times, but 
although she was ready to die, he could not put 
her to death, for his desire was stronger
than his anger. He therefore punished her 16
with exile, and took away all her property.
Many others, unable even to listen to the threats 
of violation from the heathen rulers, endured 
every form of tortures, and rackings, and deadly 
punishment.
These indeed should be admired. But far the most 
admirable was that woman at Rome, who was truly 
the most noble and modest of all, whom the tyrant 
Maxentius, fully resembling Maximinus in his 
actions, endeavored to
abuse. For when she learned that those 17
who served the tyrant in such matters were
at the house (she also was a Christian), and that 
her husband, although a prefect of Rome, would 
suffer them to take and lead her away, having 
requested a little time for adorning her body, she 
entered her chamber, and being alone, stabbed 
herself with a sword. Dying immediately, she left 
her corpse to those who had come for her. And by 
her deeds, more powerfully than by any words, she 
has shown to all men now and hereafter that the 
virtue which prevails among Christians is the only 
invincible and indestructible possession?
Such was the career of wickedness which 18
was carried forward at one and the same
time by the two tyrants who held the East and the 
West. Who is there that would hesitate, after 
careful examination, to pronounce the persecu-


338

CHAPTER XV.

The Events which happened to the Heathen. (1)

1   DURING the entire ten years (2) of the
persecution, they were constantly plotting
and warring against one another. (3) For the sea 
could not be navigated, nor could men sail from 
any port without being exposed to all kinds of 
outrages; being stretched on the rack and 
lacerated in their sides, that it might be 
ascertained through various tortures, whether they 
came from the enemy; and finally being subjected 
to punishment by the cross or by fire. And besides 
these things shields and breastplates were 
preparing, and darts and spears and other warlike 
accoutrements were making ready, and galleys and 
naval armor were collecting in every place. And no 
one expected anything else than to be attacked by 
enemies any day. In addition to this, famine and 
pestilence came upon them, in regard to which we 
shall relate what is necessary in the proper 
place. (4)

CHAPTER XVI.

The Change of Affirms for the Better.

1   Such was the state of affairs during the
entire persecution. But in the tenth year,
through the grace of God, it ceased altogether, 
having begun to decrease after the eighth year. 
(1) For when the divine and heavenly grace showed

us favorable and propitious oversight, then truly 
our rulers, and the very persons (2) by whom the 
war against us had been earnestly prosecuted, most 
remarkably changed their minds, and issued a 
revocation, and quenched the great fire of 
persecution which had been kindled, by merciful 
proclamations and ordinances concerning us. But 
this was not due to any (2)
human agency; nor was it the result, as one
might say, of the compassion or philanthropy of 
our rulers;--far from it, for daily from the 
beginning until that time they were devising more 
and more severe measures against us, and 
continually inventing outrages by a greater 
variety of instruments;--but it was manifestly due 
to the oversight of Divine Providence, on the one 
I hand becoming reconciled to his people, and on 
the other, attacking him a who instigated these 
evils, and showing anger toward him as the author 
of the cruelties of the entire persecution. For 
though it was necessary that (3)
these things should take place, according
to the divine judgment, yet the Word saith, "Woe 
to him through whom the offense cometh." (4) 
Therefore punishment from God came upon him, 
beginning with his flesh,
and proceeding to his soul. (5) For an abscess 4 
suddenly appeared in the midst of the
secret parts of his body, and from it a deeply 
perforated sore, which spread irresistibly into 
his inmost bowels. An indescribable multitude of 
worms sprang from them, and a deathly odor arose, 
as the entire bulk of his body had, through his 
gluttony, been changed, before his sickness, into 
an excessive mass of soft fat, which became 
putrid, and thus presented an awful and 
intolerable sight to those who came
near. Some of the physicians, being wholly (5) 
unable to endure the exceeding offensiveness of 
the odor, were slain; others, as the entire mass 
had swollen and passed beyond hope of restoration, 
and they were unable to render any help, were put 
to death without mercy.


339

CHAPTER XVII.

The Revocation of the Rulers.

WRESTLING with so many evils, he thought of the 
cruelties which he had committed against the 
pious. Turning, therefore, his thoughts toward 
himself, he first openly confessed to the God of 
the universe, and then summoning his attendants, 
he commanded that without delay they should stop 
the persecution of the Christians, and should by 
law and royal decree, urge them forward to build 
their churches and to perform their customary 
worship, offering prayers in behalf of the 
emperor. Immediately the deed followed the word. 
The imperial decrees were published in the cities, 
containing the revocation of the acts against us 
in the following form:
"The Emperor Caesar Galerius Valerius Maximinus, 
Invictus, Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, conqueror of 
the Germans, conqueror of the Egyptians, conqueror 
of the Thebans, five times conqueror of the 
Sarmatians, conqueror of the Persians, twice 
conqueror of the Carpathians, six times conqueror 
of the Armenians, conqueror of the Medes, 
conqueror of the Adiabeni, Tribune of the people 
the twentieth time, Emperor the nineteenth time, 
Consul the eighth time, Father of his country, 
Pro-
4 consul; and the Emperor Caesar Flavius
Valerius Constantinus, Pins, Felix, Invictus,
	    Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribune of the 
people, Emperor the fifth time, Consul, Father of 
his country, Proconsul; and the Emperor Caesar 
Valerius Licinius, Pins, Felix, Invictus, 
Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribune of the people 
the fourth time, Emperor the third time, Consul, 
Father of his country, Proconsul; to the people of 
their provinces, greeting: (1)
"Among the other things which we have ordained for 
the public advantage and profit, we formerly 
wished to restore everything to

conformity with the ancient laws and public 
discipline (2) of the Romans, and to provide that 
the Christians also, who have forsaken the 
religion of their ancestors, (3) should return to 
a good


340

7 disposition. For in some way such arrogance had 
seized them and such stupidity
had overtaken them, that they did not follow the 
ancient institutions which possibly their own 
ancestors had formerly established, but made for 
themselves laws according to their own purpose, as 
each one desired, and observed them, and thus 
assembled as separate congregations in various 
places. When we had issued
this decree that they should return to the
institutions established by the ancients, (4) a 
great many (5) submitted under danger, but a great 
many
being harassed endured all kinds of death. (6)
9 And since many continue in the same folly, (7)
and we perceive that they neither offer to
the heavenly gods the worship which is due, nor 
pay regard to the God of the Christians, in 
consideration of our philanthropy and our 
invariable custom, by which we are wont to extend 
pardon to all, we have determined that we ought 
most cheerfully to extend our indulgence in this 
matter also; that they may again be Christians, 
and may rebuild the conventicles in which they 
were accustomed to assemble, (8) on condition that 
nothing be done by them contrary to discipline. 
(9) In another letter we shall indicate to the 
magistrates what they have to observe. Where-
fore, on account of this indulgence of ours,
they ought to supplicate their God for our safety, 
and that of the people, and their own, that the 
public welfare may be preserved in every place, 
(10) and that they may live securely in their 
several homes."

Such is the tenor of this edict, translated, 11
as well as possible, from the Roman tongue
into the Greek? It is time to consider what took 
place after these events.

That which follows is found in Some Copies in
the Eighth Book. (1)

The author of the edict very shortly after 1
this confession was released from his pains
and died. He is reported to have been the original 
author of the misery of the persecution, having 
endeavored, long before the movement of the other 
emperors, to turn from the faith the Christians in 
the army, and first of all those in his own house, 
degrading some from the military rank, and abusing 
others most shamefully, and threatening still 
others with death, and finally inciting his 
partners in the empire to the general persecution. 
It is not proper to pass over the death of these 
emperors in silence.
As four of them held the supreme authority, those 
who were advanced in age and honor, after the 
persecution had continued not quite two years, 
abdicated the government, as we have already 
stated, (2) and passed the remainder of their 
lives in a common
and private station. The end of their lives 3 was 
as follows. He who was first in honor and age 
perished through a long and most grievous physical 
infirmity. (3) He who held the second place ended 
his life by strangling, (4) suffering


341

	    thus according to a certain demoniacal 
prediction, on account of his many daring crimes.
4  Of those after them, the last, (5) of whom we
have spoken as the originator of the entire
persecution, suffered such things as we have 
related. But he who preceded him, the most 
merciful and kindly emperor Constantius, (6) 
passed all the time of his government in a manner 
worthy of his office. (6) Moreover, he conducted 
himself towards all most favorably and 
beneficently. He took not the smallest part in the 
war against us, and preserved the pious that were 
under him unharmed and unabused. Neither did he 
throw down the church buildings, nor devise 
anything else against us. The end of his life was 
happy and thrice blessed. He alone at death left 
his empire happily and gloriously to his own son 
(7) as his successor, one who was in

all respects most prudent and pious. He entered on 
the government at once, being proclaimed supreme 
emperor and Augustus by
the soldiers; and he showed himself an emulator of 
his father's piety toward our doctrine.
Such were the deaths of the four of whom we
have written, which took place at different
times. Of these, moreover, only the one6
referred to a little above by us,s with those
who afterward shared in the government, finally 9 
published openly to all the above-mentioned 
confession, in the written edict which he issued.


MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. (1)

The Following also we found in a Certain Copy
in the Eighth Book. (2)
IT was in the nineteenth year of the reign of 
Diocletian, in the month Xanthicus, (3) which is 
called April by the Romans, about the time of the 
feast of our Saviour's passion, while Flavianus 
(4) was governor of the province of Palestine, 
that letters were published every-

where, commanding that the churches be leveled to 
the ground and the Scriptures be destroyed by 
fire, and ordering that those who held places of 
honor be degraded, and that the household 
servants, if they persisted in the profession of 
Christianity, be deprived of freedom.
Such was the force of the first edict against us. 
But not long after other letters were issued, 
commanding that all the bishops of the churches 
everywhere be first thrown into prison, and 
afterward, by every artifice, be compelled to 
sacrifice.

CHAPTER I.

The first of the martyrs of Palestine was 1 
Procopius, (1) who, before he had received the 
trial of imprisonment, immediately on his first 
appearance before the governor's tribunal, having 
been ordered to sacrifice to the so-called gods, 
declared that he knew only one to whom it was 
proper to sacrifice, as he himself wills. But when 
he was commanded to offer libations to the four 
emperors, having quoted a sentence which 
displeased them, he was immediately beheaded. The 
quotation was from the poet:


343

	"The rule of many is not good; let there be
	one ruler and one king." (2)
2.	It was the seventh (3) day of the month
	Desius, (4) the seventh before the ides of June, 
(5)
as the Romans reckon, and the fourth day of the 
week, when this first example was given at Caesura 
in Palestine.
Afterwards, (6) in the same city, many rulers of 
the country churches readily endured terrible 
sufferings, and furnished to the beholders an 
example of noble conflicts. But others, benumbed 
in spirit by terror, were easily weakened at the 
first onset. Of the rest, each one endured 
different forms of torture, as scourgings without 
number, and rackings, and tearings of their sides, 
and insupportable fetters, by which
4 the hands of some were dislocated. Yet
they endured what came upon them, as in
accordance with the inscrutable purposes of God. 
For the hands of one were seized, and he was led 
to the altar, while they thrust into his right 
hand the polluted and abominable offering, and he 
was dismissed as if he had sacrificed. Another had 
not even touched it, yet when others said that he 
had sacrificed, he went away in silence. Another, 
being taken up half dead, was cast aside as if 
already dead, and released from his bonds, and 
counted among the sacrificers. When another cried 
out, and testified that he would not obey, he was 
struck in the mouth, and silenced by a large band 
of those who were drawn up for this purpose, and 
driven away by force, even though he had not 
sacrificed. Of such consequence did they consider 
it, to seem by any means to have accomplished 
their purpose.
5.  Therefore, of all this number, the only ones 
who were honored with the crown of the holy 
martyrs were Alphaeus and Zacchaeus. (7) After 
stripes and scrapings and severe bonds and 
additional tortures and various other trials, and 
after having their feet stretched for a night and 
day over four holes in the stocks, (8) on the 
seventeenth day of the month Dius, (9) -- that is, 
according to the Romans, the fifteenth before the 
Kalends of December, -- having confessed one only 
God and Christ Jesus as king, (10) as if they had 
uttered some blasphemy, they were beheaded like 
the former martyr.

CHAPTER II.

What occurred to Romanus on the same day (1) at 
Antioch, is also worthy of record. For he was a 
native of Palestine, a deacon and exorcist in the 
parish of Caesarea; and being present at the 
destruction of the churches, he beheld many men, 
with women and children, going up in crowds to the 
idols and sacrificing. (2) But, through his great 
zeal for religion, he could not endure the sight, 
and rebuked them with a loud voice. Being arrested 
for his boldness, he proved a most noble witness 
of the truth, if there ever was one. For when the 
judge informed him that he was to die by fire, (3)

344

he received the sentence with cheerful countenance 
and most ready mind, and was led away. When he was 
bound to the stake, and the wood piled up around 
him, as they were awaiting the arrival of the 
emperor before lighting the fire, he cried, "Where 
is the fire for me?" 3 Having said this, he was 
summoned again before the emperor, (4) and 
subjected to the unusual torture of having his 
tongue cut out. But he endured this with fortitude 
and showed to all by his deeds that the Divine 
Power is present with those who endure any 
hardship whatever for the sake of religion, 
lightening their sufferings and strengthening 
their zeal. When he learned of this strange mode 
of punishment, the noble man was not terrified, 
but put out his tongue readily, and offered it 
with the greatest alacrity to those who cut it 
off. 4 After this punishment he was thrown into 
prison, and suffered there for a very long time. 
At last the twentieth anniversary of the emperor 
being near, (5) when, according to an established 
gracious custom, liberty was proclaimed everywhere 
to all who were in bonds, he alone had both his 
feet stretched over five holes in the stocks, (6) 
and while he lay there was strangled, and was thus 
honored with martyrdom, 5 as he desired. Although 
he was outside of his country, yet, as he was a 
native of Palestine, it is proper to count him 
among the Palestinian martyrs. These things 
occurred in this manner during the first year, 
when the persecution was directed only against the 
rulers of the Church.

CHAPTER III.

1   In the course of the second year, the 
persecution against us increased greatly. And at 
that time Urbanus (1) being governor of the 
province, imperial edicts were first issued to 
him, commanding by a general decree that all the 
people should sacrifice at once in the different 
cities, and offer libations to the idols. (2)
In Gaza, a city of Palestine, Timotheus endured 
countless tortures, and afterwards was subjected 
to a slow and moderate fire. Having given, by his 
patience in all his sufferings, most genuine 
evidence of sincerest piety toward the Deity, he 
bore away the crown of the victorious athletes of 
religion. At the same time Agapius (3) and our 
contemporary, Thecla, (4) having exhibited most 
noble constancy, were condemned as food for the 
wild beasts.
But who that beheld these things would 2 not have 
admired, or if they heard of them by report, would 
not have been astonished? For when the heathen 
everywhere were holding a festival and the 
customary shows, it was noised abroad that besides 
the other entertainments, the public combat of 
those who had lately been condemned to wild beasts 
would also
345

3 take place. As this report increased and
spread in all directions, six young men,
namely, Timolaus, a native of Pontus, Dionysius 
from Tripolis in Phoenicia, Romulus, a sub-deacon 
of the parish of Diospolis, (5) Paesis and 
Alexander, both Egyptians, and another Alexander 
from Gaza, having first bound their own hands, 
went in haste to Urbanus, who was about to open 
the exhibition, evidencing great zeal for 
martyrdom. They confessed that they were 
Christians, and by their ambition for all terrible 
things, showed that those who glory in the 
religion of the God of the universe do not cower 
before the attacks of wild beasts.
4  Immediately, after creating no ordinary 
astonishment in the governor and those who
were with him, they were cast into prison. After a 
few days two others were added to them. One of 
them, named Agapius, (6) had in former confessions 
endured dreadful torments of various kinds. The 
other, who had supplied them with the necessaries 
of life, was called Dionysius. All of these eight 
were beheaded on one day at Caesarea, on the 
twenty-fourth day of the month Dystrus, (7) which 
is the ninth before the
5 Kalends of April. Meanwhile, a change in
the emperors occurred, and the first of them
all in dignity, and the second retired into 
private
	    life, (8) and public affairs began to be 
troubled.
6 Shortly after the Roman government be-
came divided against itself, and a cruel war
arose among them. (9) And this division, with the 
troubles which grew out of it, was not settled 
until peace toward us had been established 
throughout the entire Roman Empire. For when this 
peace arose for all, as the daylight after the 
darkest and most gloomy night, the public affairs 
of the Roman government were re-established, and 
became happy and peaceful, and the ancestral 
good-will toward each other was revived. But we 
will relate these things more fully at the proper 
time. Now let us return to the regular course of 
events.

CHAPTER IV.

Maximinus Caesar (1) having come at that time into 
the government, as if to manifest

to all the evidences of his reborn enmity against
God, and of his impiety, armed himself for 
persecution against us more vigorously than his
predecessors. In consequence, no little2
confusion arose among all, and they scattered here 
and there, endeavoring in some way
to escape the danger; and there was great com-
motion everywhere.
But what words would suffice for a suitable
description of the Divine love and boldness, in
confessing God, of the blessed and truly innocent 
lamb,- I refer to the martyr Apphianus, (2)
--who presented in the sight of all, before the
gates of Caesarea, a wonderful example of
piety toward the only God? He was at 3
that time not twenty years old. He had first
spent a long time at Berytus, (3) for the sake of 
a
secular Grecian education, as he belonged to a
very wealthy family. It is wonderful to relate
how, in such a city, he was superior to youthful
passions, and clung to virtue, uncorrupted neither
by his bodily vigor nor his young companions;
living discreetly, soberly and piously, in 
accordance with his profession of the Christian 
doctrine and the life of his teachers.
If it is needful to mention his native (4)
country, and give honor to it as producing
this noble athlete of piety, we will do so
with pleasure. The young man came from  5
Pagae, (4) -- if any one is acquainted with the
place, -- a city in Lycia of no mean importance. 
After his return from his course of study in 
Berytus, though his father held the first place in 
his country, he could not bear to live with him 
and his relatives, as it did not please them to 
live according to the rules of religion. 
Therefore, as if he were led by the Divine Spirit, 
and in accordance with a natural, or rather an 
inspired and true philosophy, regarding this 
preferable to what is considered the glory of 
life, and despising bodily comforts, he secretly 
left his family. And because of his faith and hope 
in God, paying no attention to his daily needs, he 
was led by the Divine Spirit to the city of 
Caesarea, where was prepared for him the crown of
martyrdom for piety. Abiding with us there,  6
and conferring with us in the Divine Scriptures 
diligently for a short time, and fitting himself 
zealously by suitable exercises, he exhibited such 
an end as would astonish any one
should it be seen again. Who, that hears 7
of it, would not justly admire his courage,
boldness, constancy, and even more than these


346

the daring deed itself, which evidenced a zeal
	    for religion and a spirit truly superhuman?
8 For in the second attack upon us under
Maximinus, in the third year of the persecution, 
edicts of the tyrant were issued for the first 
time, commanding that the rulers of the cities 
should diligently and speedily see to it that all 
the people offered sacrifices. (5) Throughout the 
city of Caesarea, by command of the governor, the 
heralds were summoning men, women, and children to 
the temples of the idols, and besides this, the 
chiliarchs were calling out each one by name from 
a roll, and an immense crowd of the wicked were 
rushing together from all quarters. Then this 
youth fearlessly, while no one was aware of his 
intentions, eluded both us who lived in the house 
with him and the whole band of soldiers that 
surrounded the governor, and rushed up to Urbanus 
as he was offering libations, and fearlessly 
seizing him by the right hand, straightway put a 
stop to his sacrificing, and skillfully and 
persuasively, with a certain divine inspiration, 
exhorted him to abandon his delusion, because it 
was not well to forsake the one and only true God, 
and
9 sacrifice to idols and demons. It is prob-
able that this was done by the youth through
a divine power which led him forward, and which 
all but cried aloud in his act, that Christians, 
who were truly such, were so far from abandoning 
the religion of the God of the universe which they 
had once espoused, that they were not only 
superior to threats and the punishments which 
followed, but yet bolder to speak with noble and 
untrammeled tongue, and, if possible, to summon 
even their persecutors to turn from their 
ignorance and acknowledge the only
true God. 10    Thereupon, he of whom we are 
speaking,
and that instantly, as might have been expected 
after so bold a deed, was torn by the governor and 
those who were with him as if by wild beasts. And 
having endured manfully in-
numerable blows over his entire body, he
11 was straightway cast into prison. There
he was stretched by the tormentor with both
his feet in the stocks for a night and a day; and 
the next day he was brought before the judge. As 
they endeavored to force him to surrender, he 
exhibited all constancy under suffering and 
terrible tortures. His sides were torn, not once, 
or twice, but many times, to the bones and the 
very bowels; and he received so many blows on his 
face and neck that those who for a long time
had been well acquainted with him could 12 not 
recognize his swollen face. But as he

would not yield under this treatment, the 
torturers, as commanded, covered his feet with 
linen cloths soaked in oil and set them on fire. 
No word can describe the agonies which the blessed 
one endured from this. For the fire consumed his 
flesh and penetrated to his bones, so that the 
humors of his body were melted and oozed
out and dropped down like wax. But as 13
he was not subdued by this, his adversaries
being defeated and unable to comprehend his 
superhuman constancy, cast him again into prison. 
A third time he was brought before the judge; and 
having witnessed the same profession, being half 
dead, he was finally thrown into the depths of the 
sea.
But what happened immediately after 14
this will scarcely be believed by those who
did not see it. Although we realize this, yet we 
must record the event, of which to speak plainly, 
all the inhabitants of Caesarea were witnesses. 
For truly there was no age but be-
held this marvelous sight. For as soon as 15
they had cast this truly sacred and thrice-
blessed youth into the fathomless depths of the 
sea, an uncommon commotion and disturbance 
agitated the sea and all the shore about it, so 
that the land and the entire city were shaken by 
it. And at the same time with this wonderful and 
sudden perturbation, the sea threw out before the 
gates of the city the body of the divine martyr, 
as if unable to endure it. (6)
Such was the death of the wonderful Apphianus. It 
occurred on the second day of the month Xanthicus, 
(7) which is the fourth day before the Nones of 
April, on the day of preparation (8)


347

CHAPTER V.

1   ABOUT the same time, in the city of Tyre,
a youth named Ulpianus,(1) after dreadful
tortures and most severe scourgings, was enclosed 
in a raw oxhide, with a dog and with one of those 
poisonous reptiles, an asp, and cast into the sea. 
Wherefore I think that we may properly mention him 
in connection with the martyrdom of Apphianus.
2   Shortly afterwards, AEdesius, (2) a brother
of Apphianus, not only in God, but also
in the flesh, being a son of the same earthly 
father, endured sufferings like his, after very 
many confessions and protracted tortures in bonds, 
and after he had been sentenced by the governor to 
the mines in Palestine. He conducted himself 
through them all in a truly philosophic manner; 
for he was more highly educated than his brother, 
and had prosecuted
3  philosophic studies. Finally in the city of
Alexandria, when he beheld the judge, who
was trying the Christians, offending beyond all 
bounds, now insulting holy men in various ways, 
and again consigning women of greatest modesty and 
even religious virgins to procurers for shameful 
treatment, he acted like his brother. For as these 
things seemed insufferable, he went forward with 
bold resolve, and with his words and deeds 
overwhelmed the judge with shame and disgrace. 
After suffering in consequence many forms of 
torture, he endured a death similar to his 
brother's, being cast into the sea. But these 
things, as I have said, happened to him in this 
way a little later.

CHAPTER VI.

1   IN the fourth year of the persecution
against us, on the twelfth day before the
Kalends of December, which is the twentieth day of 
the month Dius, (1) on the day before the Sabbath, 
(2) while the tyrant Maximinus was present and 
giving magnificent shows in honor of his birthday, 
the following event, truly worthy of record, 
occurred in the city of Caesarea.
As it was an ancient custom to furnish the 2 
spectators more splendid shows when the emperors 
were present than at other times,new and foreign 
spectacles taking the place of the customary 
amusements, such as animals brought from India or 
Ethiopia or other places, or men who could 
astonish the beholders with skillful bodily 
exercises, -- it was necessary at this time, as 
the emperor was giving the exhibition, to add to 
the shows something more wonderful. And what 
should this be?
A witness of our doctrine was brought into 3 the 
midst and endured the contest for the
true and only religion. This was Agapius, who,
as we have stated a little above, (3) was, with 
Thecla, the second to be thrown to the wild beasts
for food. He had also, three times and more,
marched with malefactors from the prison to the
arena; and every time, after threats from the
judge, whether in compassion or in hope that
he might change his mind, had been reserved
for other conflicts. But the emperor being
present, he was brought out at this time, as if
he had been appropriately reserved for this
occasion, until the very word of the Saviour
should be fulfilled in him, which through divine
knowledge he declared to his disciples, that they
should be brought before kings on account
of their testimony unto him. (4) He was taken 4
into the midst of the arena with a certain
malefactor who they said was charged with
i the murder of his master. But this murderer of 
his master, when he had been cast
to the wild beasts, was deemed worthy of 
compassion and humanity, almost like Barabbas in 
the time of our Saviour. And the whole theater 
resounded with shouts and cries of approval, 
because the murderer was humanely saved by the 
emperor, and deemed worthy of honor
and freedom. But the athlete of religion  6
was first summoned by the tyrant and promised 
liberty if he would deny his profession. But he 
testified with a loud voice that, not for any 
fault, but for the religion of the Creator of the 
universe, he would readily and with pleasure 
endure whatever might be inflicted upon
him. Having said this, he joined the deed  7
to the word, and rushed to meet a bear
which had been let loose against him, surrendering 
himself most cheerfully to be devoured by him. 
After this, as he still breathed, he was cast into 
prison. And living yet one day, stones


348

were bound to his feet, and he was drowned in the 
depths of the sea. Such was the martyrdom of 
Agapius.

CHAPTER VII.

Again, in Caesarea, when the persecution had 
continued to the fifth year, on the second day of 
the month Xanthicus, (1) which is the fourth 
before the Nones of April, on the very Lord's day 
of our Saviour's resurrection, (2) Theodosia, a 
virgin from Tyre, a faithful and sedate maiden, 
not yet eighteen years of age, went up to certain 
prisoners who were confessing the kingdom of 
Christ and sitting before the judgment seat, and 
saluted them, and, as is probable, besought them 
to remember her when they came before the Lord. 
Thereupon, as if she had committed a profane and 
impious act, the soldiers seized her and led her 
to the governor. And he immediately, like a madman 
and a wild beast in his anger, tortured her with 
dreadful and most terrible torments in her sides 
and breasts, even to the very bones. And as she 
still breathed, and withal stood with a joyful and 
beaming countenance, he ordered her thrown into 
the waves of the sea. Then passing from her to the 
other confessors, he condemned all of them to the 
copper mines in Phaeno in Palestine.
Afterwards on the fifth of the month Dius, (3) on 
the Nones of November according to the Romans, in 
the same city, Silvanus 4 (who at that time was a 
presbyter and confessor, but who shortly after was 
honored with the episcopate and died a martyr), 
and those with him, men who had shown the noblest 
firmness in behalf of religion, were condemned by 
him to labor in the same copper mines, command

being first given that their ankles be disabled 
with hot irons. At the same time he 4
delivered to the flames a man who was il-
lustrious through numerous other confessions. This 
was Domninus, who was well known to all in 
Palestine for his exceeding fearlessness (5) After 
this the same judge, who was a cruel contriver of 
suffering, and an inventor of devices against the 
doctrine of Christ, planned against the pious 
punishments that had never been heard of. He 
condemned three to single pugilistic combat. He 
delivered to be devoured by wild beasts Auxentius, 
a grave and holy old man. Others who were in 
mature life he made eunuchs, and condemned them to 
the same mines. Yet others, after severe tortures, 
he cast into prison.
Among these was my dearest friend Pamphilus, (6) 
who was by reason of every virtue the most 
illustrious of the martyrs in our time.
Urbanus first tested him in rhetorical philosophy 
5 and learning; and afterwards endeavored to 
compel him to sacrifice. But as he saw that he 
refused and in nowise regarded his threats, being 
exceedingly angry, he ordered him to be tormented 
with severest tortures. And when the brutal man, 
after he had 6 almost satiated himself with these 
tortures
by continuous and prolonged scrapings in his 
sides, was yet covered with shame before all, he 
put him also with the confessors in prison.
But what recompense for his cruelty to  7
the saints, he who thus abused the martyrs
of Christ, shall receive from the Divine judgment, 
may be easily determined from the preludes to it, 
in which immediately, and not long after his 
daring cruelties against Pamphilus, while he yet 
held the government, the Divine judgment came upon 
him. For thus suddenly, he who but yesterday was 
judging on the lofty tribunal, guarded by a band 
of soldiers, and ruling over the whole nation of 
Palestine, the associate and dearest friend and 
table companion of the tyrant himself, was 
stripped in one night, and overwhelmed with 
disgrace and shame before those who had formerly 
admired him as if he were himself an emperor; and 
he appeared cowardly and unmanly, uttering 
womanish cries and supplications to all the people 
whom he had ruled. And Maximinus himself, in 
reliance upon whose favor Urbanus was formerly so 
arrogantly insolent, as if he loved him 
exceedingly for his deeds against us, was set as a 
harsh and most severe judge in this same Caesarea 
to pronounce sentence of death against him, for 
the great disgrace of the crimes of which he was 
convicted. Let us say this in passing. A suit-  8
able time may come when we shall have lei-
sure to relate the end and the fate of those 
impious


349

men who especially fought against us, (7) both of 
Maximinus himself and those with him.

CHAPTER VIII.

1   UP to the sixth year the storm had
been incessantly raging against us. Before
this time there had been a very large number of 
confessors of religion in the so-called Porphyry 
quarry in Thebais, which gets its name from the 
stone found there. Of these, one hundred men, 
lacking three, together with women and infants, 
were sent to the governor of Palestine. When they 
confessed the God of the universe and Christ, 
Firmilianus, (1) who had been · sent there as 
governor in the place of Urbanus, directed, in 
accordance with the imperial command, that they 
should be maimed by burning the sinews of the 
ankles of their left feet, and that their right 
eyes with the eyelids and pupils should first be 
cut out, and then destroyed by hot irons to the 
very roots. And he then sent them to the mines in 
the province to endure hardships with severe toil 
and suffering.
But it was not sufficient that these only who 
suffered such miseries should be deprived of their 
eyes, but those natives of Palestine also, who 
were mentioned just above as condemned to 
pugilistic combat, Since they would neither 
receive food from the royal storehouse nor undergo 
the necessary preparatory Exercises. Having been 
brought on this account not only before the 
overseers, but also
3  before Maximinus himself, and having manifested 
the noblest persistence in confession
by the endurance of hunger and stripes, they 
received like punishment with those whom we
have mentioned, and with them other confessors 4 
in the city of Caesarea. Immediately afterwards 
others who were gathered
to hear the Scriptures read, were seized in Gaza, 
and some endured the same sufferings in the feet 
and eyes; but others were afflicted with yet 
greater torments and with most terrible tortures 
in the sides. One of these, in body a woman, but 
in understanding a man, would not endure the 
threat of fornication, and spoke directly against 
the tyrant who entrusted the government to such 
cruel judges. She was first scourged and then 
raised aloft on the

stake, and her sides lacerated. As those appointed 
for this purpose applied the tortures incessantly 
and severely at the command of the judge, another, 
with mind fixed, like the former, on virginity as 
her aim,-- a woman who was altogether mean in 
forth and contemptible in appearance; but, on the 
other hand, strong in soul, and endowed with an 
understanding superior to her body,--being unable 
to bear the merciless and cruel and inhuman deeds, 
with a boldness beyond that of the combatants 
famed among the Greeks, cried out to the judge 
from the midst of the crowd: "And how long will 
you thus cruelly torture my sister?" But he was 
greatly enraged, and ordered the woman to be 
immediately seized. Thereupon she was brought 
forward and having called herself by the august 
name of the Saviour, she was first urged by words 
to sacrifice, and as she refused she was dragged 
by force to the altar. But her sister continued to 
maintain her former zeal, and with intrepid and 
resolute foot kicked the altar, and over-
turned it with the fire that was on it. There-  8
upon the judge, enraged like a wild beast,
inflicted on her such tortures in her sides as  he 
never had on any one before, striving al-
most to glut himself with her raw flesh. But  when 
his madness was satiated, he bound them both 
together, this one and her whom she
called sister, and condemned them to death by 
fire. It is said that the first of these was from 
the country of Gaza; the other, by name Valentina, 
was of Caesarea, and was well known to many.
But how can I describe as it deserves the 
martyrdom which followed, with which the 
thrice-blessed Paul was honored. He was condemned 
to death at the same time with them, under one 
sentence. At the time of his martyrdom, as the 
executioner was about to cut off his head, he 
requested a brief respite.
This being granted, he first, in a clear and 10
distinct voice, supplicated God in behalf of
his fellow-Christians, (2) praying for their 
pardon, and that freedom might soon be restored to 
them. Then he asked for the conversion of the Jews 
to God through Christ; and proceeding in order he 
requested the same things for the Samaritans, and 
besought that those Gentiles, who were in error 
and were ignorant of God, might come to a 
knowledge of him, and adopt the true religion. Nor 
did he leave neglected the mixed multitude who 
were standing around. After all these, oh! great 
and unspeakable forbearance ! he entreated the God 
of the universe for the judge who had condemned 
him to death, and for the highest


350

rulers, and also for the one who was about to 
behead him, in his hearing and that of all 
present, beseeching that their sin toward him
12 should not be reckoned against them. Having 
prayed for these things with a loud voice,
and having, as one who was dying unjustly, moved
almost all to compassion and tears, of his own
accord he made himself ready, and submitted
his bare neck to the stroke of the sword, and
was adorned with divine martyrdom. This took
place on the twenty-fifth day of the month
Panemus, (3) which is the eighth before the 
Kalends
of August.
18  Such was the end of these persons. But
not long after, one hundred and thirty admirable 
athletes of the confession of Christ, from  the 
land of Egypt, endured, in Egypt itself, at the 
command of Maximinus the same afflictions in their 
eyes and feet with the former persons, and were 
sent to the above-mentioned mines in Palestine. 
But some of them were condemned to the mines in 
Cilicia.

CHAPTER IX.

1   After such noble acts of the distinguished 
martyrs of Christ, the flame of persecution 
lessened, and was quenched, as it were by their 
sacred blood, and relief and liberty were granted 
to those who, for Christ's sake, were laboring in 
the mines of Thebais, and for a little time we 
were beginning to breath pure air.
	    But by some new impulse, I know not what, he 
who held the power to persecute was again aroused 
against the Christians. Immediately letters from 
Maximinus against us were published everywhere in 
every province. (1) The governors and the military 
prefect (2) urged by

edicts and letters and public ordinances the 
magistrates and generals and notaries (3) in all 
the cities to carry out the imperial decree, which 
ordered that the altars of the idols should with 
all speed be rebuilt; and that all men, women, and 
children, even infants at the breast, should 
sacrifice and offer oblations; and that with 
diligence and care they should cause them to taste 
of the execrable offerings; and that the things 
for sale in the market should be polluted with 
libations from the sacrifices; and that guards 
should be stationed before the baths in order to 
defile with the abominable sacrifices those
who went to wash in them. When these 3 orders were 
being carried out, our people, as was natural, 
were at the beginning greatly distressed in mind; 
and even the unbelieving heathen blamed the 
severity and the exceeding absurdity of what was 
done. For these things appeared to them extreme 
and burdensome.
As the heaviest storm impended over all in every 
quarter, the divine power of our Saviour again 
infused such boldness into his athletes, (4) that 
without being drawn on or dragged forward by any 
one, they spurned the threats.
Three of the faithful joining together, rushed 4
on the governor as he was sacrificing to the
idols, and cried out to him to cease from his 
delusion, there being no other God than the Maker 
and Creator of the universe. When he asked who 
they were, they confessed boldly
that they were Christians. Thereupon Firmilianus, 
5 being greatly enraged, sentenced
them to capital punishment without inflicting 
tortures upon them. The name of the eldest of 
these was Antoninus; of the next, Zebinas, who was 
a native of Eleutheropolis; and of the third, 
Germanus. This took place on the thirteenth of the 
month Dius, the Ides of November?
There was associated with them on the 6 same day 
Ennathas, a woman from Scythopolis, who was 
adorned with the chaplet of virginity. She did not 
indeed do as they had.
done, but was dragged by force and brought
before the judge. She endured scourgings 7
and cruel insults, which Maxys, a tribune of
a neighboring district, without the knowledge of 
the superior authority, dared to inflict upon her. 
He was a man worse than his name, (6) sanguinary 
in other respects, exceedingly harsh, and 
altogether cruel, and censured by all who knew 
him. This man stripped the blessed woman of


351

all her clothing, so that she was covered only 
from her loins to her feet and the rest of her 
body was bare. And he led her through the entire 
city of Caesarea, and regarded it as a great thing 
to beat her with thongs while she was dragged
8 through all the market-places. After such
treatment she manifested the noblest constancy at 
the judgment seat of the governor himself; and the 
judge condemned her to be burned alive. He also 
carried his rage against the pious to a most 
inhuman length and transgressed the laws of 
nature, not being ashamed even to deny burial to 
the lifeless bodies of the sacred
9 men. Thus he ordered the dead to be ex-
posed in the open air as food for wild beasts
and to be watched carefully by night and day. For 
many days a large number of men attended to this 
savage and barbarous decree. And they looked out 
from their post of observation, as if it were a 
matter worthy of care, to see that the dead bodies 
should not be stolen. And wild beasts and dogs and 
birds of prey scattered the human limbs here and 
there, and the whole city was strewed with the 
entrails and bones of
10 men, so that nothing had ever appeared
more dreadful and horrible, even to those
who formerly hated us; though they bewailed not so 
much the calamity of those against whom these 
things were done, as the outrage against
themselves and the common nature of man.
11 For there was to be seen near the gates a
spectacle beyond all description and tragic
recital; for not only was human flesh devoured in 
one place, but it was scattered in every place; so 
that some said that limbs and masses of flesh and 
parts of entrails were to be seen even within
	the gates.
12  After these things had continued for many
days, a wonderful event occurred. The air
was clear and bright and the appearance of the sky 
most serene. When suddenly throughout the city 
from the pillars which supported the public 
porches many drops fell like tears; and the market 
places and streets, though there was no mist in 
the air, were moistened with sprinkled water, 
whence I know not. Then immediately it was 
reported everywhere that the earth, unable to 
endure the abomination of these things, had shed 
tears in a mysterious manner; and that as a rebuke 
to the relentless and unfeeling nature of men, 
stones and lifeless wood had wept for what had 
happened. I know well that this account may 
perhaps appear idle and fabulous to those who come 
after us, but not to those to whom the truth was 
confirmed at the time. (7)

CHAPTER X.

ON the fourteenth day of the following 1
month Appellaeus, (1) the nineteenth before the
Kalends of January, certain persons from Egypt 
were again seized by those who examined people 
passing the gates. They had been sent to minister 
to the confessors in Cilicia. They received the 
same sentence as those whom they had gone to help, 
being mutilated in their eyes and feet. Three of 
them exhibited in Ascalon, where they were 
imprisoned, marvelous bravery in the endurance of 
various kinds of martyrdom. One of them named Ares 
was condemned to the flames, and the others, 
called Probus (2) and Elias, were beheaded.
On the eleventh day of the month Audynaeus, (3) 
which is the third before the Ides of January, in 
the same city of Caesarea, Peter an ascetic, also 
called Apselamus, (4) from the village of Anea, 
(5) on the borders of Eleutheropolis, like purest 
gold, gave noble proof by fire of his faith in the 
Christ of God. Though the judge and those around 
him besought him many times to have compassion on 
himself, and to spare his own youth and bloom, he 
disregarded them, preferring hope in the God of 
the universe to all things, even to life itself. A 
certain Asclepius, supposed to be (6) a bishop of 
the sect of Marcion, possessed as he thought with 
zeal for religion, but "not according to 
knowledge," (7) ended his life on one and the same 
funeral pyre. These things took place in this 
manner.

CHAPTER XI.

IT iS time to describe the great and celebrated 
spectacle of Pamphilus, (1) a man thrice
dear to me, and of those who finished their course 
with him. They were twelve in all; being counted 
worthy of apostolic grace and number. Of these the 
leader and the only one 2 honored with the 
position of presbyter at Caesarea, was Pamphilus; 
a man who through


352

his entire life was celebrated for every virtue, 
for renouncing and despising the world, for 
sharing his possessions with the needy, for 
contempt of earthly hopes, and for philosophic 
deportment and exercise. He especially excelled 
all in our time in most sincere devotion to the 
Divine Scriptures and indefatigable industry in 
whatever he undertook, and in his helpfulness to 
his relatives and associates. In a separate 
treatise on his life, (2) consisting of three 
books, we have already described the excellence of 
his virtue. Referring to this work those who 
delight in such things and desire to know them, 
let us now consider the martyrs in order.
4   Second after Pamphilus, Vales, who was
honored for his venerable gray hair, entered
the contest. He was a deacon from AElia, (3) an 
old man of gravest appearance, and versed in the 
Divine Scriptures, if any one ever was. He had so 
laid up the memory of them in his heart that he 
did not need to look at the books if he undertook 
tO repeat any passage of Scripture.
5   The third was Paul from the city of
Jamna, (4) who was known among them as
most zealous and fervent in spirit. Previous to 
his martyrdom, he had endured the conflict of 
confession by cauterization.
After these persons had continued in prison for 
two entire years, the occasion of their martyrdom 
was a second arrival of Egyptian brethren who 
suffered with them. They had accompanied the 
confessors in Cilicia to the mines there and were 
returning to
their homes. At the entrance of the gates of
Caesarea, the guards, who were men of barbarous 
character, questioned them as to who they
were and whence they came. They kept back
nothing of the truth, and were seized as 
malefactors taken in the very act. They were five
7 in number. When brought before the tyrant, being 
very bold in his presence, they
were immediately thrown into prison. On the next 
day, which was the nineteenth of the month 
Peritius, (5) according to the Roman reckoning the 
fourteenth before the Kalends of March, they were 
brought, according to command, before the judge, 
with Pamphilus and his associates whom we have 
mentioned. First, by all kinds of torture, through 
the invention of strange and various machines, he 
tested the invincible constancy

of the Egyptians. Having practised these  8
cruelties upon the leader (5a) of all, he asked
him first who he was. He heard in reply the name 
of some prophet instead of his proper name. For it 
was their custom, in place of the names of idols 
given them by their fathers, if they had such, to 
take other names; so that you would hear them 
calling themselves Elijah or Jeremiah or Isaiah or 
Samuel or Daniel, thus showing themselves inwardly 
true Jews, and the genuine Israel of God, not only 
in deeds, but in the names which they bore. When 
Firmilianus had heard some such name from the 
martyr, and did not understand the force of the 
word, he
asked next the name of his country. But  9
he gave a second answer similar to the former, 
saying that Jerusalem was his country, meaning 
that of which Paul says, "Jerusalem which is above 
is free, which is our mother," (6) and, "Ye are 
come unto Mount Sion, and unto the city of the 
living God, the heavenly Jerusalem." (7) This was 
what he meant; but 10
the judge thinking only of the earth, sought
diligently to discover what that city was, and in 
what part of the world it was situated. And 
therefore he applied tortures that the truth might 
be acknowledged. But the man, with his hands 
twisted behind his back, and his feet crushed by 
strange machines, asserted firmly
that he had spoken the truth. And being 11
questioned again repeatedly what and where
the city was of which he spoke, he said that it 
was the country of the pious alone, for no others 
should have a place in it, and that it lay toward 
the far East and the rising sun.
He philosophized about these things ac- 12
cording to his own understanding, and was
in nowise turned froth them by the tortures with 
which he was afflicted on every side. And as if he 
were without flesh or body he seemed insensible of 
his sufferings. But the judge being perplexed, was 
impatient, thinking that the Christians were about 
to establish a city somewhere, inimical and 
hostile to the Romans. And he inquired much about 
this, and investigated where that country toward 
the East
was located. But when he had for a long 13
time lacerated the young man with scourgings, and 
punished him with all sorts of torments, he 
perceived that his persistence in what he had said 
could not be changed, and passed against him 
sentence of death. Such a scene was exhibited by 
what was done to this man. And having inflicted 
similar tortures on the others, he sent them away 
in the same manner.
	Then being wearied and perceiving that 14
	
	
353

he punished the men in vain, having satiated
his desire, he proceeded against Pamphilus and
his companions. And having learned that al-
ready under former tortures they had manifested
an unchangeable zeal for the faith, he asked them
if they would now obey. And receiving from
every one of them only this one answer, as their
last word of confession in martyrdom, he inflicted
on them punishment similar to the others.
16  When this had been done, a young man,
one of the household servants of Pamphilus,
who had been educated in the noble life and 
instruction of such a man, learning the sentence 
passed upon his master, cried out from the
midst of the crowd asking that their bodies
16 might be buried. Thereupon the judge,
not a man, but a wild beast, or if anything
more savage than a wild beast, giving no 
consideration to the young man's age, asked him 
only the same question. When he learned that he 
confessed himself a Christian, as if he had been 
wounded by a dart, swelling with rage, he ordered 
the tormentors to use their utmost
17 power against him. And when he saw that
he refused to sacrifice as commanded, he
ordered them to scrape him continually to his very 
bones and to the inmost recesses of his bowels, 
not as if he were human flesh but as if he were 
stones or wood or any lifeless thing. But after 
long persistence he saw that this was in vain, as 
the man was speechless and insensible and almost 
lifeless, his body being worn out
18 by the tortures. But being inflexibly merci-
less and inhuman, he ordered him to be
committed straightway, as he was, to a slow fire. 
And before the death of his earthly master, though 
he had entered later on the conflict, he received 
release from the body, while those who
had been zealous about the others were yet 
19 delaying. One could then see. Porphyry, (8)
like one who had come off victorious in every
conflict, his body covered with dust, but his 
countenance cheerful, after such sufferings, with 
courageous and exulting mind, advancing to death. 
And as if truly filled with the Divine Spirit, 
covered only with his philosophic robe thrown 
about him as a cloak, soberly and intelligently he 
directed his friends as to what he wished, and 
beckoned to them, preserving still a cheerful 
countenance even at the stake. But when the fire 
was kindled at some distance around him in a 
circle, having inhaled the flame into his mouth, 
he continued most nobly in silence from that time 
till his death, after the single word which he 
uttered when the flame first touched him, and he 
cried out for the help of

Jesus the Son of God. Such was the contest of
Porphyry.
His death was reported to Pamphilus 20
by a messenger, Seleucus. He was one
of the confessors from the army. As the
bearer of such a message, he was forthwith
deemed worthy of a similar lot. For as soon
as he related the death of Porphyry, and had
saluted one of the martyrs with a kiss, some
of the soldiers seized him and led him to the
governor. And he, as if he would hasten him on
to be a companion of the former on the way to
heaven, commanded that he be put to death
immediately. This man was from Cappadocia, and 
belonged to the select band of soldiers, and had 
obtained no small honor in those things which are 
esteemed among the Romans. For in stature and 
bodily strength, and size and vigor, he far 
excelled his fellow-soldiers, so that his 
appearance was matter of common talk, and his 
whole form was admired on account of
its size and symmetrical proportions. At 22
the beginning of the persecution he was
prominent in the conflicts of confession, through
his patience under scourging. After he left the
army he set himself to imitate zealously the 
religious · ascetics, and as if he were their 
father
and guardian he showed himself a bishop and
patron of destitute orphans and defenceless
widows and of those who were distressed with
penury or sickness. It is likely that on this
account he was deemed worthy of an extraordinary 
call to martyrdom by God, who rejoices
in such things more than in the smoke and
blood of sacrifices. He was the tenth athlete 
among those whom we have mentioned
as meeting their end on one and the same day.
On this day, as was fitting, the chief gate was
opened, and a ready way of entrance into the
kingdom of heaven was given to the martyr
Pamphilus and to the others with him.
In the footsteps of Seleucus came Theodulus, a 
grave and pious old man, who be-
longed to the governor's household, and had
been honored by Firmilianus himself more than
all the others in his house on account of his
age, and because he was a father of the third
generation, and also on account of the kindness
and most faithful conscientiousness which he
had manifested toward him. (9) As he pursued
the course of Seleucus when brought before his
master, the latter was more angry at him than at
those who had preceded him, and condemned him
to endure the martyrdom of the Saviour on
the cross. (10) As there lacked yet one to fill 25
up the number of the twelve martyrs of


354

whom we have spoken, Julian came to complete it. 
He had just arrived from abroad, and had not yet 
entered the gate of the city, when having learned 
about the martyrs while still on the way, he 
rushed at once, just as he was, to see them. When 
he beheld the tabernacles of the saints prone on 
the ground, being filled with joy, he embraced and 
kissed them all.
26 The ministers of slaughter straightway seized
him as he was doing this and led him to
Firmilianus. Acting as was his custom, he 
condemned him to a slow fire. Thereupon Julian, 
leaping and exulting, in a loud voice gave thanks 
to the Lord who had judged him worthy of such 
things, and was honored with the crown
27 of martyrdom. He was a Cappadocian by
birth, and in his manner of life he was most
circumspect, faithful and sincere, zealous in all 
other respects, and animated by the Holy Spirit 
himself.
Such was the company which was thought
worthy to enter into martyrdom with Pamphilus. By 
the command of the impious
governor their sacred and truly holy bodies
were kept as food for the wild beasts for four 
days and as many nights. But since, strange to 
say, through the providential care of God, nothing 
approached them, -- neither beast of prey, nor 
bird, nor dog,-- they were taken up uninjured, and 
after suitable preparation were buried in the 
customary manner.
29  When the report of what had been done
to these men was spread in all directions,
Adrianus and Eubulus, having come from the 
so-called country of Manganaea n to Caesarea, to 
see the remaining confessors, were also asked at

the gate the reason for their coming; and having 
acknowledged the truth, were brought to 
Firmilianus. But he, as was his custom, without 
delay inflicted many tortures in their sides, and 
condemned them to be devoured by wild
30 beasts. After two days, on the fifth of
the month Dystrus, (12) the third before the
Nones of March, which was regarded as the birthday 
of the tutelary divinity of Caesarea,@ Adrianus 
was thrown to a lion, and afterwards slain with 
the sword. But Eubulus, two days later, on the 
Nones of March, that is, on the seventh of the 
month Dystrus, when the judge had earnestly 
entreated him to enjoy by sacrificing that which 
was considered freedom among them, preferring a 
glorious death for religion to transitory life, 
was made like the other an offering to wild 
beasts, and as the last of the martyrs in 
Caesarea, sealed the list of athletes.
It is proper also to relate here, how in a 31
short time the heavenly Providence came
upon the impious rulers, together with the tyrants
themselves. For that very Firmilianus, who had
thus abused the martyrs of Christ, after suffering
with the others the severest punishment, was put
to death by the sword.
Such were the martyrdoms which took place
at Caesarea during the entire period of the 
persecution.

CHAPTER XII.

I THINK it best to pass by all the other events 
which occurred in the meantime: such as those 
which happened to the bishops of the churches, 
when instead of shepherds of the rational (1) 
flocks of Christ, over which they presided in an 
unlawful manner, the divine judgment, considering 
them worthy of such a charge, made them keepers of 
camels, (2) an irrational beast (3) and very 
crooked in the structure of its body, or condemned 
them to have the care of the imperial horses ; -- 
and I pass by also the insults and disgraces and 
tortures they endured from the imperial overseers 
and rulers on account of the sacred vessels and 
treasures of the Church; and besides these the 
lust of power on the part of many, the disorderly 
and unlawful ordinations, and the schisms among 
the confessors themselves; also the novelties 
which were zealously devised against the remnants 
of the Church by the new and factious members, who 
added innovation after innovation and forced them 
in unsparingly among the calamities of the 
persecution, heaping misfortune upon misfortune. I 
judge it more suitable to shun and avoid the 
account of these things, as I said at the 
beginning. (4) But such things as are sober and 
praiseworthy, according to the sacred word, -- 
"and if there be any virtue and praise," 5 -I 
consider it most proper to tell and to record, and 
to present to believing hearers in the history of 
the admirable martyrs. And after this I think it 
best to crown the entire work with an account of 
the peace which has appeared unto us from heaven.

		CHAPTER XIII.
		
THE seventh year of our conflict was completed; 
and the hostile measures which


355

had continued into the eighth year were gradually 
and quietly becoming less severe. A large number 
of confessors were collected at the copper mines 
in Palestine, and were acting with considerable 
boldness, so far as even to build places of 
worship. But the ruler of the province, a cruel 
and wicked man, as his acts against the martyrs 
showed, having come there and learned the state of 
affairs, communicated it to the emperor, writing 
in accusation whatever he thought best. Thereupon, 
being appointed superintendent of the mines, he 
divided the band of confessors as if by a royal 
decree, and sent some to dwell in Cyprus and 
others in Lebanon, and he scattered others in 
different parts of Palestine and ordered
3  them to labor in various works. And, selecting 
the four who seemed to him to be
the leaders, he sent them to the commander of the 
armies in that section. These were Peleus and 
Nilus, (1) Egyptian bishops, also a presbyter, (2) 
and Patermuthius, who was well known among them 
all for his zeal toward all. The commander of the 
army demanded of them a denial of religion, and 
not obtaining this, he condemned them to death by 
fire.
4	There were others there who had been 
	allotted to dwell in a separate place by
themselves,-- such of the confessors as on account 
of age or mutilations, or for other bodily 
infirmities, had been released from service. 
Silvanus, (3) a bishop from Gaza, presided over 
them, and set a worthy and genuine ex-
5  ample of Christianity. This man having
from the first day of the persecution, and
throughout its entire continuance, been eminent 
for his confessions in all sorts of conflicts, had 
been kept all that time that he might, so to 
speak, set the final seal upon the whole con-flier 
in Palestine. There were with him many from Egypt, 
among whom was John, who surpassed all in our time 
in the excellence of his memory. He had formerly 
been deprived of his sight. Nevertheless, on 
account of his eminence in confession he had with 
the others suffered the destruction of his foot by 
cauterization. And although his sight had been 
destroyed he was subjected to the same burning 
with fire, the executioners aiming after 
everything that was merciless and pitiless and 
cruel and inhuman. Since he was such a man, one 
would not be so much astonished at his habits and 
his philosophic life, nor would he seem so 
wonderful for them, as for the strength of his 
memory. For he had written whole books

of the Divine Scriptures, "not in tables of stone" 
(4) as the divine apostle says, neither on skins 
of animals, nor on paper which moths and time 
destroy, but truly "in fleshy tables of the 
heart," (5) in a transparent soul and most pure 
eye of the mind, so that whenever he wished he 
could repeat, as if from a treasury of words, any 
portion of the Scripture, whether in the law, or 
the prophets, or the historical books, or the 
gospels, or the writings of the apostles.
I confess that I was astonished when I  8
first saw the man as he was standing in the
midst of a large congregation and repeating 
portions of the Divine Scripture. While I only 
heard his voice, I thought that, according to the 
custom in the meetings, he was reading. But when I 
came near and perceived what he was doing, and 
observed all the others standing around him with 
sound eyes while he was using only the eyes of his 
mind, and yet was speaking naturally like some 
prophet, and far excelling those who were sound in 
body, it was impossible for me not to glorify God 
and wonder. And I seemed to see in these deeds 
evident and strong confirmation of the fact that 
true manhood consists not in excellence of bodily 
appearance, but in the soul and understanding 
alone. For he, with his body mutilated, manifested 
the superior excellence of the power that was 
within him.
But as to those whom we have mentioned  9
as abiding in a separate place, and attending to 
their customary duties in fasting and prayer and 
other exercises, God himself saw fit to give them 
a salutary issue by extending his right hand in 
answer to them. The bitter foe, as they were armed 
against him zealously through their prayers to 
God, could no longer endure them, and determined 
to slay and destroy them from off the earth 
because they troubled
him. And God permitted him to accomplish 10
this, that he might not be restrained from
the wickedness he desired, and that at the same 
time they might receive the prizes of their 
manifold conflicts. Therefore at the command of 
the most accursed Maximinus, forty, lacking one, 
(6) were beheaded in one day.
These martyrdoms were accomplished 11
in Palestine during eight complete years;
and of this description was the persecution in our 
time. Beginning with the demolition of the 
churches, it increased greatly as the rulers rose 
up from time to time against us. In these assaults 
the multiform and various conflicts of those who 
wrestled in behalf of religion produced an 
innumerable multitude of martyrs in every 
province, -- in the regions extending from Libya 
and throughout all Egypt, and Syria, and


356

from the East round about to the district of 
Illyricum.
But the countries beyond these, all Italy and 
Sicily and Gaul, and the regions toward the 
setting sun, in Spain, Mauritania, and Africa, 
suffered the war of persecution during less than 
two years, (7) and were deemed worthy of a 
speedier divine visitation and peace; the heavenly 
Providence sparing the singleness of purpose
13 and faith of those men. For what had
never before been recorded in the annals of
the Roman government, first took place in our day, 
contrary to all expectation; for during the 
persecution in our time the empire was divided 
into two parts. (8) The brethren dwelling in the 
part of which we have just spoken enjoyed

peace; but those in the other part endured
trials without number. But when the divine 14
grace kindly and compassionately manifested its 
care for us too, then truly our rulers also, those 
very ones through whom the wars against us had 
been formerly carried on, changed their minds in a 
most wonderful manner, and published a 
recantation; (9) and by favorable edicts and mild 
decrees concerning us, extinguished the 
conflagration against us. This recantation also 
must be recorded.(10)


BOOK IX.

CHAPTER I.

The Pretended Relaxation.

1   The imperial edict of recantation, which
has been quoted above, (1) was posted in all
parts of Asia and in the adjoining provinces. 
After this had been done, Maximinus, the tyrant in 
the East,--a most impious man, if there ever was 
one, and most hostile to the religion of the God 
of the universe,--being by no means satisfied with 
its contents, (2) instead of sending the 
above-quoted decree to the governors under him, 
gave them verbal commands to relax the
2  war against us. For since he could not in
any other way oppose the decision of his
superiors, keeping the law which had been al-
ready issued secret, and taking care that it
might not be made known in the district under
him, he gave an unwritten order to his governors 
that they should relax the persecution
against us. They communicated the command to each 
other in writing. Sabinus, (3)
at least, who was honored with the highest
official rank among them, communicated the will of 
the emperor to the provincial governors in a Latin 
epistle, the translation of which is as
	follows:
4   "With continuous and most devoted earnestness 
their Majesties, our most divine
masters, the emperors, (4) formerly directed the 
minds of all men to follow the holy and correct 
course of life, that those also who seemed to live 
in a manner foreign to that of the Romans, should 
render the worship due to the immortal gods. But 
the obstinacy and most unconquerable determination 
of some went so far that they could neither be 
turned back from their purpose by the just reason 
of the command, nor be intimidated by the 
impending punishment.
5  Since therefore it has come to pass that by
such conduct many have brought them-
selves into danger, their Majesties, our most 
powerful masters, the emperors, in the exalted

nobility of piety, esteeming it foreign to their
Majesties' purpose to bring men into so great
danger for such a cause, have commanded their
devoted servant, myself, to write to thy wisdom, 
(5)
that if any Christian be found engaging in the
worship of his own people, thou shouldst abstain 
from molesting and endangering him, and
shouldst not suppose it necessary to punish any
one on this pretext. For it has been proved by
the experience of so long a time that they can
in no way be persuaded to abandon such
obstinate conduct. Therefore it should be 6
thy care to write to the curators (6) and 
magistrates and district overseers (7) of every 
city,
that they may know that it is not necessary for
them to give further attention to this matter." 
(8) Thereupon the rulers of the prov- 7


358

inces, thinking that the purpose of the things 
which were written was truly made known to them, 
declared the imperial will to the curators and 
magistrates and prefects of the various districts 
(9) in writing. But they did not limit themselves 
to writing, but sought more quickly to accomplish 
the supposed will of the emperor in deeds also. 
Those whom they had imprisoned on account of their 
confession of the Deity, they set at liberty, and 
they released those of them who had been sent to 
the mines for punishment; for they erroneously 
supposed that this was
8 the true will of the emperor. And when
these things had thus been done, immediately, like 
a light shining forth in a dark night, one could 
see in every city congregations gathered and 
assemblies thronged, and meetings held according 
to their custom. And every one of the unbelieving 
heathen was not a little astonished at these 
things, wondering at so marvelous a 
transformation, and exclaiming that the God of the 
Christians was great and alone true.
9 And some of our people, who had faith-
fully and bravely sustained the conflict of
persecution, again became frank and bold toward 
all; but as many as had been diseased in the faith 
and had been shaken in their souls by the tempest, 
strove eagerly for healing, beseeching and 
imploring the strong to stretch out to them a 
saving hand, and supplicating God to be
10 merciful unto them. Then also the noble
athletes of religion who had been set free
from their sufferings in the mines returned to 
their own homes. Happily and joyfully they passed 
through every city, full of unspeakable
pleasure and of a boldness which cannot
11 be expressed in words. Great crowds of
men pursued their journey along the high-
ways and through the market-places, praising God 
with hymns and psalms. And you might have seen 
those who a little while before had been driven in 
bonds from their native countries under a most 
cruel sentence, returning with bright and joyful 
faces to their own firesides; so that even they 
who had formerly thirsted for our blood, when they 
saw the unexpected wonder, congratulated us on 
what had taken place.

CHAPTER II.

The Subsequent Reverse.

But the tyrant who, as we have said, ruled over 
the districts of the Orient, a

thorough hater of the good and an enemy of
every virtuous person, as he was, could no longer
bear this; and indeed he did not permit matters
to go on in this way quite six months. (1) 
Devising all possible means of destroying the 
peace,
he first attempted to restrain us, under a pre-
text, (2) from meeting in the cemeteries.
Then through the agency of some wicked  2
men he sent an embassy to himself against
us, (3) inciting tim citizens of Antioch to ask 
from him as a very great favor that he would by no 
means permit any of the Christians to dwell in 
their country; and others were secretly induced to 
do the same thing. The author of all this in 
Antioch was Theotecnus, (4) a violent and wicked 
man, who was an impostor, and whose character was 
foreign to his name. (5) He appears to have been 
the curator (6) of the city.


359

CHAPTER III.

The Newly Erected Statue at Antioch.

After this man had carried on all kinds of war 
against us and had caused our people to be 
diligently hunted up in their retreats, as if they 
were unholy thieves, and had devised every sort of 
slander and accusation against us, and become the 
cause of death to vast numbers, he finally erected 
a statue of Jupiter Philius (1) with certain 
juggleries and magic rites. And after inventing 
unholy forms of initiation and ill-omened 
mysteries in connection with it, and abominable 
means of purification, (2) he exhibited his 
jugglery, by oracles which he pretended to utter, 
even to the emperor; and through a flattery which 
was pleasing to the ruler he aroused the demon 
against the Christians and said that the god had 
given command to expel the Christians as his 
enemies beyond the confines of the city and the 
neighboring districts.

CHAPTER IV.

The Memorials against us. (1)

1   The fact that this man, who took the
lead in this matter, had succeeded in his
purpose was an incitement to all the other
officials in the cities under the same government 
to prepare a similar memorial. (2) And
the governors of the provinces perceiving that
this was agreeable to the emperor suggested to
their subjects that they should do the same.
2  And as the tyrant by a rescript declared
himself well pleased with their measures, (3)
persecution was kindled anew against us. Priests 
for the images were then appointed in the cities, 
and besides them high priests by Maximinus 
himself. (4) The latter were taken from among 
those who were most distinguished in public life 
and had gained celebrity in all the offices which 
they had filled; and who were imbued, moreover, 
with great zeal for the service of those whom
they worshiped. Indeed, the extraordinary 3
superstition of the emperor, to speak in brief,
led all his subjects, both rulers and private 
citizens, for the sake of gratifying him, to do 
everything against us, supposing that they could 
best show their gratitude to him for the benefits 
which they had received from him, by plotting 
murder against us and exhibiting toward us any new 
signs of malignity.

CHAPTER V.

The Forged Acts.

Having therefore forged Acts of Pilate (1)  1
and our Saviour full of every kind of blasphemy 
against Christ, they sent them with the emperor's 
approval to the whole of the empire subject to 
him, with written commands that they should be 
openly posted to the view of all in every place, 
both in country and city, and that the 
schoolmasters should give them to their scholars, 
instead of their customary lessons,
to be studied and learned by heart. While 2 these 
things were taking place, another military 
commander, whom the Romans call Dux, (2) seized 
some infamous women in the market-place at 
Damascus in Phoenicia, (3) and by threatening to 
inflict tortures upon them compelled them to make 
a written declaration that


360

they had once been Christians and that they were 
acquainted with their impious deeds,--that in 
their very churches they committed licentious 
acts; and they uttered as many other slanders 
against our religion as he wished them to. Having 
taken down their words in writing, he communicated 
them to the emperor, who commanded that these 
documents also should be published in every place 
and city.

CHAPTER VI.

Those who suffered Martyrdom at this Time.

1   Nor long afterward, however, this military 
commander became his own murderer
and paid the penalty for his wickedness. But we 
were obliged again to endure exile and severe 
persecutions, and the governors in every province 
were once more terribly stirred up against us; so 
that even some of those illustrious in the Divine 
Word were seized and had sentence of death 
pronounced upon them without mercy. Three of them 
in the city of Emesa (1) in Phoenicia, having 
confessed that they were Christians, were thrown 
as food to the wild beasts. Among them was a 
bishop Silvanus, (2) a very old man, who had 
filled his
2  office full forty years. At about the same
time Peter (3) also, who presided most 
illustriously over the parishes in Alexandria, a 
divine example of a bishop on account of the 
excellence of his life and his study of the sacred 
Scriptures, being seized for no cause and quite 
unexpectedly, was, as if by command of Maxi-minus, 
immediately and without explanation, beheaded. 
With him also many other bishops of Egypt suffered 
the same fate. And
Lucian, (4) a presbyter of the parish at Antioch, 
and a most excellent man in every respect, 
temperate in life and famed for his learning in 
sacred things, was brought to the city of 
Nicomedia, where at that time the emperor happened 
to be staying, and after delivering before the 
ruler an apology for the doctrine which he 
professed, was committed to prison and
put to death. Such trials were brought  4
upon us in a brief time by Maximinus, the
enemy of virtue, so that this persecution which 
was stirred up against us seemed far more cruel 
than the former.

CHAPTER VII.

The Decree against us which was engraved on
Pillars.

The memorials against us (1) and copies of the 
imperial edicts issued in reply to them were 
engraved and set up on brazen pillars in the midst 
of the cities, (2)--a course which had never been 
followed elsewhere. The children in the schools 
had daily in their mouths the names of Jesus and 
Pilate, and the Acts which had been forged in 
wanton insolence. (3) It appears to me necessary 
to insert here this document of Maximinus which 
was posted on pillars, in order that there may be 
made manifest at the same time the boastful and 
haughty arrogance of the God-hating man, and the 
sleepless evil-hating divine vengeance upon the 
impious, which followed close upon him, and under 
whose pressure he not long afterward took the 
opposite course in respect to us and confirmed it 
by written laws. (4)
The rescript is in the following words:

	    Copy of a translation of the rescript of 
Maxi-minus in answer to the memorials against us, 
taken from the pillar in Tyre.
"Now at length the feeble power of the human mind 
has become able to shake off and to scatter every 
dark mist of error, which before this besieged the 
senses of men, who were more miserable than 
impious, and enveloped them in dark and 
destructive ignorance; and to perceive that it is 
governed and estab-


361

lished by the beneficent providence of the 
immortal gods. It passes belief how grateful, how 
pleasing and how agreeable it is to us, that you 
have given a most decided proof of your pious 
resolution; for even before this it was known to 
every one how much regard and reverence you were 
paying to the immortal gods, exhibiting not a 
faith of bare and empty words, but continued and 
wonderful exam-
5 pies of illustrious deeds. Wherefore your city
may justly be called a seat and dwelling of
	    the immortal gods. At least, it appears by 
many signs that it flourishes because of the 
presence of the celestial gods. Behold, therefore, 
your city, regardless of all private advantages, 
and omitting its former petitions in its own 
behalf, when it perceived that the adherents of 
that execrable vanity were again beginning to 
spread, and to start the greatest 
conflagration,--like a neglected and extinguished 
funeral pile when its brands are 
rekindled,-immediately resorted to our piety as to 
a metropolis of all religiousness, asking some 
remedy and aid. It is evident that the gods have 
given you this saving mind on account of your 
faith and piety.
"Accordingly that supreme and mightiest Jove, who 
presides over your illustrious city, who preserves 
your ancestral gods, your wives and children, your 
hearths and homes from every destructive pest, has 
infused into your souls this wholesome resolve; 
showing and proving how excellent and glorious and 
salutary it is to observe with the becoming 
reverence the worship and sacred rites of the 
immortal gods.
8 For who can be found so ignorant or so
devoid of all understanding as not to perceive 
that it is due to the kindly care of the gods that 
the earth does not refuse the seed sown in it, nor 
disappoint the hope of the husbandmen with vain 
expectation; that impious war is not inevitably 
fixed upon earth, and wasted bodies dragged down 
to death under the influence of a corrupted 
atmosphere; that the sea is not swollen and raised 
on high by blasts of intemperate winds; that 
unexpected hurricanes do not burst forth and stir 
up the destructive tempest; moreover, that the 
earth, the nourisher and mother of all, is not 
shaken from its lowest depths with a terrible 
tremor, and that the mountains upon it do not sink 
into the opening chasms. No one is ignorant that 
all these, and evils still worse than
these, have oftentimes happened hitherto.
9 And all these misfortunes have taken place
on account of the destructive error of the
empty vanity of those impious men, when it 
prevailed in their souls, and, we may almost say,
weighed down the whole world with shame."
10 After other words he adds: "Let them look
at the standing crops already flourishing

with waving heads in the broad fields, and at the 
meadows glittering with plants and flowers, in 
response to abundant rains and the restored 
mildness and softness of the atmosphere.
Finally, let all rejoice that the might of the 11
most powerful and terrible Mars has been
propitiated by our piety, our sacrifices, and our 
veneration; and let them on this account enjoy 
firm and tranquil peace and quiet; and let as many 
as have wholly abandoned that blind error and 
delusion and have returned to a right and sound 
mind rejoice the more, as those who have been 
rescued from an unexpected storm or severe disease 
and are to reap the fruits of I pleasure for the 
rest of their life. But if they still persist in 
their execrable vanity, let them, as you have 
desired, be driven far away from your city and 
territory, that thus, in accordance with your 
praiseworthy zeal in this matter, your city, being 
freed from every pollution and impiety, may, 
according to its native disposition, attend to the 
sacred rites of the immortal gods with becoming 
reverence. But that ye may know how acceptable to 
us your request respecting this matter has been, 
and how ready our mind is to confer benefits 
voluntarily, without memorials and petitions, we 
permit your devotion to ask whatever great gift ye 
may desire in return for this your pious 
disposition.
And now ask that this may be done and 14
that ye may receive it; for ye shall obtain
it without delay. This, being granted to your 
city, shall furnish for all time an evidence of 
reverent piety toward the immortal gods, and of 
the fact that you have obtained from our 
benevolence merited prizes for this choice of 
yours; and it shall be shown to your children and 
children's children."
This was published against us in all the 15
provinces, depriving us of every hope of good,
at least from men; so that, according to that 
divine utterance, "If it were possible, even the 
elect would have stumbled" (5) at these things.
And now indeed, when the hope of most of 16 us was 
almost extinct, suddenly while those who were to 
execute against us the above decree had in some 
places scarcely finished their journey, God, the 
defender of his own Church, exhibited his heavenly 
interposition in our behalf, well-nigh stopping 
the tyrant's boasting against  us.

CHAPTER VIII.

The Misfortunes which happened in Connection
	    with these Things, in Famine, Pestilence, and
	
The customary rains and showers of the winter 
season ceased to fall in their wonted


362

abundance upon the earth and an unexpected famine 
made its appearance, and in addition to this a 
pestilence, and another severe disease consisting 
of an ulcer, which on account of its fiery 
appearance was appropriately called a carbuncle. 
(1) This, spreading over the whole body, greatly 
endangered the lives of those who suffered from 
it; but as it chiefly attacked the eyes, it 
deprived multitudes of men, women, and children of 
their sight. In addition to this the tyrant was 
compelled to go to war with the Armenians, who had 
been from ancient times friends and allies of the 
Romans. As they were also Christians (2) and 
zealous in their piety toward the Deity, the enemy 
of God had attempted to compel them to sacrifice 
to idols and demons, and had thus made friends 
foes, and allies enemies. All these things 
suddenly took place at one and the same time, and 
refuted the tyrant's empty vaunt against the 
Deity. For he had boasted that, because of his 
zeal for idols and his hostility against us, 
neither famine nor pestilence nor war had happened 
in his time. (3) These things, therefore, coming 
upon him at once and together, furnished a prelude 
also of his own
4 destruction. He himself with his forces
was defeated in the war with the Armenians,
and the rest of the inhabitants of the cities 
under him were terribly afflicted with famine and 
pestilence, so that one measure of wheat
was sold for twenty-five hundred Attic
5 drachms. (4) Those who died in the cities
were innumerable, and those who died in
the country and villages were still more. So that 
the tax lists which formerly included a great 
rural population were almost entirely wiped out; 
nearly all being speedily destroyed by famine and 
pestilence. Some, therefore, de-  6
sired to dispose of their most precious
things to those who were better supplied, in 
return for the smallest morsel of food, and 
others, selling their possessions little by 
little, fell into the last extremity of want. 
Some, chewing wisps of hay and recklessly eating 
noxious herbs, undermined and mined their
constitutions. And some of the high-born 7
women in the cities, driven by want to
shameful extremities, went forth into the 
market-places to beg, giving evidence of their 
former liberal culture by the modesty of their 
appearance and the decency of their apparel.
Some, wasted away like ghosts and at the  8
very point of death, stumbled and tottered
here and there, and too weak to stand fell down in 
the middle of the streets; lying stretched out at 
full length they begged that a small morsel of 
food might be given them, and with their last gasp 
they cried out Hunger! having strength only for 
this most painful cry.
But others, who seemed to be better sup-  9
plied, astonished at the multitude of the
beggars, after giving away large quantities, 
finally became hard and relentless, expecting that 
they themselves also would soon suffer the same 
calamities as those who begged. So that in the 
midst of the market-places and lanes, dead and 
naked bodies lay unburied for many days, 
presenting the most lamentable spectacle to those 
that beheld them. Some 10
also became food for dogs, on which ac-
count the survivors began to kill the dogs, lest 
they should become mad and should go to. devouring 
men.
But still worse was the pestilence which 11
consumed entire houses and families, and
especially those whom the famine was not able to 
destroy because of their abundance of food. Thus 
men of wealth, rulers and governors and multitudes 
in office, as if left by the famine on purpose for 
the pestilence, suffered swift and speedy death. 
Every place therefore was full of lamentation; in 
every lane and market-place and street there was 
nothing else to be seen or heard than tears, with 
the customary instruments and the voices of the 
mourners. (5) In this way death, waging war with 
these two weapons, pestilence and famine, 
destroyed whole families in a short time, so that 
one could see two or three dead bodies carried out 
at once. Such were the rewards of the boasting of 
Maximinus and of the measures of the cities 
against us.
Then did the evidences of the universal zeal and 
piety of the Christians become manifest
to all the heathen. For they alone in the 14
midst of such ills showed their sympathy


363

and humanity by their deeds. Every day some 
continued caring for and burying the dead, for 
there were multitudes who had no one to care for 
them; others collected in one place those who were 
afflicted by the famine, throughout the entire 
city, and gave bread to them all; so that the 
thing became noised abroad among all men, and they 
glorified the God of the Christians; and, 
convinced by the facts themselves, confessed that 
they alone were truly pious and
15 religious. After these things were thus done,
God, the great and celestial defender of the
Christians, having revealed in the events which 
have been described his anger and indignation at 
all men for the great evils which they had brought 
upon us, restored to us the bright and gracious 
sunlight of his providence in our behalf; so that 
in the deepest darkness a light of peace shone 
most wonderfully upon us from him, and made it 
manifest to all that God himself has always been 
the ruler of our affairs. From time to time indeed 
he chastens his people and corrects them by his 
visitations, but again after sufficient 
chastisement he shows mercy and favor to those who 
hope in him.

CHAPTER IX.

The Victory of the God-Beloved Emperors. (1)

Thus when Constantine, whom we have already 
mentioned (1a) as an emperor, born of an emperor, 
a pious son of a most pious and prudent father, 
and Licinius, second to him, (2)-two God-beloved 
emperors, honored alike for their intelligence and 
their piety,--being stirred  up against the two 
most impious tyrants by God, the absolute Ruler 
and Saviour of all, engaged in formal war against 
them, with God as their ally, Maxentius (8) was 
defeated at Rome by Constantine in a remarkable 
manner, and the tyrant of the East (4) did not 
long survive him, but met a most shameful death at 
the hand of Licinius, who had not yet become 
insane. (5) Constantine, who was the superior both 
in dignity and imperial rank, (6) first took 
compassion upon those who were oppressed at Rome, 
and  having invoked in prayer the God of heaven,
and his Word, and Jesus Christ himself, the  
Saviour of all, as his aid, advanced with his 
Whole
army, (7) proposing to restore to the Romans
their ancestral liberty. But Maxentius, put-  3
ring confidence rather in the arts of sorcery
than in the devotion of his subjects, did not dare 
to go forth beyond the gates of the city, but 
fortified every place and district and town which 
was enslaved by him, in the neighborhood of Rome 
and in all Italy, with an immense multi-rude of 
troops and with innumerable bands of soldiers. But 
the emperor, relying upon the assistance of God, 
attacked the first, second, and third army of the 
tyrant, and conquered them all; and having 
advanced through the greater part of Italy, was 
already very near Rome.
Then, that he might not be compelled to 4 wage war 
with the Romans for the sake of the tyrant, God 
himself drew the latter, as if bound in chains, 
some distance without the gates, and confirmed 
those threats against the impious which had been 
anciently inscribed in sacred books,--disbelieved, 
indeed, by most as a myth, but believed by the 
faithful,--confirmed them, in a word, by the deed 
itself to all, both believers and unbelievers, 
that saw the wonder
with their eyes. Thus, as in the time of 5
Moses himself and of the ancient God-
beloved race of Hebrews, "he cast Pharaoh's 
chariots and host into the sea, and overwhelmed 
his chosen charioteers in the Red Sea, and covered 
them with the flood," (8) in the same way 
Maxentius also with his soldiers and body-guards 
"went down into the depths like a stone," (9) when 
he fled before the power of God which was with 
Constantine, and passed through the river which 
lay in his way, over which he had formed a


364

bridge with boats, and thus prepared the
means of his own destruction. In regard
to him one might say, "he digged a pit and
opened it and fell into the hole which he had 
made; his labor shall turn upon his own head,
and his unrighteousness shall fall upon his
7 own crown." (10) Thus, then, the bridge over
the river being broken, the passageway settled 
down, and immediately the boats with the men 
disappeared in the depths, and that most impious 
one himself first of all, then the shield-bearers 
who were with him, as the divine oracles foretold, 
"sank like lead in the mighty
8 waters"; (11) so that those who obtained the
victory from God, if not in words, at least
in deeds, like Moses, the great servant of God, 
and those who were with him, fittingly sang as 
they had sung against the impious tyrant of old, 
saying, "Let us sing unto the Lord, for he hath 
gloriously glorified himself; horse and rider hath 
he thrown into the sea; a helper and a protector 
hath he become for my salvation;" (12) and "Who is 
like unto thee, O Lord; among the gods, who is 
like unto thee? glorious in holiness, (13) 
marvelous in glory, doing wonders." (14)
9 These and the like praises Constantine, by
his very deeds, sang to God, the universal
Ruler, and Author of his victory, as he entered 
Rome in triumph. Immediately all the members of 
the senate and the other most celebrated men, with 
the whole Roman people, together with children and 
women, received him as their deliverer, their 
saviour, and their benefactor, with shining eyes 
and with their whole souls, with shouts of 
gladness and unbounded joy.
10 But he, as one possessed of inborn piety
toward God, did not exult in the shouts, nor
was he elated by the praises; but perceiving that 
his aid was from God, he immediately commanded 
that a trophy of the Saviour's passion be put in 
the hand of his own statue. And when he had placed 
it, with the saving sign of the cross in its right 
hand, in the most public place in Rome, he 
commanded that the following inscription should be 
engraved upon it in the
11 Roman tongue: "By this salutary sign, the
true proof of bravery, I have saved and
freed your city from the yoke of the tyrant and 
moreover, having set at liberty both the senate 
and the people of Rome, I have restored them to 
their ancient distinction and splendor." (15) And 
after this both Constantine himself and with him 
the Emperor Licinius, who had not yet been seized 
by that madness into which he later fell, (16) 
praising God as the author of all their blessings, 
with one will and mind drew up a full and most 
complete decree in behalf of the Christians, (17) 
and sent an account of the wonderful things done 
for them by God, and of the victory over the 
tyrant, together with a copy of the decree itself, 
to Maximinus, who still ruled over the nations of 
the East and
pretended friendship toward them. But he, 13
like a tyrant, was greatly pained by what he
learned; but not wishing to seem to yield to 
others, nor, on the other hand, to suppress that 
which was commanded, for fear of those who 
enjoined it, as if on his own authority, he 
addressed, under compulsion, to the governors 
under him this first communication in behalf of 
the Christians, (18) falsely inventing things 
against himself which had never been done by him.

Copy of a translation of the epistle of the tyrant
Maximinus.

"Jovius Maximinus Augustus to Sabinus. (10) I
am confident that it is manifest both to thy 
firmness and to all men that our masters 
Diocletian
and Maximianus, our fathers, when they saw
almost all men abandoning the worship of
the gods and attaching themselves to the 14
party of the Christians, rightly decreed that
all who gave up the worship of those same immortal 
gods should be recalled by open chastisement and 
punishment to the worship of the gods. But when I 
first came to the 15


365

East under favorable auspices and learned that in 
some places a great many men who were able to 
render public service had been banished by the 
judges for the above-mentioned cause, I gave 
command to each of the judges that henceforth none 
of them should treat the provincials with 
severity, but that they should rather recall them 
to the worship of the gods by flattery and 
exhortations. (20) Then when, in accordance with 
my command, these orders were obeyed by the 
judges, it came to pass that none of those who 
lived in the districts of the East were banished 
or insulted, but that they were rather brought 
back to the worship of the gods by the fact that 
no severity was employed
17 toward them. But afterwards, when I went
up last year (21) under good auspices to Nicomedia 
and sojourned there, citizens of the same
city came to me with the images of the gods,
earnestly entreating that such a people should
by no means be permitted to dwell in their
18 country. (22) But when I learned that many
men of the same religion dwelt in those regions, I 
replied that I gladly thanked them for
their request, but that I perceived that it was
not proffered by all, and that if, therefore, 
there
were any that persevered in the same superstition, 
each one had the privilege of doing as he
pleased, even if he wished to recognize the
19 worship of the gods. (23) Nevertheless, I 
considered it necessary to give a friendly answer 
to the inhabitants of Nicomedia and to the other 
cities which had so earnestly presented to me the 
same petition, namely, that no Christians should 
dwell in their cities,--both because this same 
course had been pursued by all the ancient 
emperors, and also because it was pleasing to the 
gods, through whom all men and the government of 
the state itself endure,--and to confirm the 
request which they presented in
20 behalf of the worship of their deity. There-
fore, although before this time, special letters 
have been sent to thy devotedness, and commands 
have likewise been given that no harsh measures 
should be taken against those provincials who 
desire to follow such a course, but that they 
should be treated mildly and 
moderately,--nevertheless, in order that they may

not suffer insults or extortions (24) from the 
beneficiaries, (25) or from any others, I have 
thought meet to remind thy firmness in this 
epistle (26) also that thou shouldst lead our 
provincials rather by flatteries and exhortations 
to recognize
the care of the gods. Hence, 'if any one 21
of his own choice should decide to adopt
the worship of the gods, it is fitting that he 
should be welcomed, but if any should wish to 
follow their own religion, do thou leave it in 
their power. Wherefore it behooves thy devotedness 
to observe that which is committed to thee, and to 
see that power is given to no one to oppress our 
provincials with insults and extortions, (27) 
since, as already written, it is fitting to recall 
our provincials to the worship of the gods rather 
by exhortations and flatteries. But, in order that 
this command of ours may come to the knowledge of 
all our provincials, it is incumbent upon thee to 
proclaim that which has been enjoined, in an edict 
issued by thyself."
Since he was forced to do this by necessity and 
did not give the command by his own will, he was 
not regarded by any one as sincere or trustworthy, 
because he had already shown his unstable and 
deceitful disposition
after his former similar concession. None 24
of our people, therefore, ventured to hold
meetings or even to appear in public, because his 
communication did not cover this, but only 
commanded to guard against doing us any injury, 
and did not give orders that we should hold 
meetings or build churches or perform any
of our customary acts. And yet Constantine and 
Licinius, the advocates of peace and piety, had 
written him to permit this, and had granted it to 
all their subjects by edicts and ordinances. (28) 
But this most impious man did not choose to yield 
in this matter until, being driven by the divine 
judgment, he was at last compelled to do it 
against his will.


366

CHAPTER X.

The	Overthrow of the Tyrants and the Words, which 
they uttered before their Death. (1)

1   The circumstances which drove him to
this course were the following. Being no
longer able to sustain the magnitude of the 
government which had been undeservedly committed 
to him, in consequence of his want of prudence and 
imperial understanding, he managed affairs in a 
base manner, and with his mind unreasonably 
exalted in all things with boastful pride, even 
toward his colleagues in the empire who were in 
every respect his superiors, in birth, in 
training, in education, in worth and intelligence, 
and, greatest of all, in temperance and piety 
toward the true God, he began to venture to act 
audaciously and to arrogate to himself the first 
rank. (2) Becoming mad in his folly, he broke the 
treaties which he had made with Licinius (3) and 
undertook an implacable war. Then in a brief time 
he threw all things into confusion, and stirred up 
every city, and having collected his entire force, 
comprising an immense number of soldiers, he went 
forth to battle with him, elated by his hopes in 
demons, whom he supposed to be gods, and by the 
number of his soldiers. And when he joined battle 
(4) he was deprived of the
	    oversight of God, and the victory was given 
to Licinius, (5) who was then ruling, by the one
4 and only God of all. First, the army in
which he trusted was destroyed, and as all
his guards abandoned him and left him alone, and 
fled to the victor, he secretly divested himself 
as quickly as possible of the imperial garments, 
which did not fitly belong to him, and in a 
cowardly and ignoble and unmanly way mingled with 
the crowd, and then fled, concealing himself in 
fields and villages. (6) But though he was so 
careful for his safety, he scarcely escaped the 
hands of his enemies, revealing by his deeds

that the divine oracles are faithful and true,
in which it is said, "A king is not saved by 5
a great force, and a giant shall not be saved
by the greatness of his strength; a horse is a
vain thing for safety, nor shall he be delivered
by the greatness of his power. Behold, the eyes
of the Lord are upon them that fear him, upon
them that hope in his mercy, to deliver
their souls from death." (7) Thus the tyrant, 
covered with shame, went to his own
country. And first, in frantic rage, he slew many 
priests and prophets of the gods whom he had 
formerly admired, and whose oracles had incited 
him to undertake the war, as sorcerers and 
impostors, and besides all as betrayers of his 
safety. Then having given glory to the God of the 
Christians and enacted a most full and complete 
ordinance in behalf of their liberty, (8) he was 
immediately seized with a mortal disease, and no 
respite being granted him, departed this life. (9) 
The law enacted by him was as follows:

	Copy of the edict of the tyrant in behaIf of 7
	the Christians, translated from the
	man tongue.

"The Emperor Caesar Caius Valerius Maximinus, 
Germanicus, Sarmaticus, Plus, Felix, Invictus, 
Augustus. We believe it manifest that no one is 
ignorant, but that every man who looks back over 
the past knows and is conscious that m every way 
we care continually for the good of our 
provincials, and wish to furnish them with those 
things which are of especial advantage to all, and 
for the common benefit and profit, and whatever 
contributes to the public welfare and is agreeable 
to the views of each. When, therefore, before 
this, it became clear to our mind that under 
pretext of the command of our parents, the most 
divine Diocletian and Maximianus, which enjoined 
that the meetings of the


367

Christians should be abolished, many extortions 
(10) and spoliations had been practiced by 
officials; and that those evils were continually 
increasing, to the detriment of our provincials 
toward whom we are especially anxious to exercise 
proper care, and that their possessions were in 
consequence perishing, letters were sent last year 
(11) to the governors of each province, in which 
we decreed that, if any one wished to follow such 
a practice or to observe this same religion, he 
should be permitted without hindrance to pursue 
his purpose and should be impeded and prevented by 
no one, and that all should have liberty to do 
without any fear or suspicion that which each 
preferred. But even now we cannot help perceiving 
that some of the judges have mistaken our 
commands, and have given our people reason to 
doubt the meaning of our ordinances, and have 
caused them to proceed too reluctantly to the 
observance of those religious rites which are 
pleasing to
10 them. In order, therefore, that in the future 
every suspicion of fearful doubt may be
taken away, we have commanded that this decree
be published, so that it may be clear to all that
whoever wishes to embrace this sect and religion
is permitted to do so by virtue of this grant of
ours; and that each one, as he wishes or as is
pleasing to him, is permitted to practice this 
religion which he has chosen to observe according
to his custom. It is also granted them to
11 build Lord's houses. But that this grant of
ours may be the greater, we have thought 
good to decree also that if any houses and lands 
before this time rightfully belonged to the 
Christians, and by the command of our parents fell 
into the treasury, or were confiscated by any 
city,--whether they have been sold or presented to 
any one as a gift,--that all these should be 
restored to their original possessors, the 
Christians, in order that in this also every one 
may have knowledge of our piety and care."
12  These are the words of the tyrant which
were published not quite a year after the
decrees against the Christians engraved by him on 
pillars. (12) And by him to whom a little before 
we seemed impious wretches and atheists and 
destroyers of all life, so that we were not 
permitted to dwell in any city nor even in country 
or desert,--by him decrees and ordinances were 
issued in behalf of the Christians, and they who 
recently had been destroyed by fire and sword, by 
wild beasts and birds of prey, in the presence of 
the tyrant himself, and had suffered every species 
of torture and punishment, and most miserable 
deaths as atheists and impious wretches, were now 
acknowledged by him as possessors of religion and 
were permitted to build churches;  and the tyrant 
himself bore witness and confessed that they had 
some
rights. And having made such confessions, 13
as if he had received some benefit on ac-
count of them, he suffered perhaps less than he 
ought to have suffered, and being smitten by a 
sudden scourge of God, he perished in the
second campaign of the war. But his end 14
was not like that of military chieftains who,
while fighting bravely in battle for virtue and 
friends, often boldly encounter a glorious death; 
for like an impious enemy of God, while his army 
was still drawn up in the field, remaining at home 
and concealing himself, he suffered the punishment 
which he deserved. For he was smitten with a 
sudden scourge of God in his whole body, and 
harassed by terrible pains and torments, he fell 
prostrate on the ground, wasted by hunger, while 
all his flesh was dissolved by an invisible and 
God-sent fire, so that the whole appearance of his 
frame was changed, and there was left only a kind 
of image wasted away by length of time to a 
skeleton of dry bones; so that those who were 
present could think of his body as nothing else 
than the tomb of his soul, which was buried in a 
body already dead
and completely melted away. And as the 15 heat 
still more violently consumed him in the depths of 
his marrow, his eyes burst forth, and falling from 
their sockets left him blind. Thereupon still 
breathing and making free confession to the Lord, 
he invoked death, and at last, after acknowledging 
that he justly suffered these things on account of 
his violence against Christ, he gave up the ghost.

CHAPTER XI.

The Final Destruction of the Enemies of
Religion.

Thus when Maximinus, who alone had  1
remained of the enemies of religion (1) and
had appeared the worst of them all, was put out of 
the way, the renovation of the churches from their 
foundations was begun by the grace of God the 
Ruler of all, and the word of Christ. shining unto 
the glory of the God of the universe, obtained 
greater freedom than before,


368

	    while the impious enemies of religion were 
covered with extremest shame and dishonor. For 
Maximinus himself, being first pronounced by the 
emperors a common enemy, was declared by public 
proclamations to be a most impious, execrable, and 
God-hating tyrant. And of the portraits which had 
been set up in every city in honor of him or of 
his children, some were thrown down from their 
places to the ground, and torn in pieces; while 
the faces of others were obliterated by daubing 
them with black paint. And the statues which had 
been erected to his honor were likewise overthrown 
and broken, and lay exposed to the laughter and 
sport of those who wished to insult and
8 abuse them. Then also all the honors of
the other enemies of religion were taken
away, and all those who sided with Maximinus were 
slain, especially those who had been honored by 
him with high offices in reward for their
flattery, and had behaved insolently toward
4 our doctrine. Such an one was Peucetius, (2)
the dearest of his companions, who had
been honored and rewarded by him above all, who 
had been consul a second and third time, and had 
been appointed by him chief minister; (3) and 
Culcianus, (4) who had likewise advanced through 
every grade of office, and was also celebrated for 
his numberless executions of Christians in Egypt; 
(6) and besides these not a few others, by whose 
agency especially the tyranny
of Maximinus had been confirmed and ex-5 tended. 
And Theotecnus (6) also was summoned by justice 
which by no means overlooked his deeds against the 
Christians. For when the statue had been set up by 
him at Antioch, (7) he appeared to be in the 
happiest state, and was already made a governor by 
Maximinus.
But Licinius, coming down to the city of 6 
Antioch, made a search for impostors, and tortured 
the prophets and priests of the newly erected 
statue, asking them for what reason they practiced 
their deception. They, under the stress of 
torture, were unable longer to conceal the matter, 
and declared that the whole deceptive mystery had 
been devised by the art of Theotecnus. Therefore, 
after meting out to all of them just judgment, he 
first put Theotecnus himself to death, and then 
his confederates in the imposture, with the 
severest possible
tortures. To all these were added also the 7 
children (8) of Maximinus, whom he had already 
made sharers in the imperial dignity, by placing 
their names on tablets and statues. And the 
relatives of the tyrant, who before had been 
boastful and had in their pride oppressed all men, 
suffered the same punishments with those who have 
been already mentioned, as well as the extremest 
disgrace. For they had not received instruction, 
neither did they know and understand the 
exhortation given in the
Holy Word: "Put not your trust in princes, nor in 
the sons of men, in whom there
is no salvation; his spirit shall go forth and 
return to his earth; in that day all their 
thoughts perish." (9)
The impious ones having been thus  9
removed, the government was preserved
firm and undisputed for Constantine and Licinius, 
to whom it fittingly belonged. They, having first 
of all cleansed the world of hostility to the 
Divine Being, conscious of the benefits which he 
had conferred upon them, showed their love of 
virtue and of God, and their piety and gratitude 
to the Deity, by their ordinance in behalf of the 
Christians. (10)


BOOK X.

CHAPTER I.

The Peace granted us by God.

1   THANKS for all things be given unto God
the Omnipotent Ruler and King of the universe, and 
the greatest thanks to Jesus Christ the Saviour 
and Redeemer of our souls, through whom we pray 
that peace may be always preserved for us firm and 
undisturbed by external troubles and by troubles 
of the mind. Since in accordance with thy wishes, 
my most holy Paulinus, (1) we have added the tenth 
book of the Church History to those which have 
preceded, (2) we will inscribe it to thee, 
proclaiming thee as the seal of the whole
work; and we will fitly add in a perfect
number the perfect panegyric upon the
restoration of the churches, (3) obeying the 
Divine. Spirit which exhorts us in the following 
words:

"Sing unto the Lord a new song, for he hath done 
marvelous things. His right hand and his holy arm 
hath saved him. The Lord hath made known his 
salvation, his righteousness hath he revealed in 
the presence of the nations." (4)
And in accordance with the utterance which 4
commands us to sing the new song, let us
proceed to show that, after those terrible and 
gloomy spectacles which we have described, (5) we 
are now permitted to see and celebrate such things 
as many truly righteous men and martyrs of God 
before us desired to see upon earth and did not 
see, and to hear and did not hear. (6) But they, 
hastening on, obtained far better things, (7) 
being carried to heaven and the paradise of divine 
pleasure. But, acknowledging that even these 
things are greater than we deserve, we have been 
astonished at the grace manifested by the author 
of the great gifts, and rightly do we admire him, 
worshiping him with the whole power of our souls, 
and testifying to the truth of those recorded 
utterances, in which it is said, "Come and see the 
works of the Lord, the wonders which he hath done 
upon the earth; he removeth wars to the ends of 
the world, he shall break the bow and snap the 
spear in sunder, and shall burn the shields with 
fire." (8) Rejoicing in these things which have 
been clearly fulfilled in our day, let us proceed 
with our account.
The whole race of God's enemies was destroyed in 
the manner indicated, (9) and was thus suddenly 
swept from the sight of men. So that again a 
divine utterance had its fulfillment: "I have seen 
the impious highly exalted and raising himself 
like the cedars of Lebanon and I have passed by, 
and behold, he was not and I have sought his 
place, and it could not be found." (10) And 
finally a bright and splendid day, overshadowed by 
no cloud, illuminated with beams of heavenly light 
the churches of Christ throughout the entire 
world. And not even those without our communion 
were prevented from sharing in the same blessings, 
or at least from coming under their influ-


370

ence and enjoying a part of the benefits bestowed 
upon us by God. (12)

CHAPTER II.

The Restoration of the Churches.

1   All men, then, were freed from the oppression 
of the tyrants, and being released
from the former ills, one in one way and another 
in another acknowledged the defender of the pious 
to be the only true God. And we especially who 
placed our hopes in the Christ of God had 
unspeakable gladness, and a certain inspired joy 
bloomed for all of us, when we saw every place 
which shortly before had been desolated by the 
impieties of the tyrants reviving as if from a 
long and death-fraught pestilence, and temples 
again rising from their foundations to an immense 
height, and receiving a splendor far greater than 
that of the old ones which had been destroyed. But 
the supreme rulers also confirmed to us still more 
extensively the munificence of God by repeated 
ordinances in behalf of the Christians; and 
personal letters of the emperor were sent to the 
bishops, with honors and gifts of money. It may 
not be unfitting to insert these documents, 
translated from the Roman into the Greek tongue, 
at the proper place in this book, (1) as in a 
sacred tablet, that they may remain as a memorial 
to all who shall come after us.

		CHAPTER III.
	The Dedications in Every Place.
I	After this was seen the sight which had
	been desired and prayed for by us all;
feasts of dedication in the cities and 
consecrations of the newly built houses of prayer 
took place, bishops assembled, foreigners came 
together from abroad, mutual love was exhibited 
between people and people, the members of Christ's 
body were united in complete harmony. Then was 
fulfilled the prophetic utterance which mystically 
foretold what was to take place: "Bone to bone and 
joint to joint," (1) and whatever was truly 
announced in
enigmatic expressions in the inspired pas-3 sage. 
And there was one energy of the Divine Spirit 
pervading all the members, and one soul in all, 
and the same eagerness of faith, and one hymn from 
all in praise of the Deity. Yea, and perfect 
services were conducted by the prelates, the 
sacred rites being solemnized, and the majestic 
institutions of the Church observed,2 here with 
the singing of psalms and with the reading of the 
words committed to us by God, and there with the 
performance of divine and mystic services; and the 
mysterious symbols of the Saviour's passion were 
dispensed. At the same time people of every 4
age, both male and female, with all the
power of the mind gave honor unto God, the author 
of their benefits, in prayers and thanksgiving, 
with a joyful mind and soul. And every one of the 
bishops present, each to the best of his ability, 
delivered panegyric orations, adding luster to the 
assembly.

CHAPTER IV.

Panegyric on the Splendor of Affairs.

A Certain one of those of moderate talent, (1) who 
had composed a discourse, stepped forward in the 
presence of many pastors who were assembled as if 
for a church gathering, and while they attended 
quietly and decently, he addressed himself as 
follows to one who was in all things a most 
excellent bishop and beloved of God, (2) through 
whose zeal the temple in Tyre, which was the most 
splendid in Phoenicia, had been erected.

	    Panegyric upon the building of the churches, 
2 addressed to Paulinus, Bishop of Tyre.

"Friends and priests of God who are clothed in the 
sacred gown and adorned with the heavenly crown of 
glory, the inspired unction and the sacerdotal 
garment of the Holy Spirit; and thou? oh pride of 
God's new holy temple, endowed by him with the 
wisdom of age, and yet exhibiting costly works and 
deeds of youthful and flourishing virtue, to whom 
God himself, who embraces the entire world, has 
granted the distinguished honor of building and 
renewing this earthly house to Christ, his only 
begotten and first-born Word, and to his holy and 
divine
bride;  (4) -- one might call thee a new Beseleel, 
(5) 3
the architect of a divine tabernacle, or Solo-
mon, king of a new and much better Jerusalem,


371

or also a new Zerubabel, who added a much greater 
glory than the former to the temple 4 of God; 
(6)--and you also, oh nurslings of the sacred 
flock of Christ, habitation of good words, school 
of wisdom, and august
5 and pious auditory of religion: (7) It was long
ago permitted us to raise hymns and songs
to God, when we learned from hearing the Divine 
Scriptures read the marvelous signs of God and the 
benefits conferred upon men by the Lord's wondrous 
deeds, being taught to say 'Oh God! we have heard 
with our ears, our fathers have told us the work 
which thou didst in their days, in days of old.' 
(8) s But now as we no longer perceive the lofty 
arm (9) and the celestial right hand of our 
all-gracious God and universal King by hearsay 
merely or report, but observe so to speak in very 
deed and with our own eyes that the declarations 
recorded long ago are faithful and true, it is 
permitted us to raise a second hymn of triumph and 
to sing with loud voice, and say, 'AS we have 
heard, so have we seen; in the city of the Lord of 
hosts, in the city of our God.' (10) And in what 
city but in this newly built and God-constructed 
one, which is a 'church of the living God, a 
pillar and foundation of the truth,' (11) 
concerning which also another divine oracle thus 
proclaims, 'Glorious things have been spoken of 
thee, oh city of God.' (12) Since the all-gracious 
God has brought us together to it, through the 
grace of his Only-Begotten, let every one of those 
who have been summoned sing with loud voice and 
say, ' I was glad when they said unto me, we shall 
go unto the house of the Lord,' (13) and 'Lord, I 
have loved the beauty of thy house and the place
8 where thy glory dwelleth.' (14) And let us
not only one by one, but all together, with
one spirit and one soul, honor him and cry aloud, 
saying, ' Great is the Lord and greatly to be 
praised in the city of our God, in his holy 
mountain.' (15) For he is truly great, and great 
is his house, lofty and spacious and @ comely in 
beauty above the sons of men.' (16) 'Great is the 
Lord who alone doeth wonderful things'; (17) 
'great is he who doeth great things and things 
past finding out, glorious and marvelous things 
which cannot be numbered'; (18) is great is he ' 
who changeth times and seasons, who exalteth and 
debaseth kings ';19 , who raiseth up the poor from 
the earth and lifteth up the needy from

the dunghill.' (20) He hath put clown princes
from their thrones and hath exalted them of
low degree from the earth. The hungry he hath
filled with good things and the arms of
the proud he hath broken.' (21) Not only to9
the faithful, but also to unbelievers, has he
confirmed the record of ancient events; he that 
worketh miracles, he that doeth great things, the 
Master of all, the Creator of the whole world, the 
omnipotent, the all-merciful, the one and only 
God. To him let us sing the new song, (22) 
supplying in thought, (23) ' To him who alone 
doeth great wonders: for his mercy endureth 
forever'; 24, To him which smote great kings, and 
slew famous kings: for his mercy endureth 
forever'; (25) 'For the Lord remembered us in our 
low estate and delivered us from our
adversaries.' (26)  And let us never cease to 10
cry aloud in these words to the Father of
the universe. And let us always honor him with our 
mouth who is the second cause of our benefits, the 
instructor in divine knowledge, the teacher of the 
true religion, the destroyer of the impious, the 
slayer of tyrants, the reformer of life, Jesus, 
the Saviour of us who were
in despair. For he alone, as the only all- 11
gracious Son of an all-gracious Father, in
accordance with the purpose of his Father's 
benevolence, has willingly put on the nature of us 
who lay prostrate in corruption, and like some 
excellent physician, who for the sake of saving 
them that are ill, examines their sufferings, 
handles their foul sores, and reaps pain for 
himself from the miseries of another, (27) so us 
who were not only diseased and afflicted with 
terrible ulcers and wounds already mortified, but 
were even lying among the dead, he hath saved for 
himself from the very jaws of death. For none 
other of those in heaven had such


372

power as without harm (28) to minister to the 
salvation of so many. But he alone having reached 
our deep corruption, he alone having taken upon 
himself our labors, he alone having suffered the 
punishments due for our impieties, having 
recovered us who were not half dead merely, but 
were already in tombs and sepulchers, and 
altogether foul and offensive, saves us, both 
anciently and now, by his beneficent zeal, beyond 
the expectation of any one, even of ourselves, and 
imparts liberally of the Father's benefits,- he 
who is the giver of life and light, our great 
Physician and King and Lord, the
13 Christ of God. For then when the whole
human race lay buried in gloomy night and
in depths of darkness through the deceitful arts 
of guilty demons and the power of God-hating 
spirits, by his simple appearing he loosed once 
for all the fast-bound cords of our impieties by 
the rays of his light, even as wax is melted.
14 But when malignant envy and the evil-
loving demon wellnigh burst with anger at
such grace and kindness, and turned against us all 
his death-dealing forces, and when, at first, like 
a dog gone mad which gnashes his teeth at the 
stones thrown at him, and pours out his rage 
against his assailants upon the inanimate 
missiles, he leveled his ferocious madness at the 
stones of the sanctuaries and at the lifeless 
material of the houses, and desolated the 
churches, --at least as he supposed,--and then 
emitted terrible hissings and snake-like sounds, 
now by the threats of impious tyrants, and again 
by the blasphemous edicts of profane rulers, 
vomiting forth death, moreover, and infecting with 
his deleterious and soul-destroying poisons the 
souls captured by him, and almost slaying them by 
his death-fraught sacrifices of dead idols, and 
causing every beast in the form of man and every 
kind of savage to assault us
15 --then, indeed, the 'Angel of the great
Council,' (29) the great Captain (30) of God
after the mightiest soldiers of his kingdom had 
displayed sufficient exercise through patience and 
endurance in everything, suddenly appeared anew, 
and blotted out and annihilated his enemies and 
foes, so that they seemed never to have had even a 
name. But his friends and relatives he raised to 
the highest glory, in the presence not only of all 
men, but also of celestial powers, of sun and moon 
and stars,
16 and of the whole heaven and earth, so that
now, as has never happened before, the supreme 
rulers, conscious of the honor which they have 
received from him, spit upon the faces of dead 
idols, trample upon the unhallowed rites of 
demons, make sport of the ancient delusion handed 
down from their fathers, and acknowledge only one 
God, the common benefactor of all, themselves 
included. And they confess Christ, the Son of God, 
universal King of all, and proclaim him Saviour on 
monuments, (31) imperishably recording in imperial 
letters, in the midst of the city which rules over 
the earth, his righteous deeds and his victories 
over the impious. Thus Jesus Christ our Saviour is 
the only one from all eternity who has been 
acknowledged, even by those highest in the earth, 
not as a common king among men, but as a trite son 
of the universal God, and who has been worshiped
as very God, (32) and that rightly. For what 17
king that ever lived attained such virtue as
to fill the ears and tongues of all men upon earth 
with his own name? What king, after ordaining such 
pious and wise laws, has extended them from one 
end of the earth to the other, so that they are 
perpetually read in the hearing of
all men? Who has abrogated barbarous 18
and savage customs of uncivilized nations
by his gentle and most philanthropic laws? Who, 
being attacked for entire ages by all, has shown 
such superhuman virtue as to flourish daily, and 
remain young throughout his
life? Who has founded a nation which of 19 old was 
not even heard of, but which now is not concealed 
in some comer of the earth, but is spread abroad 
everywhere under the sun? Who has so fortified his 
soldiers with the arms of piety that their souls, 
being firmer than adamant, shine brilliantly in 
the contests with
their opponents? What king prevails to 20
such an extent, and even after death leads
on his soldiers, and sets up trophies over his


373

enemies, and fills every place, country and city, 
Greek and barbarian, with his royal dwellings, 
even divine temples with their consecrated 
oblations, like this very temple with its superb 
adornments and votive offerings, which are 
themselves so truly great and majestic, worthy of 
wonder and admiration, and clear signs of the 
sovereignty of our Saviour? For now, too, 'he 
spake, and they were made; he commanded, and they 
were created.' (33) For what was there to resist 
the nod of the universal King and Governor and 
Word of God himself? (34)
	"A special discourse would be needed accurately 
to survey and explain all this; and
also to describe how great the zeal of the
Iaborers is regarded by him who is celebrated as 
divine, (35) who looks upon the living temple 
which we all constitute, and surveys the house, 
composed of living and moving stones, which is 
well and surely built upon the foundation of the 
apostles and prophets, the chief cornerstone being 
Jesus Christ himself, who has been rejected not 
only by the builders of that ancient building 
which no longer stands, but also by the builders 
-- evil architects of evil works -- of the 
structure, which is composed of the mass of men 
and still endures (36) But the Father has approved 
him both then and now, and has made him the head 
of the corner of this our common church. Who that 
beholds this living temple of the living God 
formed of ourselves--this greatest and truly 
divine sanctuary, I say, whose inmost shrines are 
invisible to the multitude and are truly holy and 
a holy of holies -- would venture to declare it? 
Who is able even to look within the sacred 
enclosure, except the great High Priest of all, to 
whom alone it is permitted to fathom
23 the mysteries of every rational soul? But
perhaps it is granted to another, to one
only, to be second after him in the same work, 
namely, to the commander of this army whom the 
first and great High Priest himself has honored 
with the second place in this sanctuary, the 
shepherd of your divine flock who has

obtained your people by the allotment and the 
judgment of the Father, as if he had appointed him 
his own servant and interpreter, a new Aaron or 
Melchizedec, made like the Son of God, remaining 
and continually preserved by him in accordance 
with the united prayers
of all of you. To him therefore alone let 24
it be granted, if not in the first place, at
least in the second after the first and greatest 
High Priest, to observe and supervise the inmost 
state of your souls,--to him who by experience and 
length of time has accurately proved each one, and 
who by his zeal and care has disposed you all in 
pious conduct and doctrine, and is better able 
than any one else to give an account, adequate to 
the facts, of those things which he himself has 
accomplished with the
Divine assistance. As to our first and great 25
High Priest, it is said, (37)  'Whatsoever he
seeth the Father doing those things likewise the 
Son also doeth.' (38) So also this one, (39) 
looking up to him as to the first teacher, with 
pure eyes of the mind, using as archetypes 
whatsoever things he seeth him doing, produceth 
images of them, making them so far as is possible 
in the same likeness, in nothing inferior to that 
Beseleel, whom God himself 'filled with the spirit 
of wisdom and understanding' (40) and with other 
technical and scientific knowledge, and called to 
be the maker of the temple constructed after
heavenly types given in symbols. Thus this 28
one also bearing in his own soul the image
of the whole Christ, the Word, the Wisdom, the 
Light, has formed this magnificent temple of the 
highest God, corresponding to the pattern of the 
greater as a visible to an invisible, it is 
impossible to say with what greatness of soul, 
with what wealth and liberality of mind, and with 
what emulation on the part of all of you, shown in 
the magnanimity of the contributors who have 
ambitiously striven in no way to be left behind by 
him in the execution of the same purpose. And this 
place,--for this deserves to be mentioned first of 
all, -- which had been covered with all sorts of 
rubbish by the artifices of our enemies he did not 
overlook, nor did he yield to the wickedness of 
those who had brought about that condition of 
things, although he might have chosen some other 
place, for many other sites were available in the 
city, where he would have had less labor, and been 
free from
trouble. But having first aroused himself 27
to the work, and then strengthened the
whole people with zeal, and formed them all into 
one great body, he fought the first contest. For 
he thought that this church, which had been


374

especially besieged by the enemy, which had first 
suffered and endured the same persecutions with us 
and for us, like a mother bereft of her children, 
should rejoice with us in the signal favor of the 
all-merciful God. For when the Great Shepherd had 
driven away the wild animals and wolves and every 
cruel and savage beast, and, as the divine oracles 
say, 'had broken the jaws of the lions,' (41), he 
thought good to collect again her children in the 
same place, and in the most righteous manner he 
set up the fold of her flock, 'to put to shame the 
enemy and avenger,' (42) and to refute the impious 
daring of the enemies of God. (43)
29 And now they are not,--the haters of
God,--for they never were. After they
had troubled and been troubled for a little time, 
they suffered the fitting punishment, and brought 
themselves and their friends and their relatives 
to total destruction, so that the declarations 
inscribed of old in sacred records have been 
proved true by facts. In these declarations the 
divine word truly says among other things
30 the following concerning them: 'The wicked
have drawn out the sword, they have bent
their bow, to slay the righteous in heart; let 
their sword enter into their own heart and their 
bows be broken.' (44) And again: 'Their memorial 
is perished with a sound' (45) and 'their name 
hast thou blotted out forever and ever'; (46) for 
when they also were in trouble they 'cried out and 
there was none to save: unto the Lord, and he 
heard them not. (47) But 'their feet were bound 
together, and they fell, but we have arisen and 
stand upright.' (48) And that which was announced 
beforehand in these words,-'O Lord, in thy city 
thou shalt set at naught their image,' (49)--has 
been shown to be true
31 to the eyes of all. But having waged war
like the giants against God, (50) they died in
this way. But she that was desolate and rejected 
by men received the consummation which we behold 
in consequence of her patience toward God, so that 
the prophecy of Isaiah was spoken of her: 
'Rejoice, thirsty desert, let the desert rejoice 
and blossom as the lily, and the desert places 
shall blossom and be glad.' (51) 'Be strengthened, 
ye weak hands and feeble knees. Be of good 
courage, ye feeble-hearted, in your minds; be 
strong, fear not. Behold our God recompenseth 
judgment and will recompense, he will come and 
save us.' (52)

'For,' he says, 'in the wilderness water has 
broken out, and a pool in thirsty ground, and the 
dry land shall be watered meadows, and in the 
thirsty ground there shall be springs of water.' 
(53) These things which were 33 prophesied long 
ago have been recorded
in sacred books; but no longer are they 
transmitted to us by hearsay merely, but in facts.
This desert, this dry land, this widowed and
deserted one, 'whose gates they cut down with
axes like wood in a forest, whom they broke
down with hatchet and hammer,' (54) whose books
also they destroyed, (55)  'burning with fire the
sanctuary of God, and profaning unto the ground
the habitation of his name,' (56) 'whom all that
passed by upon the way plucked, and whose
fences they broke down, whom the boar out of
the wood ravaged, and on which the savage
wild beast fed,' (57) now by the wonderful power
of Christ, when he wills it, has become like a
lily. For at that time also she was chastened at
his nod as by a careful father; 'for whom the
Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth
every son whom he receiveth.' (58) Then after 34
being chastened in a measure, according to
the necessities of the case, she is commanded to 
rejoice anew; and she blossoms as a lily and 
exhales her divine odor among all men. 'For,' it 
is said, 'water hath broken out in the 
wilderness,' (59) the fountain of the saving bath 
of divine regeneration. (60) And now she, who a 
little before was a desert, 'has become watered 
meadows. and springs of water have gushed forth in 
a thirsty land.' (61) The hands which before were 
'weak' have become 'truly strong'; (62) and these 
works are great and convincing proofs of strong 
hands. The knees, also, which before were 'feeble 
and infirm,' recovering their wonted strength, are 
moving straight forward in the path of divine 
knowledge, and hastening to the kindred flock (63) 
of the all-gracious Shepherd.
And if there are any whose souls have been 35
stupefied by the threats of the tyrants, not
even they are passed by as incurable by the saving 
Word; but he heals them also and urges them on to 
receive divine comfort, saying, 'Be ye comforted, 
ye who are faint-hearted; be
ye strengthened, fear not.' (64) This our new 36
and excellent Zerubabel, having heard the
word which announced beforehand, that she who had 
been made a desert on account of God should enjoy 
these things, after the bitter cap-


375

tivity and the abomination of desolation, did not 
overlook the dead body; but first of all with 
prayers and supplications propitiated the Father 
with the common consent of all of you, and 
invoking the only one that giveth life to the dead 
as his ally and fellow-worker, raised her that was 
fallen, after purifying and freeing her from her 
ills. And he clothed her not with the ancient 
garment, but with such an one as he had again 
learned from the sacred oracles, which say 
clearly, 'And the latter glory of this house shall 
be greater than the former.' (65) Thus, enclosing 
a much larger space, he fortified
	    the outer court with a wall surrounding the 
whole, which should serve as a most secure
38 bulwark for the entire edifice. (66) And he
raised and spread out a great and lofty vestibule 
toward the rays of the rising sun, (67) and 
furnished those standing far without the sacred 
enclosure a full view of those within, almost 
turning the eyes of those who were strangers to 
the faith, to the entrances, so that no one could 
pass by without being impressed by the memory of 
the former desolation and of the present 
incredible transformation. His hope was that such 
an one being impressed by this might be attracted 
and be induced to enter by the very sight. But 
when one comes within the gates he does not permit 
him to enter the sanctuary immediately, with 
impure and unwashed feet; but leaving as large a 
space as possible between the temple and the outer 
entrance, he has surrounded and adorned it with 
four transverse cloisters, making a quadrangular 
space with pillars rising on every side, which he 
has joined with lattice-work screens of wood, 
rising to a suitable height; and he has left an 
open space (68) in the middle, so that the sky can
be seen, and the free air bright in the rays 40 of 
the sun. Here he has placed symbols

of sacred purifications, setting up fountains 
opposite the temple which furnish an abundance of 
water wherewith those who come within the 
sanctuary may purify themselves. This is the first 
halting-place of those who enter; and it furnishes 
at the same time a beautiful and splendid scene to 
every one, and to those who still need elementary 
instruction a fitting station. But passing by this 
spectacle, he has 41 made open entrances to the 
temple with many other vestibules within, placing 
three doors on one side, likewise facing the rays 
of the sun. The one in the middle, adorned with 
plates of bronze, iron bound, and beautifully 
embossed, he has made much higher and broader than 
the others, as if he were making them guards for
it as for a queen. In the same way, arranging the 
number of vestibules for the corridors on each 
side of the whole temple, he has made above them 
various openings into the building, for the 
purpose of admitting more light, adorning them 
with very fine wood-carving. But the royal house 
he has furnished with more beautiful and splendid 
materials, using unstinted
liberality in his disbursements. It seems 43
to me superfluous to describe here in detail
the length and breadth of the building, its 
splendor and its majesty surpassing description, 
and the brilliant appearance of the work, its 
lofty pinnacles reaching to the heavens, and the 
costly cedars of Lebanon above them, which the 
divine oracle has not omitted to mention, saying, 
'The trees of the Lord shall rejoice and the 
cedars of Lebanon which he hath
planted.' (69) Why need I now describe the 44 
skillful architectural arrangement and the 
surpassing beauty of each part, when the testimony 
of the eye renders instruction through the ear 
superfluous? For when he had thus completed the 
temple, he provided it with lofty thrones in honor 
of those who preside, and in addition with seats 
arranged in proper order throughout the whole 
building, and finally placed in the middle (70) 
the holy of holies, the altar, and, that it might 
be inaccessible to the multitude, enclosed it with 
wooden lattice-work, accurately wrought with 
artistic carving, presenting a
wonderful sight to the beholders. And not 45 even 
the pavement was neglected by him; for this too he 
adorned with beautiful marble of every variety. 
Then finally he passed on to the parts without the 
temple, providing spacious exedrae and buildings 
(71) on each side, which were


376

joined to the basilica, and communicated with the 
entrances to the interior of the structure. These 
were erected by our most peaceful (72) Solomon, 
the maker of the temple of God, for those who 
still needed purification and sprinkling by water 
and the Holy Spirit, so that the prophecy quoted 
above is no longer a word merely, but a fact; for 
now it has also come
46 to pass that in truth 'the biter glory of
this house is greater than the former.' (73)
For it was necessary and fitting that as her 
shepherd and Lord had once tasted death for her, 
and after his suffering had changed that vile body 
which he assumed in her behalf into a splendid and 
glorious body, leading the very flesh which had 
been delivered (74) from corruption to 
incorruption, she too should enjoy the 
dispensations of the Saviour. For having received 
from him the promise of much greater things than 
these, she desires to share uninterruptedly 
throughout eternity with the choir of the angels 
of light, in the far greater glory of 
regeneration, (75) in the resurrection of an 
incorruptible body, in the palace of God beyond 
the heavens, with Christ Jesus himself, the 
universal Benefactor and Saviour. But for the
present, she that was formerly widowed and
desolate is clothed by the grace of God with these 
flowers, and is become truly like a lily, as the 
prophecy says, (76) and having received the bridal 
garment and the crown of beauty, she is taught by 
Isaiah to dance, and to present her 
thank-offerings unto God the King in reverent 
words. Let us hear her saying, 'My
soul shall rejoice in the Lord; for he hath
clothed me with a garment of salvation and with a 
robe of gladness; he hath bedecked me like a 
bridegroom with a garland, and he hath adorned me 
like a bride with jewels; and like the earth which 
bringeth forth her bud, and like a garden which 
causeth the things that are sown in it to spring 
forth, thus the Lord God hath caused righteousness 
and praise to
49 spring forth before all the nations.' (77) In
these words she exults. And in similar
words the heavenly bridegroom, the Word Jesus 
Christ himself, answers her. Hear the Lord saying, 
'Fear not because thou hast been put to shame, 
neither be thou confounded because thou hast been 
rebuked; for thou shalt forget the former shame, 
and the reproach of thy widowhood shalt thou 
remember no more.' (78) 'Not (79) as a woman 
deserted and faint-hearted

I hath the Lord called thee, nor as a woman hated 
from her youth, saith thy God. For a small moment 
have I forsaken thee, but i with great mercy will 
I have mercy upon thee; in a little wrath I hid my 
face from thee, but with everlasting mercy will I 
have mercy upon thee, saith the Lord that hath 
redeemed thee.' (80)  'Awake, awake, thou who hast 
drunk at the hand of the Lord the cup of his fury; 
for thou hast drunk the cup of ruin, the vessel of 
my wrath, and hast drained it. And there was none 
to console thee of all thy sons whom thou didst 
bring forth, and there was none to take thee by 
the hand.' (81) 'Behold, I have taken out of thine 
hand the cup of ruin, the vessel of my fury, and 
thou shalt no longer drink it. And I will put it 
into the hands of them that have treated thee 
unjustly and have humbled thee.' (82) 'Awake, 
awake, put on thy strength, put on thy glory. 
Shake off the dust and arise. Sit thee down, loose 
the bands of thy neck.' 83 'Lift up thine eyes 
round about and behold thy children gathered 
together; behold they are gathered together and 
are come to thee. As I live, saith the Lord, thou 
shalt clothe thee with them all as with an 
ornament, and gird thyself with them as with the 
ornaments of a bride. For thy waste and corrupted 
and ruined places shall now be too narrow by 
reason of those that inhabit thee, and they that 
swallow thee up shall be far from thee. For thy 
sons whom thou hast lost shall say in thine ears, 
The place is too narrow for me, give place to me 
that I may dwell. Then shalt thou say in thine 
heart, Who hath begotten me these? I am childless 
and a widow, and who hath brought up these for me? 
I was left alone, and these, where were they for 
me?' (84)
"These are the things which Isaiah foretold; and 
which were anciently recorded concerning us in 
sacred books S and it was necessary that we should 
sometime learn their
truthfulness by their fulfillment. For when 54
the bridegroom, the Word, addressed such
language to his own bride, the sacred and holy 
Church, this bridesman, 85 -- when she was 
desolate and lying like a corpse, bereft of hope 
in the eyes of men, -- in accordance with the 
united prayers of all of you, as was proper, 
stretched out your hands and aroused and raised 
her up at the command of God, the universal King, 
and at the manifestation of the power of Jesus 
Christ; and having raised her he established her 
as he had learned from the description given in 
the sacred oracles. This


377

is indeed a very great wonder, passing all 
admiration, especially to those who attend only to 
the outward appearance; but more wonderful than 
wonders are the archetypes and their mental 
prototypes and divine models; I mean the 
reproductions of the inspired and rational
56 building in our souls. This the Divine Son
himself created after his own image, imparting to 
it everywhere and in all respects the likeness of 
God, an incorruptible nature, incorporeal, 
rational, free from all earthly matter, a being 
endowed with its own intelligence; and when he had 
once called her forth from non-existence into 
existence, he made her a holy spouse, an 
all-sacred temple for himself and for the Father. 
This also he clearly declares and confesses in the 
following words: 'I will dwell in them and will 
walk in them; and I will be their God, and they 
shall be my people.' (86) Such is the perfect and 
purified soul, so made from the beginning as to 
bear the image of the celestial Word.
57 But when by the envy and zeal of the malignant 
demon she became, of her own voluntary choice, 
sensual and a lover of evil, the Deity left her; 
and as if bereft of a protector, she became an 
easy prey and readily accessible to those who had 
long envied her; and being assailed by the 
batteries and machines of her invisible enemies 
and spiritual foes, she suffered a terrible fall, 
so that not one stone of virtue remained upon 
another in her, but she lay completely dead upon 
the ground, entirely divested of her natural ideas 
of God.
58  "But as she, who had been made in the
image of God, thus lay prostrate, it was
not that wild boar from the forest which we see 
that despoiled her, but a certain destroying demon 
and spiritual wild beasts who deceived her with 
their passions as with the fiery darts of their 
own wickedness, and burned the truly divine 
sanctuary of God with fire, and profaned to the 
ground the tabernacle of his name. Then burying 
the miserable one with heaps of earth, they 
destroyed every hope of deliverance.
59 But that divinely bright and saving Word,
her protector, after she had suffered the
merited punishment for her sins, again restored
	    her, securing the favor of the all-merciful
60 Father. Having won over first the souls of
the highest rulers, he purified, through the
agency of those most divinely favored princes, the 
whole earth from all the impious destroyers, and 
from the terrible and God-hating tyrants 
themselves. Then bringing out into the light those 
who were his friends, who had long before been 
consecrated to him for life, but in the midst,  as 
it were, of a storm of evils, had been concealed 
under his shelter, he honored them worthily

with the great gifts of the Spirit. And again, by
means of them, he cleared out and cleaned with
spades and mattocks--the admonitory words
of doctrine (87) -- the souls which a little while
before had been covered with filth and burdened
with every kind of matter and rubbish of
impious ordinances. And when he had 61
made the ground of all your minds clean
and clear, he finally committed it to this all-
wise and God-beloved Ruler, who, being endowed 
with judgment and prudence, as well as
with other gifts, and being able to examine and
discriminate accurately the minds of those 
committed to his charge, from the first day, so to
speak, down to the present, has not ceased to
build. Now he has supplied the brilliant gold,
again the refined and unalloyed silver, and the
i precious and costly stones in all of you, so 
that
again is fulfilled for you in facts a sacred
and mystic prophecy, which says, 'Behold 62
I make thy stone a carbuncle, and thy
foundations of sapphire, and thy battlements of
jasper, and thy gates of crystals, and thy wall of
chosen stones; and all thy sons shall be taught
of God, and thy children shall enjoy complete
peace; and in righteousness shall thou be
built.' 88 Building therefore in righteousness, 63
he divided the whole people according to
their strength. With some he fortified only the 
outer enclosure, walling it up with unfeigned 
faith; such were the great mass of the people who 
were incapable of bearing a greater structure. 
Others he permitted to enter the building, 
commanding them to stand at the door and act as 
guides for those who should come in; these may be 
not unfitly compared to the vestibules of the 
temple. Others he supported by the first pillars 
which are placed without about the quadrangular 
hall, initiating them into the first elements of 
the letter of the four Gospels. Still others he 
joined together about the basilica on both sides; 
these are the catechumens who are still advancing 
and progressing, and are not far separated from 
the inmost view of divine
things granted to the faithful. Taking from 64
among these the pure souls that have been
cleansed like gold by divine washing, (89) he then 
supports them by pillars, much better than those 
without, made from the inner and mystic teachings 
of the Scripture, and illumines them (90)
by windows. Adorning the whole temple 65
with a great vestibule of the glory of the
one universal King and only God, and placing


378

on either side of the authority of the Father 
Christ, and the Holy Spirit as second lights, he 
exhibits abundantly and gloriously throughout the 
entire building the clearness and splendor of the 
truth of the rest in all its details. And having 
selected from every quarter the living and moving 
and well-prepared stones of the souls, he 
constructs out of them all the great and royal 
house, splendid and full of light both within and 
without; for not only soul and understanding, but 
their body also is made glorious by the
blooming ornament of purity and modesty.
66 And in this temple there are also thrones,
and a great number of seats and benches,
in all those souls in which sit the Holy Spirit's 
gifts, such as were anciently seen by the sacred 
apostles, and those who were with them, when there 
'appeared unto them tongues parting asunder, like 
as of fire, and sat upon each one 67 of them.' 
(91) But in the leader of all it is

reasonable to suppose (92) that Christ himself 
dwells in his fullness, (93) and in those that 
occupy the second rank after him, in proportion as 
each is able to contain the power of Christ and of 
the Holy Spirit. (94) And the souls of some m of 
those, namely, who are committed to each of them 
for instruction and care -- may be
68 seats for angels. But the great and august
and unique altar, what else could this be
than the pure holy of holies of the soul of the 
common priest of all? Standing at the right of it, 
Jesus himself, the great High Priest of the 
universe, the Only Begotten of God, receives with 
bright eye and extended hand the sweet incense 
from all, and the bloodless and immaterial 
sacrifices offered in their prayers, and bears 
them to the heavenly Father and God of the 
universe. And he himself first worships him, and 
alone gives to the Father the reverence which is 
his due, beseeching him also to continue always 
kind and propitious to us all.
69  "Such is the great temple which the great
Creator of the universe, the Word, has built
throughout the entire world, making it an 
intellectual image upon earth of those things 
which lie above the vault of heaven, so that 
throughout the whole creation, including rational 
beings on earth, his Father might be honored and 
adored.
70 But the region above the heavens, with the
models of earthly things which are there,
and the so-called Jerusalem above, (95) and the 
heavenly Mount of Zion, and the supramundane city 
of the living God, in which innumerable choirs of 
angels and the Church of the first born, whose 
names are written in heaven, (96)

praise their Maker and the Supreme Ruler of the 
universe with hymns of praise unutterable and 
incomprehensible to us,--who that is mortal is 
able worthily to celebrate this? ' For eye hath 
not seen nor ear heard, neither have entered into 
the heart of men those things which God hath 
prepared for them that love him.' (97)
Since we, men, children, and women, small 71
and great, are already in part partakers of
these things, let us not cease all together, with 
one spirit and one soul, to confess and praise the 
author of such great benefits to us, 'Who 
for-giveth all our iniquities, who healeth all our 
diseases, who redeemeth our life from destruction, 
who crowneth us with mercy and compassion, who 
satisfieth our desires with good things.' 98 'For 
he hath not dealt with us according to our sins, 
nor rewarded us according to our iniquities;' (99) 
'for as far as the east is from the west, so far 
hath he removed our iniquities from us. Like as a 
father pitieth his own children, so the Lord 
pitieth them that fear him.' (100)

Rekindling these thoughts in our memories, 72 both 
now and during all time to come, and
contemplating in our mind night and day, in every 
hour and with every breath, so to speak, the 
Author and Ruler of the present festival, and of 
this bright and most splendid day, let us love and 
adore him with every power of the soul. And now 
rising, let us beseech him with loud voice to 
shelter and preserve us to the end in his fold, 
granting his unbroken and unshaken peace forever, 
in Christ Jesus our Saviour; through whom be the 
glory unto him forever and ever. 101 Amen."

CHAPTER V.

Copies of Imperial Laws. (1)

Let us finally subjoin the translations from the 
Roman tongue of the imperial decrees of 
Constantine and Licinius.


379

	    2..    Copy of imperial decrees translated 
from the Roman tongue." (2)

"Perceiving long ago that religious liberty ought 
not to be denied, but that it ought to be granted 
to the judgment and desire of each individual to 
perform his religious duties according to his own 
choice, we had given orders that every man, 
Christians as well as others, should
preserve the faith of his own sect and religion. 
(3) But since in that rescript, in which

such liberty was granted them, many and various 
conditions (4) seemed clearly added, some of them,
it may be, after a little retired from such
4 observance. When I, Constantine Augustus, and I, 
Licinius Augustus, came under
favorable auspices to Milan and took under 
consideration everything which pertained to the 
common weal and prosperity, we resolved among 
other things, or rather first of all, to make such 
decrees as seemed in many respects for the benefit 
of every one; namely, such as should preserve 
reverence and piety toward the deity. We resolved, 
that is, to grant both to the Christians and to 
all men freedom to follow the religion which they 
choose, that whatever heavenly divinity exists (5) 
may be propitious to us and to all that live under 
our government.
5 We have, therefore, determined, with sound
and upright purpose, that liberty is to be
denied to no one, to choose and to follow the 
religious observances of the Christians, but that 
to each one freedom is to be given to devote his 
mind to that religion which he may think adapted 
to himself, (6) in order that the Deity may 
exhibit to us in all things his accustomed care 
and favor. It was fitting that 6 we should write 
that this is our pleasure, that those conditions 
(7) being entirely left out which were contained 
in our former letter concerning the Christians 
which was sent to your devotedness, everything 
that seemed very severe and foreign to our 
mildness may be annulled, and that now every one 
who has the same desire to observe the religion of 
the Christians may do so without molestation.
We have resolved to communicate this  7
most fully to thy care, in order that thou
mayest know that we have granted to these same 
Christians freedom and full liberty to observe 
their own religion. Since this has 8

been granted freely by us to them, thy devotedness 
perceives that liberty is granted to others also 
who may wish to follow their own religious 
observances; it being clearly in accordance with 
the tranquillity of our times, that each one 
should have the liberty of choosing and worshiping 
whatever deity he pleases. This has been done by 
us in order that we might not seem in any way to 
discriminate against
any rank or religion.s And we decree still 9
further in regard to the Christians, that their
places, in which they were formerly accustomed to 
assemble, and concerning which in the former

letter sent to thy devotedness a different command 
was given (9) if it appear that any have bought 
them either from our treasury or from any other 
person, shall be restored to the said Christians, 
without demanding money or any other equivalent, 
with no delay or hesitation. If any happen to have 
received the said places as a gift, they shall 
restore them as quickly as possible to
these same Christians: with the understanding that 
if those who have bought these
places, or those who have received them as a gift, 
demand anything from our bounty, they may go to 
the judge of the district, that provision may be 
made for them by our clemency. All these things 
are to be granted to the society of Christians by 
your care immediately and


380

11 without any delay. And since the said
Christians are known to have possessed not
only those places in which they were accustomed to 
assemble, but also other places, belonging not to 
individuals among them, but to the society (10) as 
a whole, that is, to the society of Christians, 
you will command that all these, in virtue of the 
law which we have above stated, be restored, 
without any hesitation, to these same Christians; 
that is, to their society and congregation: the 
above-mentioned provision being of course 
observed, that those who restore them without 
price, as we have before said, may
12. expect indemnification from our bounty. In
all these things, for the behoof of the aforesaid 
society of Christians, you are to use the utmost 
diligence, to the end that our command may be 
speedily fulfilled, and that in this also, by
our clemency, provision may be made for
13 the common and public tranquillity. (11) For
by this means, (12) as we have said before, the
	    divine favor toward us which we have already 
experienced in many matters will continue
14 sure through all time. And that the terms
of this our gracious ordinance may be known
to all, it is expected that this which we have 
written will be published everywhere by you and 
brought to the knowledge of all, in order that 
this gracious ordinance of ours may remain  
unknown to no one."                                


15 Copy of another imperial decree which
they issued, (13) indicating that the grant
was made to the Catholic Church alone.

"Greeting to thee, our most esteemed Anulinus. It 
is the custom of our benevolence, most esteemed 
Anulinus, to will that those things

which belong of right to another should not only 
be left unmolested, but should also be
restored. (14) Wherefore it is our will that (16) 
when thou receivest this letter, if any such 
things belonged to the Catholic Church of 
the-Christians, in any city or other place, but 
are now held by citizens (15) or by any others, 
thou shalt cause them to be restored immediately 
to the said churches. For we have already 
determined that those things which these same. 
churches formerly possessed shall be re-
stored to them. Since therefore thy devotedness 
perceives that this command of ours is most 
explicit, do thou make haste to restore to them, 
as quickly as possible, everything which formerly 
belonged to the said churches,-whether gardens or 
buildings or whatever they may be, -- that we may 
learn that thou hast obeyed this decree of ours 
most carefully. Farewell, our most esteemed and 
beloved Anulinus."

	    Copy of an epistle in which the Emperor 18 
commands that a synod of bishops be held at Rome 
in behalf of the unity and can-card of the 
churches . (16)


381

"Constantine Augustus to Miltiades, (17) bishop of 
Rome, and to Marcus. (18) Since many such 
communications have been sent to me by Anu-linus, 
(19) the most illustrious proconsul of Africa, in 
which it is said that Caecilianus, (20) bishop of 
the city of Carthage, has been accused by some of 
his colleagues in Africa, in many matters; (21) 
and since it seems to me a very serious thing that 
in those provinces which Divine Providence has 
freely entrusted to my devotedness, and in which 
there is a great population, the multitude
	    are found following the baser course, and 
dividing, as it were, into two parties, and the 
bishops are at variance, -- it has seemed good to 
me that Caecilianus himself, with ten of the 
bishops that appear to accuse him, and with ten 
others whom he may consider necessary for his 
defense, should sail to Rome, 

that there, in the presence of yourselves and of 
Retecius (22) and Maternus (23) and Marinus, (24) 
your colleagues, whom I have commanded to hasten 
to Rome for this purpose, (25) he may be heard, as 
you may understand to be in accordance
with the most holy law. But in order that 20
you may be enabled to have most perfect
knowledge of all these things, I have subjoined to 
my letter copies of the documents sent to me by 
Anulinus, and have sent them to your 
above-mentioned colleagues. When your firmness has 
read these, you will consider in what way the 
above-mentioned case may be most accurately 
investigated and justly decided. For it does not 
escape your diligence that I have such reverence 
for the legitimate (26) Catholic Church that I do 
not wish you to leave schism or division in any 
place. May the divinity of the great God preserve 
you, most honored sirs, for many years."

	    Copy of an epistle in which the emperor 21 
commands another synod to be held for the purpose 
of removing all dissensions among the bishops.

"Constantine Augustus to Chrestus, (27) bishop of 
Syracuse. When some began wickedly and perversely 
to disagree (28) among themselves in regard to the 
holy worship and celestial power and Catholic 
doctrine, (29) wishing to put an end to such 
disputes among them, I formerly gave command that 
certain bishops should be sent from Gaul, and that 
the opposing parties


382

who were contending persistently and incessantly 
with each other, should be summoned from Africa; 
that in their presence, and in the presence of the 
bishop of Rome, the matter which appeared to be 
causing the disturbance might be examined and 
decided with all care. (30) But since, as it 
happens, some, forgetful both of their own 
salvation and of the reverence due to the most 
holy religion, do not
even yet bring hostilities to an end, and are
unwilling to conform to the judgment already
passed, and assert that those who expressed
their opinions and decisions were few, or that
they had been too hasty and precipitate in giving 
judgment, before all the things which ought
to have been accurately investigated had been
examined,-- on account of all this it has happened 
that those very ones who ought to hold
brotherly and harmonious relations toward each
other, are shamefully, or rather abominably, (31)
divided among themselves, and give occasion
for ridicule to those men whose souls are aliens
to this most holy religion. Wherefore it has
seemed necessary to me to provide that this
dissension, which ought to have ceased after the
judgment had been already given by their own
voluntary agreement, should now, if possible,
be brought to an end by the presence of
23 many. Since, therefore, we have commanded a 
number of bishops from a great
many different places (32) to assemble in the city 
of Arles, (33) before the kalends of August, we 
have thought proper to write to thee also that 
thou shouldst secure from the most illustrious 
La-tronianus, (34) corrector of Sicily, (35) a 
public vehicle, and that thou shouldst take with 
thee two others of the second rank (36) whom thou 
thyself shalt choose, together with three servants 
who may serve you on the way, and betake thyself 
to the above-mentioned place before the
appointed day; that by thy firmness, and 24
by the wise unanimity and harmony of the
others present, this dispute, which has 
disgracefully continued until the present time, in 
consequence of certain shameful strifes, after all 
has been heard which those have to say who are now 
at variance with one another, and whom we have 
likewise commanded to be present, may be settled 
in accordance with the proper faith, and that 
brotherly harmony, though it be but gradually, may 
be restored. May the Almighty God preserve thee in 
health for many years."

CHAPTER VI. (1)

Copy of an Imperial Epistle in which Money is
granted to the Churches. (2)

"CONSTANTINE AUGUSTUS to Caecilianus, (3)  1
bishop of Carthage. Since it is our pleasure that 
something should be granted in all the provinces 
of Africa and Numidia and Mauritania to certain 
ministers of the legitimate (4) and most holy 
catholic religion, to defray their expenses, I 
have written to Ursus, (5) the illustrious finance 
minister (6) of Africa, and have directed him to 
make provision to pay to thy firmness three 
thousand folles. (7) Do thou there- 2


383

fore, when thou hast received the above sum of 
money, command that it be distributed
among all those mentioned above, according
3  to the briefs sent to thee by Hosius. (9) But
if thou shouldst find that anything is wanting for 
the fulfillment of this purpose of mine in regard 
to all of them, thou shalt demand without 
hesitation from Heracleides, (10) our treasurer, 
(11) whatever thou findest to be necessary. For I 
commanded him when he was present that if thy 
firmness should ask him for any money, he should 
see to it that it be paid without de-
4 lay. And since I have learned that some
men of unsettled mind wish to turn the
people from the most holy and catholic Church by a 
certain method of shameful corruption, (12) do 
thou know that I gave command to Anulinus, the 
proconsul, and also to Patricius, (13) vicar of 
the prefects, (14) when they were present, that 
they should give proper attention not only to 
other matters but also above all to this, and that 
they should not overlook such a thing when
5  it happened. Wherefore if thou shouldst
see any such men continuing in this madness, do 
thou without delay go to the above-mentioned 
judges and report the matter to them; that they 
may correct them as I commanded them when they 
were present. (15) The divinity of the great God 
preserve thee for many years."

		CHAPTER VII.
	The Exemption of the Clergy.
Copy of an epistle in which the emperor 1
commands that the rulers of the churches
be exempted from all political duties. (1)

"Greeting to thee, our most esteemed Anulinus. 
Since it appears from many circumstances
that when that religion is despised, in which
is preserved the chief reverence for the most
holy celestial Power, great dangers are brought
upon public affairs; but that when legally
adopted and observed (2) it affords the most 
signal prosperity to the Roman name and remarkable 
felicity to all the affairs of men, through
the divine beneficence,-- it has seemed good to
me, most esteemed Anulinus, that those men
who give their services with due sanctity and
with constant observance of this law, to the 
worship of the divine religion, should receive
recompense for their labors. Wherefore it  2
is my will that those within the province
entrusted to thee, (3) in the catholic Church, 
over
which Caecilianus presides, (4) who give their 
services to this holy religion, and who are 
commonly called clergymen, be entirely exempted
from all public duties, that they may not by any
error or sacrilegious negligence be drawn away
from the service due to the Deity, but may
devote themselves without any hindrance to
their own law. For it seems that when they
show greatest reverence to the Deity, the great-
est benefits accrue to the state. Farewell,
our most esteemed and beloved Anulinus."


384

CHAPTER VIII.

The Subsequent Wickedness of Licinius, and his
Death.

1   Such blessings did divine and heavenly
grace confer upon us through the appearance of our 
Saviour, and such was the abundance of benefits 
which prevailed among all men in consequence of 
the peace which we enjoyed. And thus were our 
affairs crowned with rejoicings and festivities. 
But malignant envy, and the demon who loves that 
which is evil, were not able to bear the sight of 
these things; and moreover the events that befell 
the tyrants whom we have already mentioned were 
not sufficient to bring Licinius
3 to sound reason. For the latter, although
his government was prosperous and he was
honored with the second rank after the great
Emperor Constantine, and was connected with
him by the closest ties of marriage, abandoned
the imitation of good deeds, and emulated the
wickedness of the impious tyrants whose end
he had seen with his own eyes, and chose rather
to follow their principles than to continue in
friendly relations with him who was better than
they. Being envious of the common benefactor
he waged an impious and most terrible war
against him, paying regard neither to laws of
nature, nor treaties, nor blood, and giving
4 no thought to covenants. (1) For Constantine, 
like an all-gracious emperor, giving him

evidences of true favor, did not refuse alliance
with him, and did not refuse him the illustrious
marriage with his sister, but honored him by
making him a partaker of the ancestral nobility
and the ancient imperial blood, (1a) and granted
him the right of sharing in the dominion over
all as a brother-in-law and co-regent, conferring
upon him the government and administration of
no less a portion of the Roman provinces
than he himself possessed. (2) But Licinius, 5
on the contrary, pursued a course directly
opposite to this; forming daily all kinds of plots
against his superior, and devising all sorts of
mischief, that he might repay his benefactor
with evils. At first he attempted to conceal his
preparations, and pretended to be a friend, and
practiced frequently fraud and deceit, in the
hope that he might easily accomplish the
desired end. (3) But God was the friend, pro- 6
tector, and guardian of Constantine, and
bringing the plots which had been formed in 
secrecy and darkness to the light, he foiled them. 
So much virtue does the great armor of piety 
possess for the warding off of enemies and for the 
preservation of our own safety. Protected by this, 
our most divinely favored emperor escaped the 
multitudinous plots of the abominable man. But 
when Licinius perceived 7
that his secret preparations by no means
progressed according to his mind, -- for God 
revealed every plot and wickedness to the 
God-favored emperor, -- being no longer able to 
conceal himself, he undertook an open war. (4)
And at the same time that he determined  8
to wage war with Constantine, he also
proceeded to join battle with the God of the 
universe, whom he knew that Constantine worshiped, 
and began, gently for a time and quietly, to 
attack his pious subjects, who had never done his 
government any harm. (5) This he did under


385

the compulsion of his innate wickedness
9 which drove him into terrible blindness. He
did not therefore keep before his eyes the
memory of those who had persecuted the Christians 
before him, nor of those whose destroyer and 
executioner he had been appointed, on account of 
the impieties which they had committed. But 
departing from sound reason, being seized, in a 
word, with insanity, he determined to war against 
God himself as the ally of Constantine, instead of 
against the one who was
10 assisted by him. And in the first place, he
drove from his house every Christian, thus
depriving himself, wretched man, of the prayers 
which they offered to God in his behalf, which 
they are accustomed, according to the teaching of 
their fathers, to offer for all men. Then he 
commanded that the soldiers in the cities should 
be cashiered and stripped of their rank unless 
they chose to sacrifice to the demons. And yet 
these were small matters when compared
11 with the greater things that followed. Why
is it necessary to relate minutely and in
detail all that was done by the hater of God, and 
to recount how this most lawless man invented 
unlawful laws? (6) He passed an ordinance that no 
one should exercise humanity toward the sufferers 
in prison by giving them food, and that none 
should show mercy to those that were perishing of 
hunger in bonds; that no one should in any way be 
kind, or do any good act, even though moved by 
Nature herself to sympathize with one's neighbors. 
And this was indeed an openly shameful and most 
cruel law, calculated to expel all natural 
kindliness. And in addition to this it was also 
decreed, as a punishment, that those who showed 
compassion should suffer the same things with 
those whom they compassionated; and that those who 
kindly ministered to

the suffering should be thrown into bonds and
into prison, and should endure the same punishment 
with the sufferers.Such were the decrees
of Licinius.		
Why should we recount his innovations 12
in regard to marriage or in regard to the

dying -- innovations by which he ventured to annul 
the ancient laws of the Romans which had been well 
and wisely formed, and to introduce certain 
barbarous and cruel laws, which were truly 
unlawful and lawless? (7) He invented, to the 
detriment of the provinces which were subject to 
him, innumerable prosecutions, (8) and all sorts 
of methods of extorting gold and silver. new 
measurements of land (9) and injurious exactions 
from men in the country, who were no longer 
living, but long since dead. Why is it necessary 
to speak at length of the banishments which, in 
addition to these things, this enemy of mankind 
inflicted upon those who had done no wrong, the 
expatriations of men of noble birth and high 
reputation whose young wives he snatched from them 
and consigned to certain baser fellows of his own, 
to be shamefully abused by them, and the many 
married women and virgins upon whom he gratified 
his passions, although he was in advanced age
--why, I say, is it necessary to speak at length 
of these things, when the excessive wickedness of 
his last deeds makes the first appear
small and of no account? For, finally, he 14
reached such a pitch of madness that he
attacked the bishops, supposing that they--as 
servants of the God over all -- would be hostile 
to his measures. He did not yet proceed against 
them openly, on account of his fear of his 
superior, but as before, secretly and craftily, 
employing the treachery of the governors for the 
destruction of the most distinguished of them. And 
the manner of their murder was strange, and such 
as had never before been
heard of. The deeds which he performed 15


386

at Amaseia (11) and in the other cities of Pontus 
surpassed every excess of cruelty. Some of the 
churches of God were again razed to the ground, 
others were closed, so that none of those 
accustomed to frequent them could enter them and 
render the worship due to God.
16 For his evil conscience led him to suppose
that prayers were not offered in his behalf;
but he was persuaded that we did everything in the 
interest of the God-beloved emperor, and that we 
supplicated God for him. (12) Therefore
he hastened to turn his fury against us.
17 And then those among the governors who
wished to flatter him, perceiving that in
doing such things they pleased the impious tyrant, 
(13) made some of the bishops suffer the penalties 
customarily inflicted upon criminals, and led away 
and without any pretext punished like murderers 
those who had done no wrong. Some now endured a 
new form of death: having their bodies cut into 
many pieces with the sword, and after this savage 
and most horrible
spectacle, being thrown into the depths of
18 the sea as food for fishes. Thereupon the
worshipers of God again fled, and fields and
deserts, forests and mountains, again received the 
servants of Christ. And when the impious
	    tyrant had thus met with success in these 
measures, he finally planned to renew the per-
19 secution against all. And he would have
succeeded in his design, and there would
have been nothing to hinder him in the work, had 
not God, the defender of the lives of his own 
people, most quickly anticipated that which was 
about to happen, and caused a great light to shine 
forth as in the midst of a dark and gloomy night, 
and raised up a deliverer for
leading into those regions with a lofty arm, his 
servant, Constantine.

CHAPTER IX.

	    The Victory of Constantine, and the Blessings 
which under him accrued to the Subjects of the 
Roman Empire.

1   To him, therefore, God granted, from
heaven above, the deserved fruit of piety,
the trophies of victory over the impious, and he 
cast the guilty one with all his counselors
and friends prostrate at the feet of Constantine. 
For when Licinius carried his 2
madness to the last extreme, the emperor,
the friend of God, thinking that he ought no 
longer to be tolerated, acting upon the basis of 
sound judgment, and mingling the firm principles 
of justice with humanity, gladly determined to 
come to the protection of those who were oppressed 
by the tyrant, and undertook, by putting a few 
destroyers out of the way, to save
the greater part of the human race. (1) For 3
when he had formerly exercised humanity
alone and had shown mercy to him who was not 
worthy of sympathy, nothing was accomplished; for 
Licinius did not renounce his wickedness, but 
rather increased his fury against the peoples that 
were subject to him, and there was left to the 
afflicted no hope of salvation, oppressed
as they were by a savage beast. Wherefore, 4
the protector of the virtuous, mingling hatred
for evil with love for good, went forth with his 
son Crispus, a most beneficent prince, (2) and 
extended a saving right hand to all that were 
perishing. Both of them, father and son, under the 
protection, as it were, of God, the universal 
King, with the Son of God, the Saviour of all, as 
their leader and ally, drew up their forces on all 
sides against the enemies of the Deity and won an 
easy victory; (3) God having prospered them in the 
battle in all respects according
to their wish. Thus, suddenly, and sooner  5
than can be told, those who yesterday and
the day before breathed death and threatening were 
no more, and not even their names were remembered, 
but their inscriptions and their honors suffered 
the merited disgrace. And the things which 
Licinius with his own eyes had seen come upon the 
former impious tyrants he himself likewise 
suffered, because he did not receive instruction 
nor learn wisdom from the chastisements of his 
neighbors, but followed the same path of impiety 
which they had trod, and was justly hurled over 
the same precipice.
	    Thus he lay prostrate.                       
6 But Constantine, the mightiest victor, adorned 
with every virtue of piety, together with his son 
Crispus, a most God-beloved prince, and in all 
respects like his father, recovered the East which 
belonged to them; (4) and they formed one united 
Roman empire as of old, bringing under their 
peaceful sway the whole world from the rising of 
the sun to the opposite quarter, both north and 
south, even to the extremities


387

7  of the declining day. All fear therefore
of those who had formerly afflicted them
was taken away from men, and they celebrated 
splendid and festive days. Everything was filled 
with light, and those who before were downcast 
beheld each other with smiling faces and beaming 
eyes. With dances and hymns, in city and country, 
they glorified first of all God the universal 
King, because they had been
thus taught, and then the pious emperor
8  with his God-beloved children. There was
oblivion of past evils and forgetfulness of
every deed of impiety; there was enjoyment of 
present benefits and expectation of those yet to 
come. Edicts full of clemency and laws containing 
tokens of benevolence and true piety

were issued in every place by the victorious
emperor. (5) Thus after all tyranny had been  9
purged away, the empire which belonged to
them was preserved firm and without a rival for 
Constantine and his sons alone. (6) And having 
obliterated the godlessness of their predecessors, 
recognizing the benefits conferred upon them by 
God, they exhibited their love of virtue and their 
love of God, and their piety and gratitude to the 
Deity, by the deeds which they performed in the 
sight of all men.


SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES AND TABLES.

	ON Bk. III. chap. 3, § 5 (note 17, continued).
Since this note was in type Dr. Gardiner's 
admirable and exhaustive essay on the authorship 
of the Epistle to the Hebrews (in the Nicene and 
Past-Nicene Fathers, First Series, Vol. XIV. p. 
341 sq.) has come to hand, and I have been much 
pleased to see that the theory that Barnabas wrote 
the epistle is accepted and defended with vigor.

	On Bk. III. chap. 3, § 6 (note 22, continued).
Upon the last chapter of Romans and its relation 
to the remainder of the epistle, see especially 
Farrar's Life and Work of St. Paul, p. 450 sq., 
Weiss' Einleitung in das N. T. p. 245 sq., 
Pfleiderer's Urchristenthum, p. 145, Renan's Saint 
Paul, p. 461 sq. (maintaining that an editor has 
combined four copies of the one encyclical letter 
of Paul, addressed severally to as many different 
churches), Lightfoot's Commentary an Philippians, 
p. 172 sq., and Schaff, Ch. History, I. p. 765.

	On Bk. III. chap. 24, § 17 (note 18, continued).
In three places in the Church History (Bk. III. 
chap. 24, § 17, chap.
25,  in the Church History (Bk. III. chap. 24, , 
p. 172 sq., an§ 2, and chap. 39, § 16) John's 
"former" epistle is referred to, as if he had 
written only two. In the last passage the use of 
<greek>p</greek> <greek>r</greek> <greek>o</greek> 
<greek>t</greek> <greek>e</greek> <greek>r</greek> 
<greek>a</greek> instead of <greek>p</greek> 
<greek>r</greek> <greek>p</greek> <greek>t</greek> 
<greek>h</greek> might be explained as Westcott 
suggests (Canon of the New Testament, p. 77, note 
2), by supposing Eusebius to be reproducing the 
words of Papias; but in the other passages this 
explanation will not do, for the words are 
certainly Eusebius' own. In the Muratorian Canon 
only two epistles of John are mentioned, and in 
Irenaeus the second epistle is quoted as if it 
were the first (see Westcott, ibid. p. 384, note 
1). These facts lead Westtort to ask: "Is it 
possible that the second epistle was looked upon 
as an appendix to the first? and may we thus 
explain the references to two epistles of John?" 
He continues: "The first epistle, as is well 
known, was called ad Parthos by Augustine and some 
other Latin authorities; and the same title 
<greek>p</greek> <greek>r</greek> <greek>o</greek> 
<greek>d</greek> II<greek>a</greek> 
<greek>r</greek> <greek>q</greek> <greek>o</greek> 
<greek>u</greek> <greek>d</greek> is given to the 
second epistle in one Greek manuscript (62 
Scholz). The Latin translation of Clement's 
Outlines (IV. 66) says: Secunda Johannis epistola 
quoe ad virgines (<greek>p</greek> 
<greek>a</greek> <greek>r</greek> <greek>q</greek> 
<greek>e</greek> <greek>n</greek> <greek>o</greek> 
<s236 <greek>d</greek>) scripta simplissima est. 
Jerome, it may be added, quotes names from the 
third epistle as from the second (De nom. Hebr.)." 
On the other hand, in Bk. V. chap. 8, § 7, 
Eusebius speaks of the "first" (<greek>p</greek> 
<greek>r</greek> <greek>p</greek> <greek>t</greek> 
<greek>h</greek>) epistle of John, and in Bk. III. 
chap. 25, § 3, he expressly mentions a second and 
third epistle of John. It is evident, therefore, 
that whatever the use of <greek>p</greek> 
<greek>a</greek> <greek>r</greek> <greek>q</greek> 
<greek>e</greek> <greek>n</greek> <greek>o</greek> 
<greek>u</greek> <greek>d</greek>instead of 
<greek>P</greek> <greek>r</greek> <greek>p</greek> 
<greek>t</greek> <greek>h</greek> in connection 
with John's first epistle may mean as used by 
others, it does not indicate a knowledge of only a 
first and second as used by him. It is by no means 
impossible, however, that Westcott's suggestion 
may be correct, and that the first and second 
epistles were sometimes looked upon as but one, 
and it is possible that such use of them by some 
of his predecessors may account for Eusebius' 
employment of the word <s229 <greek>r</greek> 
<greek>t</greek> <greek>e</greek> <greek>r</greek> 
<greek>a</greek> in three separate passages.

	On Bk. III. chap. 25, § 4 (note 18, continued).
The words <greek>b</greek> <greek>f</greek> 
<greek>e</greek> <greek>r</greek> <greek>o</greek> 
<greek>m</greek> <greek>e</greek> <greek>n</greek> 
<greek>h</greek> <greek>a</greek> <greek>r</greek> 
<greek>n</greek> <greek>a</greek> <greek>b</greek> 
<greek>a</greek> <greek>e</greek> <greek>p</greek> 
<greek>i</greek> <greek>s</greek> <greek>t</greek> 
<greek>o</greek> <greek>l</greek> <greek>h</greek> 
have been commonly translated "the so-called 
Epistle of Barnabas," or "the Epistle ascribed to 
Barnabas," implying a doubt in Eusebius' mind as 
to the authenticity of the work. This translation, 
however, is, in my opinion, quite unwarranted. 
There are passages in Eusebius where .the word 
<greek>f</greek> <greek>e</greek> <greek>r</greek> 
<greek>o</greek> <greek>m</greek> <greek>a</greek> 
<greek>i</greek> used in connection with writings 
cannot by any possibility be made to bear this 
meaning; cases in which it can be interpreted only 
"to be extant" or "in circulation." Compare, for 
instance, Bk. II. chap. 15, § 1, M<greek>a</greek> 
<greek>r</greek> <greek>k</greek> <greek>o</greek> 
<greek>n</greek> <greek>o</greek> <greek>u</greek> 
<greek>U</greek> <greek>o</greek> <greek>e</greek> 
<greek>u</greek> <greek>a</greek> <greek>g</greek> 
<greek>g</greek> <greek>e</greek> <greek>i</greek> 
<greek>o</greek> <greek>u</greek> <greek>F</greek> 
<greek>e</greek> <greek>r</greek> <greek>e</greek> 
<greek>t</greek> <greek>a</greek> 
<greek>i</greek>; II. 18. 6, <greek>m</greek> 
<greek>o</greek> <greek>n</greek> <greek>o</greek> 
<s20<s2 <greek>i</greek> <greek>b</greek> 
<greek>l</greek> <greek>a</greek> <greek>a</greek> 
<greek>u</greek> <greek>t</greek> <greek>o</greek> 
<greek>u</greek> <greek>F</greek> <greek>e</greek> 
<greek>f</greek> <greek>t</greek> <greek>a</greek> 
<greek>i</greek>; III. 9.  4; III. 16; III. 25. 3, 
<greek>h</greek> <greek>l</greek> <greek>e</greek> 
<greek>g</greek> <greek>o</greek>

PROLEGOMENA.

I.--CONSTANTINE THE GREAT.

CHAPTER I. LIFE (1) § I. Early Years.
The Emperor Flavius Valerius Constantinus, 
surnamed the Great, (2) born February 27, 272 or 
274, (3 at Naissus, (4) was son of Constantius 
Chlorus, afterwards Emperor, (5) and Helena his 
wife. (6) He was brought up at Drepanum, his 
mother's home, (7) where he remained until his 
father became


412

Caesar (A.D. 292 acc. to Clinton) and divorced 
Helena (Anon. Vales. p. 471). He was then sent to 
the court of Diocletian, nominally to be educated 
(Praxagoras, in Mailer, Fragm. 4 (1868); Zonar. 
13. 1, &c.), but really as hostage, (1) and 
remained with Diocletian, or Galerius, until the 
year 306. (2) During this time he took part in 
various campaigns, including the famous Egyptian 
expedition of Diocletian in 296 (Euseb. V. C. 1. 
19; Anon. Metroph., Theoph. p. 10). (3) Shortly 
after joining the emperor he contracted (296 or 
297) his alliance with Minervina, (4) by whom he 
had a son, Crispus. (5) He was at Nicomedia when 
Diocletian's palace was struck by lightning 
(Const. Orat. 35), and was present at the 
abdication of Diocletian and Maximinus in 305 
(Lact. De M.P.c. 18 sq.). This last event proved a 
crisis for Constantine. He had grown to be a man 
of fine physique (Lact. c. 18; Euseb. V. C. 1. 
19), of proved courage and military skill (cf. 
remarks on physical characteristics under 
Character), and a general favorite (Lact. 1.c.). 
He had already "long before" (Lact. c. 18) been 
created Tribune of the first order. It was both 
natural and fitting that at this time he should 
become Caesar in the place of his father, who 
became. Augustus. Every one supposed he would be 
chosen (c. 19), and Diocletian urged it (c. 18), 
but the princely youth was too able and 
illustrious to please Galerius, and Constantine 
was set aside for obscure, and incompetent men 
(cf. Lact.). His position was far from easy 
before. His brilliant parts naturally aroused the 
jealousy and suspicions of the emperors. They, or 
at least Galerius, even sought his death, it is 
said, by tempting him to fight wild beasts (a 
lion, Praxag. p. 3; cf. Zonaras 2, p. 623), or 
exposing him to special danger in battle (cf. 
Philistog. 1. 6; Lact. c. 24; Anon. Vales. p. 471; 
Theophanes p. 10--12, &c.). The situation, hard 
enough before, now became, we may well believe, 
intolerable. He was humiliated, handicapped, and 
even in danger of his life. He was practically a 
prisoner. The problem was, how to get away. 
Several times Constantius asked that his son might 
be allowed to join him, but in vain (Lact. c. 24; 
Anon. Vales. p. 471). Finally, however, 
Constantine gained a grudging permission to go. It 
was given at night, and the emperor intended to 
take it back in the morning (Lact. c. 24). But in 
the morning it was too late. Constantine had left 
at once to join his father. He lost no time either 
in starting or making the journey. Each relay of 
post horses which he left was maimed to baffle 
pursuit (Anon. Vales., Vict. Epit. p. 49; cf. 
Lact. c. 24, Praxag. p. 3). The rage of the 
emperor when he learned of the flight was great 
but vain. Constantine was already out of reach, 
and soon joined his father at Bononia (Boulogne, 
Anon. Vales.; cf. Eumen. Paneg. (310), c. 7), (6) 
just in time to accompany him on his final 
expeditions to Britain (Eumen. Paneg. (310) c. 7; 
cf. Anon. Vales. 1.c.). Constantius died shortly 
after at York (Anon. Vales. p. 471; Eutrop. 10. 
1), having named Constantine as his successor 
(Euseb. V. C. 1. 21; Eumen. Paneg. (310) c. 7.; 
Lact. c. 24).


413

§ 5. The First Five Years of Reign.

The will of the father was promptly ratified by 
the soldiers, who at once proclaimed Constantine 
Augustus. (1) Supported by them, and also by 
Erocus, king of the Allemanni (Vict. p. 49-50), he 
sent his portrait to Galerius, claiming the title 
of Augustus. This the emperor refused to grant, 
but, much against his will, allowed him to have 
the title of Caesar (Lact. c.
Constantine did not insist on his fight to the 
greater title, but waited his time, and in the 
interim contented himself with the lesser,-- as 
the coins show. (2) There was enough to do. After 
his father's death he waged war against the 
Francs, and later against the Bructeri and others 
(Eutrop. 10. 3; Paneg. (307) c. 4; Eumen. Paneg. 
(310) cc. 10-12; Nazar. Paneg. (321) 18; Euseb. V. 
C. 1. 25, &c.; cf. Inscr. ap. Clinton 2. 93), and 
celebrated his victories by exposing his captives 
to the wild beasts (Eutrop. 10. 3;  Eumen. Paneg. 
(310) c. 12; Paneg. (313) c. 23; cf. Nazar. Paneg. 
(321) c. 16).
Meanwhile affairs were marching at Rome, too. The 
same year (306) that Constantine was elected 
Augustus by the soldiers, Maxentius at Rome was 
proclaimed emperor by the Pretorian Guards 
(Eutrop. 10. 2; Vict. Caes. p. 156; Anon. Vales. 
p. 472; Zos. 2. 9 ; Socr. 1. 2; Oros. c. 26, &c. ; 
Lact. c. 26). He persuaded the willing (Eutrop. 
10. 2) Maximian to resume the imperial purple 
(Lact. c. 26; Zos. 2. 10), but soon quarreled with 
him (Socr. 1. 2; Eutrop. 10. 3; Zos.
11; Lact. c. 28). (3) In 307 Constantine and 
Maximinus were named "sons of the emperors," and 
the following year were reluctantly acknowledged 
as emperors by Galerius. Maximian, after he had 
quarreled with his son, betook himself to Gaul and 
made alliance with Constantine by giving his 
daughter Fausta in marriage (307). He proved an 
uncomfortable relative. The much-abused 
mother-in-law of fiction is not to be compared 
with this choice father-in-law of history. First 
he tried to supersede Constantine by corrupting 
his soldiers. At his persuasion Constantine had 
left behind the bulk of his army while he made a 
campaign on the frontier. As soon as he was 
supposably out of the way, the soldiers were won 
by largesses, and Maximian assumed the purple 
again. But he had reckoned without his host. 
Constantine acted with decisive promptness, 
returned by such rapid marches that he caught 
Maximian entirely unprepared (Lact. c. 29) and 
drove him into Marseilles, where the latter cursed 
him vigorously from the walls (Lact. c. 29), but 
was able to offer no more tangible resistance. The 
gates were thrown open (Lact. c. 29), and Maximian 
was in the power of Constantine, who this time 
spared his precious father-in-law. (4) Grateful 
for this mildness, Maximian then plotted to murder 
him. The plan was for Fausta to leave her 
husband's door open and for Maximian to enter and 
kill Constantine with his own hands. Fausta 
pretended to agree, but told her husband (Zos. 2. 
11 ; Joh. Ant. p. 603; Oros. c. 28), who put a 
slave in his own place (but apparently did not 
"put himself in the place of" the slave), had the 
program been carried out, and catching Maximian in 
the act, granted him that supreme ancient mercy, 
-- the right to choose how he would die (Lact. c. 
30). (5)
Though in the midst of wars and plots, and liable 
at any time to have to run from one end of his 
province to the other to put down some 
insurrection, Constantine kept steadily at the 
work of internal improvement, organizing the 
interior, fortifying the boundaries, building 
bridges, restor-


414

ing cities, building up educational institutions, 
&c. (1) At the end of five years' reign (July 24, 
311) he had reduced the turbulent tribes, 
organized his affairs, and endeared himself to his 
people, especially to the Christians, whom he had 
favored from the first (Lact. c. 24), and who 
could hardly fail in those days of persecution to 
rejoice in a policy such as is indicated in his 
letter to Maximinus Daza in behalf of persecuted 
Christians (Lact, c. 37).

§ 3. State of Affairs in 311.
In the meantime, while the extreme west of the 
empire was enjoying the mild rule of Constantine, 
the other corners of the now quadrangular and now 
hexagonal world, over which during this time 
Maximinus, Galerius, Licinius, Maximian, and 
Maxentius had tried to reign, had had a much less 
comfortable time. Every emperor wanted a corner to 
himself, and, having his corner, wanted that of 
some one else or feared that some one else wanted 
his. In order clearly to understand Constantine, a 
glimpse of the state of affairs in these other 
parts of the empire, together with some idea of 
the kind of men with whom he had to deal is 
essential, and may be gotten from
	    a brief view of (1) The rulers, (2) 
Characters of the rulers, (3) Condition of the 
ruled. (1) The Rulers.
The intricate process of evolution and devolution 
of emperors, mysterious to the uninitiated as a 
Chinese puzzle, is briefly as follows: In 305 
Diocletian and Maximian had abdicated (Lact. c. 
18; Eutrop. 9. 27; Vict. Caes.), Galerius and 
Constantius succeeding as Augusti and Severus, 
Maximinus Daza succeeding them as Caesars (Lact. 
c. 19). In 306 Constantius died, Constantine was 
proclaimed Augustus by his army, Maxentius by the 
Pretorian Guards (cf. above), and Severus by 
Galerius (Lact. c. 25), while Maximian resumed the 
purple (see above)--four emperors, Galerius, 
Severus, Maximian, and Maxentius, with two 
Caesars, Constantine and Maximinus, one with a 
pretty definite claim to the purple, and the other 
bound not to be left out in the cold. In 307 
Licinius was appointed Augustus by Galerius (Lact. 
c. 29; Vict. Caes.; Zos. 2. 11; Anon. Vales.; 
Eutrop. 10. 4), who also threw a sop to Cerberus 
by naming Constantine and Maximin "sons of 
emperors" (Lact. c. 32; Coins in Eckhel 8 (1838) 
52. 3). Constantine was given title of Augustus by 
Maximianus (?), and Maximinus about this time was 
forced, as he said, by his army to assume the 
title. Meantime the growing procession of emperors 
was reduced by one. Severus, sent against 
Maxentius, was deserted by his soldiers, captured, 
and slain in 307 (Lact. c. 26; Zos. 2. 10; Anon. 
Vales.; Eutrop. 10. 2; Vict. Caes. &c. &c.), 
leaving still six emperors or claimants,-- 
Galerius, Licinius, Maxentius, Maximian, 
Maximinus, and Constantine. In 308, making the 
best of a bad matter, Galerius appointed 
Constantine and Maximin Augusti (see above), 
leaving the situation unchanged, and so it 
remained until the death of Maximian in 310 (see 
above), and of Galerius in May, 311 (Lact. c. 33; 
Vict. Caes., Vict. Epit.;
	    Zos. 2. 11) reduced the number to four. (2) 
Characters of the Rulers.
Constantine's own character has been hinted at and 
will be studied later. Severus was the least 
significant of the others, having a brief reign 
and being little mentioned by historians. 
Diocletian's characterization of him was, 
according to Lactantius (c. 18), as ejaculated to 
Galerius, "That dancing, carousing drunkard who 
turns night into day and day into night." The 
average character of the other emperors was that 
of the prisoners for life in our modern state 
prisons. Galerius, "that pernicious wild beast" 
(Lact. c. 25), was uneducated, drunken (Anon. 
Vales. p. 472); fond of boasting himself to be the 
illegitimate son of a dragon (Lact. 9; Vict. Epit. 
p. 49), and sanguinary and ferocious to an 
extraordinary degree (Lact. c. 9. 21, 22, &c.). 
Licinius, characterized by "ingratitude" and 
"cold-blooded ferocity," was "not only totally


415

indifferent to human life and suffering, and 
regardless of any principle of law or justice 
which might interfere with the gratification of 
his passions, but he was systematically 
treacherous and cruel, possessed of not one 
redeeming quality save physical courage and 
military skill" (Ramsay, in Smith Dict. 2, p. 784; 
compare Euseb. H. E. 10. 8; V. C. 1. 49-56), and 
"in avaricious cupidity worst of all" (Vict. Epit. 
p. 51). Maximinus' character "stands forth as 
pre-eminent for brutal licentiousness and 
ferocious cruelty--'lust hard by hate' " 
(Plumptre, in Smith & W. 3, p. 872), and according 
to Lactantius, c. 38, "that which distinguished 
his character and in which he transcended all 
former emperors was his desire of debauching 
women," He was cruel, superstitious, gluttonous, 
rapacious, and "so addicted to intoxication that 
in his drunken frolics he was frequently deranged 
and deprived of his reason like a madman" (Euseb. 
H. E. 8. 14). Maximianus has been thought to be on 
the whole the least outrageous, and his somewhat 
defective moral sense respecting treachery and 
murder has been noted (cf. above). He has been 
described as "thoroughly unprincipled . . . base 
and cruel" (Ramsay, in Smith Dict. 2, p. 981). He 
is described by Victor, (Epit. p. 48) as "ferus 
natura, ardens libidine," being addicted to 
extraordinary and unnatural lust (Lact. c. 8). 
Truly a choice "best" in this rogues' gallery. Of 
Maxentius it is said (Tyrwhitt, in Smith & W. 3, 
p. 865): "His wickedness seems to have transcended 
description, and to have been absolutely 
unredeemed by any saving feature." He "left no 
impurity or licentiousness untouched" (Euseb. H. 
E. 8. 14; cf. Eutrop. 10. 4; Lact. 9). He was 
marked by "impiety," "cruelty," "lust," and 
tyranny (Paneg. [313] c. 4). He was the most 
disreputable of all,-- unmitigatedly disreputable. 
With all due allowance for the prejudice of 
Christian historians, from whom such strong 
statements are mainly drawn, yet enough of the 
details are confirmed by Victor, .Epit., the 
Panegyrists, Eutropius, and other non-Christian 
writers to verify the substantial facts of the 
ferocity, drunkenness, lust, covetousness, and 
oppression of this precious galaxy of rulers.
	(3) Condition of the Ruled.
Under such rulers there was a reign of terror 
during this period which contrasted strangely with 
the state of things under Constantine. Galerius 
was "driving the empire wild with his taxations" 
(cf. Lact. c. 23 and 26), affording in this also a 
marked contrast with the course of Constantine in 
Gaul. Maxentius led in the unbridled exercise of 
passion (Euseb. H. E. 8. 14; cf. Lact, c. 18), but 
in this he differed from the others little except 
in degree (compare Euseb. V. C. 1. 55 on 
Licinius), and according to Lactantius (c. 28) he 
was surpassed by Maximin. In brief, all did 
according to their own sweet wills, and the people 
had to stand it as best they could. The worst was 
that the oppression did not end with the emperors 
nor the friends and officials to whom they 
delegated power to satisfy their desires at the 
expense of the helpless. Their armies were 
necessary to them. The soldiers had to be 
conciliated and exactions made to meet their 
demands. They followed the examples of their royal 
leaders in all manner of excesses and oppressions. 
No property or life or honor was safe.
The persecution of the Christians reached a climax 
of horror in this period. The beginning of the 
tenth persecution was, to be sure, a little before 
this (303), but its main terror was in this time. 
Galerius and Maximian are said indeed to have 
persecuted less during this period, and Maxentius 
not at all; but Galerius was the real author and 
sanguinary promoter of the persecution which is 
ascribed to Diocletian (Lact. c. 11), while 
Maximian was, in 304, the author of the celebrated 
"Fourth Edict" which made death the penalty of 
Christianity, and Maxentius was only better 
because impartial--he persecuted both Christian 
and heathen (Euseb. V. C. 1. 33-6; H. E. 8. 14; 
Eutrop. 10. 4). (1) The persecution under Maximin 
was of peculiar atrocity (Euseb. H. E. 8. 17; 9. 
6, &c.; Lact. c. 26-27), so that the whole of this 
period in the East, excepting a slight breathing 
space in 308, was a terror to Christians, and it 
is said that "these two years were the most 
prolific of bloodshed of any in the whole history 
of Roman persecu-


416

tions" (Marriott, in Smith & W. 2, p. 594. It was 
not until the very end of this period (1) that 
Galerius, in terror of death, issued the famous 
first edict of toleration. (2) Such was the 
condition of things in July, 311. The deaths of 
Severus in 307, Maximian in 310, and Galerius in 
311, had cleared the stage so far as to leave but 
four Augusti, Licinius and Maximin in the East, 
Constantine and Maxentius in the West. The only 
well-ordered and contented section of the world 
was that of Constantine. In all the others there 
was oppression, excess, and discontent, the state 
of things at Rome being on the whole the most 
outrageous.

§ 4. Second Five Years.
This period was most momentous for the world's 
history. Maxentius, seeking an excuse for war 
against Constantine, found it in a pretended 
desire to avenge his father (Zos. 2. 14), and 
prepared for war. (3) Like his father before him, 
however, he did not know his man. Constantine's 
mind was prepared. He was alert and ready to act. 
He gathered all the forces, German, Gallic, and 
British (Zos. 2. 15) that he could muster, left a 
portion for the protection of the Rhine, entered 
Italy by way of the Alps (Paneg.), and marched to 
meet the much more numerous forces of 
Maxentius,--Romans, Italians, Tuscans, 
Carthagenians, and Sicilians (Zos. 2. 15). (4) 
First Sigusium was taken by storm (Naz. Paneg. 
[321] C. 17 and 21; Paneg. [313] c. 5); then the 
cavalry of Maxentius was defeated at Turin (Naz. 
Paneg. [321] c. 22; Paneg. [313] c. 6). After a 
few days' rest in Milan Paneg. [313] c. 7) he 
continued his triumphant march, defeating the 
enemy again in a cavalry engagement at Brescia 
(Naz. Paneg. c. 25), and taking the strongly 
fortified Verona after a hard-fought battle before 
the walls (Anon. Vales. p. 473; Paneg. [313]; Naz. 
Paneg. c. 25-26). This had taken him out of his 
way a little; but now there were no enemies in the 
rear, and he was free to push on to Rome, on his 
way whither, if not earlier, he had his famous 
vision of the cross. (5) He reached the Tiber 
October 26. Maxentius, tempted by a dubious oracle 
(6) issued from Rome, crossed the Tiber, and 
joined battle. His apparently unwise action in 
staking so much on a pitched battle has its 
explanation, if we could believe Zosimus
(2. 15), Eusebius ( V. C. 1. 38), Praxagoras, and 
others. His object was, it is said, by a feigned 
retreat to tempt Constantine across the bridge of 
boats which he had built in such a way that it 
could be broken, and the enemy let into the river. 
(7) If it was a trick, he at least fell into his 
own pit. The dissipated soldiers of Maxentius gave 
way before the hardy followers of Constantine, 
fired by his own energy and the sight of the 
cross. The defeat was a rout. The bridge broke. 
Maxentius, caught in the jam, was cast headlong 
into the river (Anon. Val. p. 473; Lact. c. 44; 
Chron. Pasch. p. 521, &c.); and after a vain 
attempt to climb out on the steep bank opposite 
(Paneg. [313] c. 17), was swept away by the 
stream. The next day his body was found, the head 
cut off (Praxag.; Anon. Vales. p. 473), and 
carried into the city (Anon. Vales. p. 473) on the 
point of a spear (Paneg. [313] c. 18; Zos. 2. 17; 
Praxag. p. 1). Constantine entered the city


417

in triumph amid rejoicings of the people, (1) 
exacted penalties from a few of those most 
intimate with Maxentius (Zos. 2. 17), (2) 
disbanded the Praetorian Guards (Vict. Caes. p. 
159; Zos. 2. 17), raised a statue to himself, and 
did many other things which are recorded; and if 
he did as many things which are not recorded as 
there are recorded things which he did not do, he 
must have been very busy in the short time he 
remained there. (3)
Constantine was now sole emperor in the West, and 
the emperors were reduced to three. History was 
making fast. After a very brief stay in Rome he 
returned to Milan (Lact. c. 45), where Licinius 
met him (Anon. Vales. p. 473; Lact. c. 25; Vict. 
Epit. p. 50; Zos. 2. 17, &c.). It had become of 
mutual advantage to these emperors to join 
alliance. So a betrothal had been made, and now 
the marriage of Licinius to the sister of 
Constantine was celebrated (cf. refs. above Lact.; 
Vict.; Zos.; Anon. Vales.). At the same time the 
famous Second Edict or Edict of Milan was drawn up 
by the two emperors (Euseb. H. E. 10. 5; Lact. c. 
48), and probably proclaimed. (4) Constantine then 
returned to Gaul (Anon. Vales. p. 473; Zos. 11. 
17), where he was forced into another sort of 
strenuous warfare-- the ecclesiastical, taking a 
hand somewhat against his will in trying to settle 
the famous Donatist schism. (5)
Licinius had a more critical problem to meet. 
Maximin thought it a good time to strike while 
Licinius was off in Milan engaged in festivities 
(Lact. c. 45); but the latter, hastily gathering 
his troops and pushing on by forced marches, met 
near Heraclea and utterly defeated him (Lact. c. 
46). Maximin fled precipitately, escaping the 
sword only to die a more terrible death that same 
summer (Lact. c. 49; Euseb. V. C. 1. 58; cf. Zos. 
2. 17). (6) The death of Maximin cleared the field 
still farther. Through progressive subtractions 
the number of emperors had been reduced to two, -- 
one in the East and one in the West.
They, too, promptly fell out. The next year they 
were at war. Causes and pretexts were various; but 
the pretext, if not the cause, was in general that 
Licinius proved an accomplice after the fact, at 
least, to a plot against Constantine. (7) Whatever 
the immediate cause, it was one of


418

the inevitabilities of fate. Another vigorous 
campaign followed, characterized by the same 
decisive action and personal courage on the part 
of Constantine which he had already shown, and 
which supplied his lack of soldiers.  (1) First at 
Cibalis in Pannonia (Oct. 8), (2) then in a 
desperate battle at Mardia, Licinius was defeated 
and forced to make peace (Anon. Vales. p. 474; 
Zos. a. 19-20). The world was re-divided between 
the affectionate brothers-in-law, and Constantine 
took Illyrium to his other possessions. (3) After 
this battle and the re-division there was a truce 
between the emperors for some years, during the 
early part of which (in 316 or 315) the Decennalia 
of Constantine were celebrated (Euseb. V. C. 1. 
48).

§ 5. Third Five Years.

About the time of his decennial celebration, (4) 
his sons Crispus and Constantine, and Licinius, 
son of Licinius, were made Caesars. The peace 
between the emperors continued during the whole of 
this period. There was more or less fighting with 
the frontier tribes, Crispus, e.g., defeating the 
Franks in 320 (Naz. Paneg. c. 3. 17?), but the 
main interest of the period does not lie in its 
wars. It was a period of legislation and internal 
improvement (cf. Laws of
319, 320, 321, collected in Clinton, 1, p. 9; also 
De Broglie, I. 1, 296-97). Early in the period he 
was at Milan, where the Donatist matter, which had 
been dragging along since 311, came up for final 
settlement (cf. note, above). He was also at one 
time or another at Aries and at Rome, but the 
latter and greater part of the period was spent 
mainly in Dacia and Pannonia (cf. Laws, as above). 
The close of his fifteen years was celebrated 
somewhat prematurely at Rome, in the absence of 
Constantine, by the oration of Nazarius (cf. Naz. 
Paneg.).

§ 6. Fourth Five Years.

If the third period was relatively quiet the 
fourth was absolutely stirring. There had 
undoubtedly been more or less fighting along the 
Danube frontier during the preceding years, but 
early in this period there was a most important 
campaign against the Sarmatians, in which they 
were defeated and their king taken prisoner. (5) 
In honor of this victory coins were struck 
(Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. 8 (1827) 87). But this 
was only skirmishing; afterwards came the tug of 
war. Nine years of peace proved the utmost limit 
of mutual patience, and Constantine and Licinius 
came to words, and from words to blows. For a long 
time Constantine had been vexed at the persecution 
of the Christians by Licinius (cf. Euseb. H. E. 
10. 8, 9), persecutions waged perhaps with the 
express purpose of aggravating him. (6) Licinius, 
on the other hand, naturally chagrined over the 
previous loss of territory, knowing of 
Constantine's indignation over his persecutions, 
and perhaps suspecting him of further designs, was 
naturally suspicious when Constantine passed 
within his boundaries in pursuing the Sarmatians 
(Anon. Vales. p. 474). Mutual recriminations and 
aggravations followed. Licinius would not let the 
Sarmatian coins pass current and had them melted 
down (Anon. Contin. Dio. Cass., in Müller, Fragm. 
Hist. Gr. 4 [1868] 199). Altogether they soon came 
to blows. The steps were short, sharp, decisive. 
Constantine defeated Licinius by land (July 3, 
323), and through Crispus, by sea (Soz. 1. 7; 
Anon. Vales. p. 474-5; Zos. 2. 22-3). After the 
defeat at Adrianople, Licinius retreated to 
Byzantium (Zos. 2. 23-5; Vict.


419

Epit. p. 50), and then to Chalcedon (Anon. Vales. 
p. 475, Zos. 2. 25-6). Two months after the first 
victory (Sept. 18) a final and decisive battle was 
fought at Chrysopolis (1) (Anon. Vales.
p. 475; Socr. 1. 4). Licinius surrendered on 
condition that his life should be spared (Zos.
28), or rather Constantia secured from her brother 
the promise that his life should be spared (Anon. 
Vales. p. 475; Vict. Epit. p. 50; Pseudo-Leo, p. 
85, &c.). He retired to Nicomedia, residing at 
Thessalonica (Soz. 1. 7; Pseudo-Leo, &c.), but was 
put to death the following year. (2) Constantine 
was now sole emperor. His first act (Soz. 1. 8) 
was to issue a proclamation-in favor of the 
Christians (Soz. l.c.; F. C. 2. 24- , and 48- ). 
This was followed by many other acts in their 
favor, --building of churches, &c. (cf. Euseb. V. 
C., and notes). From this time on he was much 
identified with Christian affairs, and the main 
events are given in extenso by Eusebius (see 
various notes). In 325 (June 19-Aug. 25) the 
Council of Nicaea was held (cf. Euseb. V. C. 3. 6, 
and notes), and Constantine took an active part in 
its proceedings. The same year his Vicennalia were 
celebrated at Nicomedia (Euseb. V. C. 1. 1; 
Hieron.; Cassiod.) and the following year at Rome 
also (Hieron., Cassiod., Prosper, Idat.), 
Constantine being present at both celebrations, 
(3) being thus at Rome in July, and passing during 
the year as far as Arles, apparently spending some 
time at Milan (cf. the various laws in Clinton, v.

§ 7. Fifth Five Years.

The beginning of this period was the beginning of 
the series of acts which have taken most from the 
reputation of Constantine. Sometime in 326, 
perhaps while at Rome, he ordered the death of his 
son Crispus. (4) The same year (Hieron. Chron.) 
the Caesar Licinius, his sister's son, was put to 
death (Eutrop. 10. 6; Hieron.; Prosper.), and 
shortly after (5) his wife Fausta died or was put 
to death. (6) But apart from this shadow, the 
period was hardly less brilliant, in its way, than 
preceding ones. It was a time of gigantic and, as 
some said, extravagant internal improvements. 
Among various enterprises was the refounding, in 
327, of Drepanum, his mother's city, as 
Helenopolis (Hieron. An. 2343; Chron. Pasch. p. 
283(?); Socr. H. E. 1. 18; Soz. 2. 2; Theoph. p. 
41), and greatest of all, the transformation of 
the insignificant Byzantium into the magnificent 
Constantinople, (7) which was dedicated in 330 
(Idatius; Chron. Pasch. p. 285; Hesych. § 42; 
Hieron.; cf. Clinton). (8) It was probably during 
this period, too, that the work of improvement in 
Jerusalem was undertaken, and Helena made her 
famous visit thither (Euseb. V. C. 3. 42; Soz. 21; 
Socr. 1. 17; Ephraem. p. 24: Theoph. 37-8, &c.).

§ 8. Sixth Five Years.

The main event of the last full five-year period 
of this reign was the Gothic war (Hieron. An. 
2347; Idat.; Oros. c. 28; Anon. Vales. p. 476; 
Eutrop. 10. 7; Vict. Caes. p. 352; cf. Soz. 1. 
26), undertaken in behalf of the Sarmatians (Anon. 
Vales. l.c.), carried on by Constantine II., and 
brought to an end April 20, 332 (cf. Clinton). The 
following year (333) Constans was


420

made consul (Idat.; Hieron.; Prosper has 332; cf. 
Zos. 2. 35; Vict. Caes. p. 161, &c.), and in
334 the remarkable (Anon. Vales.) incorporation of 
300,000 Sarmatians into the empire (Anon. Vales. 
p. 476; Idat.; Hieron.; cf. Ammian. 17. 12, 18; 
17. 13; 19. 12; V. C. 4. 6). This same year 
Calocaerus revolted in Crete and was defeated 
(Anon. Vales. p. 476; Vict. Caes. p. 161; Oros. c. 
28; Hieron.). The following year (335) Constantine 
celebrated his tricennalia, and Dalmatius was made 
Caesar (Idat.; Hieron. An. 340; Vict. Caes. p. 
161; Anon. Vales. p. 476; Chron. Pasch. p. 532; 
Vict. Epit. p. 51; Oros. c. 28), making now four 
Caesars and a nondescript (cf. Anon. Vales. p. 
476),-- Constantine II., Constantius, Constans, 
Dalmatius, and Hannibalianus, among whom the world 
was now partitioned (Anon. Vales. p. 476; Zos. 2. 
39; Vict. Epit. p. 52).

§ 9. Last Years.

Later in this year, Constantine is known to have 
been at Jerusalem, where he dedicated a church (V. 
C. 4. 40; Chron. Pasch., but wrong year). It was 
also the year of the Synods of Tyre (Athanas. c. 
Ar. 1. p. 788; V. C. 4.41; Theod. 1. 28). The same 
year, or early in the following one, Eusebius 
pronounced his tricennial oration (see Special 
Prolegomena). In 337 the Great Emperor died at 
Ancyrona, near Nicomedia, just as he was preparing 
for an expedition against the Persians, and was 
buffed in the Church of the Apostles, at 
Constantinople (cf. notes on Eusebius' Life of 
Constantine). (1)

CHAPTER II. CHARACTER. § 1. Introduction.
A man's character consists of an inherited 
personality enlarged, modified, or disfigured by 
his own repeated voluntary acts. A sufficiently 
exhaustive survey of such character may be made 
under the rubrics of: 1. Inherited 
characteristics. 2. Physical characteristics. 3. 
Mental characteristics. 4. Moral characteristics. 
5. Religious characteristics.
The character of Constantine has been so endlessly 
treated, with such utter lack of agreement, that 
it seems hopeless to try to reach any dear results 
in a study of it. "Who shall decide when doctors 
disagree?" "How shall I go about it to find what 
sort of a man Constantine really was ?" Certainly 
nothing can be gained by that method which chooses 
a few acts or characteristics to which shifting 
tests of various philosophies are applied. Nor can 
any haphazard selection and stringing together of 
traits give what is by its nature a synthesis of 
them all. Like any other scientific study, the 
first condition of method is that it be 
systematic. Then, a character generalization is 
worth just so much, no more, as the grounds on 
which it is based. To get a man's character from 
secondary sources, from other men's 
generalizations, is a hopelessly will-of-the-wisp 
effort. Again, another vice of characterization as 
usually practised is the interpretation of the 
whole by a part rather than the part by the whole. 
The individual act is thus made the standard of 
character. To get at what this personality called 
Constantine was therefore requires a systematic 
survey of the primary sources with a view to 
getting the ensemble that the eccentric may be 
judged by the normal. In such survey the main 
thing is the body of analyzed and grouped facts. 
The editor's summary, like any summary, is worth 
only what the facts are worth. This method, 
however imperfectly carried out, is at least 
better than rambling observations of incoherent 
phenomena; and has therefore been adopted in this 
attempt to find out what sort of a man this 
Constantine was; Physically, Mentally, Morally, 
Spiritually.


421

§ 2. Inherited Characteristics.

The fact of the inheritance of character, virtues 
or vices as the case may be, curiously recognized 
in various nations and ancient philosophies (cf. 
Ribot. Heredity, N.Y. 1875, p. 375-6), and even in 
the ten commandments, has received the clearer 
exposition of modern science. In view of it, a 
scientific study of character considers antecedent 
generations. Biography rests properly on 
genealogy. Constantine's father, Constantius 
Chlorus, was a man of great mildness, 
self-possession, and philosophic virtue, just, and 
a Neo-Platonist of the best type, a monotheist and 
philanthropist (cf. Sinclair, in Smith & W. 1. 
661-2). Constantine is said to have inherited his 
father's strength, courage, personal appearance 
(Eumen. Paneg. c. 4), piety (Pseud.Leo, p. 83; cf. 
Const. and Euseb. in V. C. 2. 49), and general 
virtues. The slur of Zosimus on the character of 
Constantine's mother seems to have been quite 
gratuitous. Her relation to Constantius was in 
nowise incompatible with virtue, and the honor 
afterwards paid her, along with the indisputable 
good early training of Constantine which was with 
her, indicate a woman of unusual character. The 
later enterprise and activity with the honors and 
responsibilities given her show her to have been 
of very considerable energy and ability.

§ 3. Physical Characteristics.

A graphic picture of his personal appearance is 
drawn by Cedrenus (p. 472-3). "Constantinus Magnus 
was of medium height, broad-shouldered, 
thick-necked, whence his epithet Bull-necked. His 
complexion was ruddy, his hair neither thick nor 
crisp curling, his beard scanty and not growing in 
many places, his nose slightly hooked, and his 
eyes like the eyes of a lion. He was joyous of 
heart and most cheery of countenance." (1) Many 
points in this description are confirmed by 
others, some apparently contradicted. Taken in 
detail, his Height was probably above medium. Over 
against this statement of Cedrenus (p. 472) that 
he was of middle height is that of the earlier 
Malalas (13. 1 ), who, while confirming the 
ruddiness of complexion, characterizes him as 
tall, and the explicit testimony of Eusebius, that 
among those with Diocletian "there was no one 
comparable with him for height" (V. C. 1. 19), and 
likewise among those present at Nicaea ( V. C. 3- 
10). But a "thick-necked" form hardly belongs to 
the strictly "tall" man, and a thick neck and 
broad shoulders would hardly belong to a form of 
"distinguished comeliness," if it were short 
(Lact. c. 18). It may be supposed therefore that 
he can be described as above medium height. 
Moreover, there would naturally have been more 
mention of height by Lactantius and Panegyrists if 
it had been very extraordinary. In respect of 
Countenance he was undoubtedly handsome. The 
"majestic beauty of his face" mentioned by 
Theophanes (p. 29; cf. V. C. 1. 19; 3. 10) is 
confirmed by suggestions in the Panegyrists (e.g. 
Eumen. c. 17; Naz. c. 24), and all general 
testimony, and not belied by the coins. His 
Complexion was ruddy; "reddish" in the expression 
of Cedrenus (p. 272), "fiery" in that of Malalas 
(13. 1). His Hair, rather thin and straight, 
scanty Beard, and "slightly hooked" Nose are shown 
also by the coins, where the nose varies from a 
pronounced Roman or ungraceful eagle's beak to a 
very proportionate, slightly aquiline member. His 
Eyes were lion-like (Cedren.), piercingly bright 
(Paneg. 313, c. 19; also Eumen.). His Expression 
was bright and joyous (Cedren.), characterized by 
"noble gravity mingled with hilarity" (Naz. Paneg. 
c. 24), by "serenity" and "cheerfulness" (cf. 
Euseb. V. C. 3. 11 ). In brief, he seems to have 
been a type of the sanguine temperament.
Added to his beauty of face was an unquestioned 
beauty of form. His distinguished comeliness of 
Figure (Lact. c. 18) is a favorite theme with his 
enthusiastic friend Eusebius, who says, "No one 
was comparable with him for grace and beauty of 
person" (cf. Eumen. c. 17; V. C. 1.


422

19; 3. 10), and that his figure was "manly and 
vigorous" (1. 20). The broad Shoulders and thick 
Neck prepare one for the testimony to his great 
bodily Strength. The feats of personal valor in 
combat with the Sarmatian champions and the wild 
beasts (cf. above), his personal energy in battle 
(e.g. before Verona; cf. above), much special 
testimony (e.g. Eumen. Paneg. c. 4) and all the 
general testimony, show that the superlative 
language of Eusebius is well grounded, and 
interpreted with conservative imagination is to be 
taken as fact. According to him, "he so far 
surpassed his compeers in personal strength as to 
be a terror to them" (V. C. 1. 19), and in respect 
of Vigor of body was such that at the Council of 
Nicaea his very beating showed that he surpassed 
all present in "invincible strength and vigor"; 
while at the age of sixty or upwards, "he still 
possessed a sound and vigorous body, free from all 
blemish and of more than youthful vivacity; a 
noble mien and strength equal to any exertion, so 
that he was able to join in martial exercises, to 
ride, endure the fatigues of travel, engage in 
battle," &c. (Vict. 4. 53). In Bearing he was 
"manly" (V. C. 1. 20), self-possessed, calm (V. C. 
3. 11), dignified ("noble gravity," Naz. c. 24; 
of. Eumen. &c.), with "majestic dignity of mien" ( 
V. C. 3. 10) and serenity ( V. C.
3. 10). In Manners he was "suave" 
(<greek>epieikhd</greek>) ( V. C. 3. 10) and 
"affable to all" ( V. C. 3. 13). This singular 
affability was such, according to Lactantius (c. 
18), as to endear him greatly to his soldiers. 
Over against this, however, must be set the 
statement of Victor, Epit. that he was "a scoffer 
[irrisor] rather than suave [blandus]" (Vict. 
Epit. 51). But this seems rounded on a false 
exegesis (cf. above) and withal there is no 
absolute contradiction. Moreover, all his 
intercourse with bishops, deputies, soldiers, 
citizens, barbarians, seems to have generally made 
a favorable impression, and such success without 
affability of manner would have been marvelous. In 
Dress his taste, late in life at least, became 
somewhat gorgeous. If he were reigning to-day, the 
comic papers would undoubtedly represent him, like 
some other good and great men, with exaggerated 
red neckties and figured waistcoats. He "always 
wore a diadem," according to Victor, Epit. (p. 
51), and according to many (Malal. 13. 7-8; 
Cedren.; Pseudo-Leo, &c.) "none of the emperors 
before him" wore the diadem at all. Eusebius' 
description of his appearance at the Council of 
Nicaea would do credit to a Washington reporter on 
wedding-toilets; he was "clothed in raiment which 
glittered, as it were, with rays of light, 
reflecting the glowing radiance of a purple robe, 
and adorned with the brilliant splendor of gold 
and precious stones" (V. C. 3. 10).
§ 4. Mental Characteristics.

According to his biographer-friend, Constantine 
was even more conspicuous for the excellence of 
his psychical qualities than his physical ( V. C. 
1. 19). Among these qualities are natural 
intelligence ( V. C. 1. 19), sound judgment ( V. 
C. 1. 19), well-disciplined power of thought 
(Theoph. p. 29), and peculiarly, as might be 
expected from his eye and general energy, 
penetration (Theoph. p. 29). In respect of 
Education, it is said on the one hand that he 
"reaped the advantages of a liberal education" (V. 
C. 1. 19), and particularly that he was thoroughly 
trained in the art of reasoning (V. C.); but 
according to Anonymous Vales. (p. 471), and also 
Cedrenus (p. 473), his literary education was 
scanty. If there was early lack, he made up for it 
afterwards with characteristic energy, for he 
attained very considerable erudition (of a sort) 
for an emperor, as is shown in his Oration. 
According to Eutropius he was devoted to liberal 
studies. According to Lydus he was skilled both in 
the science of letters and the science of arms; 
for "if he had not excelled in both sciences, he 
would not have been made emperor of the Romans" 
(Lydus, de Magist. 3.33), --a somewhat subjective 
ground. Such was his devotion to study that, 
according to Eusebius (V. C. 4. 20), "he sometimes 
passed sleepless nights in furnishing his mind 
with divine knowledge." The measure of his 
thoroughness may be gathered from the fact that 
his knowledge of Greek even, does not seem to have 
been very extensive --" with which he was not 
altogether unacquainted" ( V. C. 3. 13). His 
learning, as shown in his orations, is the 
learning of a man of affairs, and has many 
elements of crudity and


423

consequent pretentiousness; but he is no worse 
than many authors--much better than most royal 
authors.
His learning had at least the excellent quality 
that it was radiated with reference to expression, 
as all sound learning must be. According to 
Eusebius, much of his time was spent in composing 
discourses, many of which he delivered in public 
(K C. 4. 29), and he continued to the last to 
compose discourses and to deliver frequent 
orations in public.
The description by Eusebius of the character of 
his orations (V. C. 4. 24) seems to forbid any 
assumption of pure vanity as his motive. It is the 
most natural thing in the world that an emperor 
should make speeches, and that he should speak on 
scholastic or religious themes, and with the use 
of classical philosophy, mythology, and 
literature, should be no surprise in the days of 
President Harrison, Mr. Gladstone, and the Emperor 
William. There is no doubt he wrote and spoke 
vigorously and effectively to hi soldiers, and on 
political and judicial matters (witness his laws), 
and his learned literary production is very fair 
amateur work, considering. In the Delivery of his 
speeches he seems to have had self-possession and 
modesty of manner, as e.g. at the Council of 
Nicaea, where "he looked serenely around on the 
assembly with a cheerful aspect, and having 
collected his thoughts in a calm and gentle tone . 
. . proceeded to speak" (V. C. 3. 11). His 
Literary style was somewhat inflated and verbose, 
but for this, compare Special Prolegamena. His 
Patronage of learning showed his interest in it. 
Following his father's example and continuing his 
work, he encouraged the schools in Gaul (cf. 
above). Hosius and Eusebius were his friends and 
counselors. He made Lactantius tutor to Crispus 
(Hieron. Chron.). He had copies of the Scriptures 
made and distributed (V. C. 3. 1). In short, he 
especially "encouraged the study of letters" 
(Vict. Epit. 51) in every way.

§ 5. Moral Characteristics.

(a) In relations with events, things, or persons. 
First of all, Constantine excelled in Energy, that 
fundamental of all developed character. He was 
pre-eminent for masculine strength of character 
(Theoph. p. 29), a man of energy (vir ingens, 
Eutrop. 10. 1). This was manifested at every turn, 
in his successful military activity under 
Diocletian, in the decisive acts at the time of 
leaving him, in the prosecution of campaigns 
against Maximian, Maxentius, Licinius, in the 
wholesale way in which he pushed internal improve 
merits, the building of Constantinople, the 
multiplication of Christian houses of worship, in 
his studies, in his law-making; in short, in 
everything he touched there was the same teeming, 
resistless energy of the man. His Determination 
was "bent on effecting whatever he had settled in 
his mind" (Eutrop. 10. 5). His Rapidity of action 
when he rejoined his father is described by 
Lactantius as incredible (Lact. c. 24). He showed 
the same alacrity in his quick return and surprise 
of Maximian, in his first entry into Italy, and in 
his campaign against Licinius. This energy and 
activity rose to positive Impetuosity, which led 
him at Verona, before Rome, and at Cibalis to 
plunge into the midst of battle, communicating his 
own resistless, indomitable, alert will to do, to 
his soldiers. Closely linked with these qualities 
was that personal Courage and Valor, inherited 
from his father (Paneg. 307, c. 3), mentioned by 
Eusebius ( K C. 1. 11), and explicitly or 
implicitly by almost every one. This most 
indubitable of all his qualities was witnessed to 
even by the scoffing Julian as "inexpressibly" 
great (Oral. p. 13), and mentioned even in the 
work whose chief aim seems, almost, to detract 
from Constantine (Caes. p. 23). United with all 
these characteristics of greatness was a 
far-reaching Ambition. This on the one hand is 
represented to be an ambition for power and glory. 
He was "exceedingly ambitious of military glory" 
(Eutrop. 10. 7); "aspiring to the sovereignty of 
the whole world" (Eutrop. 10. 5). According to 
Zosimus, at the time of the appointment of Severus 
and Maximin, already having his mind set on 
attaining royalty he was roused to a greater 
desire by the honor conferred on Severus and 
Maximin, and this eager desire of power was 
already well known to many. On the other hand, 
this ambition is represented to be a burning zeal 
for righting wrongs; his


424

wars against Maxentius and Licinius real crusades, 
and his actual objective in all things the reform 
to be effected. If the fruit proves the motive, 
this was so; for he consistently used or tried to 
use his power for what he thought public good. 
This he did in Gaul, after his victories, in his 
legislation, and in his internal improvements.
In view of all this powerfulness of personality, 
it may be said of all successes of this "man of 
power" (Eutrop. 10. 5) what Eutropius says of his 
success in war, that it was great, "but not more 
than proportioned to his exertions" (Eutrop.). 
With all this energy of personality, however, he 
was far from being headstrong. On the contrary, he 
showed marked Prudence, resembling his father in 
this also (Paneg. 307, c. 3). Sustaining so long 
the delicate position at the court of Diocletian, 
all his provision for guarding the frontiers, his 
long-suffering in waiting to be confirmed Caesar, 
in waiting his opportunity to meet Maxentius, in 
waiting and getting everything in hand before 
meeting Licinius, his wise moderation in demand on 
the conquered, and the not pressing forward until 
he had everything well arranged, show this, and a 
high degree of Patience withal. This latter virtue 
was peculiarly characteristic whether exercised in 
respect of things or plans or people, and his 
great patience in listening to complaints (Naz. c. 
24) is only a part of the whole. As he was 
patient, so he was distinguished for Perseverance, 
and "firm and unshaken" (Theoph. p. 29) 
Steadfastness. So great energy united with these 
other qualities barely needs testimony to suggest 
great Faithfulness to his tasks in hand, as in 
that "strict attention to his military duties" 
which Lactantius says (c. 18) characterized him as 
a young man. In brief, his whole personality was a 
marked example of that balance of power and the 
measuring of remote ends which is included under 
the word Self-control, in the use of the 
philosophy of which he, as well as his father, was 
a disciple. In this exercise of his great energy 
towards himself he was recognized to be 
remarkable. This self-control was manifested 
especially in his unusual Chastity. As a young man 
he was marked by correct moral habits (probis 
moribus, Lact. c. 18). The specific testimony of 
Eusebius to this (V. C.) would have comparatively 
little weight on a point like this, and the same 
might be said, in a measure, of the testimony of 
the Panegyrists (Naz. c. 24; 207, c. 4; 313, c. 
4), who mention this virtue. But panegyrical art 
would forbid the laudation of what was 
conspicuously lacking; rather it would not be 
mentioned, and the general testimony goes to show 
at least a contemporary reputation for 
extraordinary continence, considering his time and 
environment. His relationship with Minervina 
hardly touches this reputation, whether she was 
wife or only legitimate concubine. The accusations 
and innuendoes of Julian, Caesars, have, in any 
fairly critical estimate, hardly more than the 
weight of some malignant gossip whose backbiting 
is from his own heart. "Honi soit qui mat y 
pense." Like Licinius, he seems to have been 
unable to understand that purity of heart which 
permitted the free companionship of women in 
social or religious life. Julian's general charge 
of luxuriousness and sensuousness
(P. 43, 306, 25, 38, 42, &c.) must be regarded 
largely in the same light; for this delight in 
soft garments, precious gems, games, and 
festivities was, if we can judge aright, in no 
sense "enervating pleasure and voluptuous 
indulgence": for he was indefatigable in studies 
and works of all sorts, although it is perhaps to 
be referred to the vanity and love of display of 
which he is accused, and of which more later.
(b) In relations with people. In general he was 
Amiable,--popular with the soldiers, popular even 
with his subdued enemies (Eutrop. 10. 7). 
Diocletian reminded Galerius (Lact. c. 18) that he 
was "amiable," and he must have been so; for he 
was "loved by soldiers" (Eumen. c. 16), and so 
"endeared to the troops" that in the appointment 
of Caesar he was "the choice of every individual" 
(Lact. c. 18). This popularity he indeed "sought 
by every kind of liberality and obligingness" 
(Eutr. 10. 7.), but what he sought he found.
A very large element in this popularity was the 
universal Mildness, Mercifulness, and Forbear-once 
which he showed. In these is found a class of 
characteristics which stand alongside his energy 
of character as peculiarly characteristic and 
great. "He whose familiar habit it was to save 
men's lives" (V. C. 4. 6), as a young man 
promised, in the opinion of Diocletian


425

(Lact. c. 18), to be "milder and more merciful 
than his father." Even in the opinion of Julian he 
was "far more humane (<greek>praoUerou</greek>), 
and in very many other respects superior to 
others, as I would demonstrate if there were 
opportunity" (Julian, Orat. p. 15); and he again 
(p. 96) speaks of him in laudatory terms as 
contrasted with the other emperors. Eusebius, as 
might be expected, is still stronger in 
expression, and sets Constantine "in contrast with 
tyrants who were stained with blood of countless 
numbers," saying that in Constantine's reign "the 
sword of justice lay idle," and men were "rather 
constrained by a paternal authority than governed 
by the stringent power of the laws" ( K C. 3. 1). 
This mercifulness he manifested on every occasion. 
"When Sigusium was on fire," he directed greater 
effort towards saving it than he had to capturing 
it (Naz. Paneg. c. 21). At the taking of Rome he 
punished a certain few only of those most intimate 
with Maxentius (Zos.), and even Zosimus notes the 
great joy and relief of people at the exchange of 
Constantine for Maxentius. It is noticeable that 
in the inscriptions the epithet "clementissimus," 
most rare of other emperors, is found a 
considerable number of times of him. So great was 
this mildness of conduct that he was "generally 
blamed for his clemency" (V. C. 4. 31), on the 
ground that crimes were not visited with their 
proper penalties. The testimony to this humaneness 
of character is almost unlimited and conclusive, 
but there is more or less evidence which is urged 
in qualification or contradiction. It is rather a 
common thing to say that he was at first mild, but 
later pride of prosperity caused him greatly to 
depart from this former agreeable mildness of 
temper (Eutrop.). Then the execution of the 
various members of his own family (cf. discussion 
below), the exposure of prisoners to the wild 
beasts (Eumen. Paneg. c. 12), his severe decree 
against those who should conceal copies of the 
works of Arius (Socr. 1. 9), his treatment of the 
Jews (Greg. Niceph., or at least his laws), and 
the severe penalties of some of his laws are among 
the points brought against him. But the remark of 
Eutropius is to be interpreted by the "former 
agreeable mildness of temper," to which he himself 
witnesses, and the fact that this latter period 
was that where the points of view of the two men 
had widely diverged. The exposure of prisoners to 
wild beasts was no evidence of cruelty in itself; 
for under the customs then prevailing it might 
have been cruelty to his subjects not to have done 
this, and his treatment of the barbarian enemies 
is rather to be interpreted in the light of the 
testimony of Eutropius that he "left on the minds 
of the barbarians [Goths] a strong remembrance of 
his kindness" (10. 7). His treatment of his family 
is discussed elsewhere, but whatever its bearings 
may be, there is no just historico-psychological 
ground whatever for the use of the word which is 
so freely bandied,-cruelty. Cruel he was not in 
any sense. Even the extreme of the Panegyrist who 
says to him, "you are such by inheritance and 
destiny that you cannot be cruel" (Eumen. Paneg. 
c. 14), is nearer the truth. The penalties of his 
laws lay him open in a degree to a charge of 
growing severity; but it was great, if sometimes 
mistaken and overzealous, regard for what he 
deemed the public welfare, and on quite a 
different plane from anything which we express as 
cruelty. Though with the growing conservatism of a 
man who finds his purposes of mercy continually 
perverted and his indulgences abused, he yet 
remained to the end of his life most merciful and 
mild compared with those who went before and who 
followed.
This fact becomes more clear in seeing how he 
excelled in kindred virtues. The Patience already 
mentioned, distinguished forbearance, and 
undoubted benevolence, or at least generosity, are 
traits which group with mercy and have no 
fellowship with cruelty. And these he had. He 
showed distinguished Forbearance, and that 
oftentimes, as in a disturbance at Antioch, where 
he "applied with much forbearance the remedy of 
persuasion" (V. C. 3. 59). The outrageous conduct 
of those who, in the Arian disturbances, dared 
"even to insult the statues of the emperor . . . 
had little power to excite his anger, but rather 
caused in him sorrow of spirit" (V. C.
3' 4), "and he endured with patience men who were 
exasperated against himself." These words are by 
Eusebius, to be sure.; but his conduct with 
Donatists, Arians, Maximinianus, and Licinius, in 
individual and on the whole, show that in fact he 
did habitually exercise great forbearance. 'To 
this was added much activity of positive Kindness. 
On first accession he "visited with much


426

considerate kindness all those provinces" (V. C. 
p. 23). This kindness was shown throughout his 
reign, and brightly illustrated in his treatment 
of the persecuted Christians from the 
beginning,--in his acts in Gaul, in his famous 
toleration edict, in his letter to Maximin, and in 
his acts throughout. After his victory over 
Maxentius came the edict that those wrongfully 
deprived of their estates should be permitted to 
enjoy them again, . . . unjustly exiled were 
recalled and freed from imprisonment (Euseb. V. C. 
1. 41). After the victory over Licinius he 
recalled Christian exiles, ordered restitution of 
property, released from labor in mines, from the 
solitude of islands, from toil in public works, 
&c., those who had been oppressed in these ways 
(V. C. p. 70-71). There is strong concensus of 
testimony to a very lovable habitual exercise of 
this trait in his "readiness to grant hearing," 
"patience in listening," and "kindness of 
response" to those whose complaints he had 
patiently listened to (Naz. 24). He was most 
excellent (commadissimus) to hear embassies and 
complaints of provinces (Vict. Epit. p. 51),--a 
testimony which is borne out by the facts. His 
Generosity is equally undoubted. His magnificent 
gifts and largesses to the army were still 
remembered in the time of Julian (Oral. p. 13). 
His constant and lavish giving to the Christians 
is Eusebius' unending theme: but it was not to the 
churches alone; for we read of his munificence to 
heathen tribes (V. C. 2. 22), his liberality to 
the poor (V. C. 1. 43) in giving money for 
clothing, provision for orphans and widows, 
marriage portions for virgins, compensation to 
losers in law suits (V. C. 4. 4). It was "scarcely 
possible to be near him without benefit" (V. C. I. 
43; cf. V. C. 3. 16; 3. 22; 4. 44).
Though slow to serve some friends through 
suspicion (i.e. dubius thus explained), he was" 
exceedingly generous towards others, neglecting no 
opportunity to add to their riches and honors" 
(Eutrop. 10. 7). "With royal magnificence he 
unlocked all his treasures and distributed his 
gifts with rich and high-souled liberality" (V. C. 
3. I). He seems to have carried it rather to 
excess, even on the showing of Eusebius. "No one 
could request a favor of the emperor, and fail of 
obtaining what he sought. . . . He devised new 
dignities, that he might invest a larger number 
with the tokens of his favor" (V. C. 4. 2). It is 
worth giving the account by Eusebius of this 
conduct in full here. He says (V. C. 4. 54) that 
this "was a virtue, however, which subjected him 
to censure from many, in consequence of the 
baseness of wicked men, who ascribed their own 
crimes to the emperor's forbearance. In truth, I 
can myself bear testimony to the grievous evils 
which prevailed during those times: I mean the 
violence of rapacious and unprincipled men, who 
preyed on all classes of society alike, and the 
scandalous hypocrisy of those who crept into the 
church. . . . His own benevolence and goodness of 
heart, the genuineness of his own faith, and his 
truthfulness of character induced the emperor to 
credit the professions of those reputed Christians 
who craftily preserved the semblance of sincere 
affection for his person. The confidence he 
reposed in such men sometimes forced him into 
conduct unworthy of himself, of which envy took 
advantage to cloud in this respect the luster of 
his character." There seems, therefore, some 
ground for the charge of prodigality, that he 
"wasted public money in many useless buildings, 
some of which he shortly after destroyed because 
they were not built to stand" (Zos.), and (Zos. p. 
104) "gave great largesses to ill-deserving 
persons, mistaking profusion for munificence" 
(<greek>Uhu</greek> <greek>gar</greek> 
<greek>aswtian</greek> <greek>hUeito</greek> 
<greek>filotimian</greek>). Zosimus adds that to 
do this, he "imposed severe taxes on all, so 
severe that fathers were obliged to prostitute 
their daughters to raise the money, that tortures 
were employed, and in consequence whole villages 
depopulated." This testimony is, however, by one 
bitterly prejudiced, who regarded money spent on 
Christian houses of worship as worse than wasted, 
and indicates only what appears from Eusebius as 
well, that expenditures for cities, schools, and 
churches built, and for other matters, must have 
been enormous. But so, too, they were enormous 
under other emperors, and Constantine, at least, 
instead of spending on debauchery, seems to have 
had something to show for it. As to taxes, Zosimus 
would undoubtedly sympathize with the Kentucky 
moonshiners in their "oppression" by revenue 
officers, if he were here now and Constantine were 
President, and would fulminate in the dally papers 
against the wicked party which by its wicked 
tariff compels men to marry


427

their daughters to rich husbands in order to get 
their taxes paid,--and incidental luxuries 
supplied. But that does not say that an exorbitant 
tariff, to supply "jobs" which shall furnish rich 
"spoils" for those who have "pulls" out of the 
pockets of the many, is good; yet this, in modern 
phrase, is about what Constantine did. 
Constantine's trust in his friends and generosity 
to the unworthy, with its consequences on the 
tax-payers, reminds strikingly of some of our own 
soldier-presidents, whom we love and admire 
without approving all their acts. And yet, on the 
other hand, much of the expenditure was for solid 
improvement, and could only be criticised by those 
who now oppose expenditures for navy, for improved 
postal service, public buildings, subsidies, &c.; 
though yet, again, his wholesale way of doing 
things also reminds one of the large generosity of 
some modern politicians in their race for 
popularity, with their Pension, Education, River 
and Harbor, and what not liberalities out of the 
pockets of the people. But whatever unwisdom may 
have been mingled, all this profusion shows in him 
a generosity of character which was at least 
amiable, and in the main genuine. His generosity 
took also the form of Hospitality, as shown by his 
entertainings at the Council of Nicaea (V. C. 4. 
49). With all these qualities of amiable 
popularity there seems to have been joined a yet 
more fundamental element, of permanent influence 
among men, in a spirit of Justice so marked that 
the claim of the Panegyrist is hardly too sweeping 
when he says that "all who took/refuge with him 
for whatever cause he treated justly and 
liberally" (Paneg. 307. 5)--if there is added "up 
to his light and ability." Closely linked with 
this again is that" Unbending righteousness" of 
which Theophanes (p. 29) speaks. And to all these 
qualities was added that synthesis of 
qualities,--a remarkable Tact in his intercourse 
with men, a trait typically exemplified in his 
conduct at the Council of Nicaea, where "the 
emperor gave patient audience to all alike, and 
reviewed every proposition with steadfast 
attention, and by occasionally assisting the 
arguments of each party in turn, he gradually 
disposed even the most vehement disputants to a 
reconciliation, . . . persuading some, convincing 
others by his reasonings, praising those who spoke 
well, and urging all to unity of sentiment, until 
at last he succeeded in bringing them to one mind 
and judgment respecting every disputed question" 
(V. C. 3. 13).
But success with men and popularity seem to have 
opened that pitfall of success,--Vanity,-and it is 
charged that he fell thereinto, although there is 
testimony to the exact contrary. According to 
Victor (Epit. p. 51) he was "immeasurably greedy 
of praise." This agrees with, and is at the same 
time modified by Eutropius' testimony to his 
ambition for glory and for honorable popularity 
(10. 7), and his apparently complacent reception 
of the outrageous flattery of Optatian (cf. his 
letter), seems at least to show some weakness in 
this direction. So again his tendency toward 
Magnificence, as shown in his assuming the diadem 
and his dress in general (cf. above), in the 
splendor of banquets as witnessed by his approving 
friend (V. C. 3. 15 ), his desire to do on a large 
scale whatever he did, whether in the building of 
cities or splendid houses of worship, or in 
book-binding ornamentations of pearls and gems. 
And yet again it is shown in what seems at this 
distance his Conceit, sublime in its 
unconsciousness in reckoning himself a sort of 
thirteenth, but, it would seem, a facile princeps 
apostle, in the disposition for his burial, 
"anticipating with extraordinary fervor of faith 
that his body would share their title with the 
apostles themselves. . . . He accordingly caused 
twelve coffins to be set up in this church, like 
sacred pillars, in honor and memory of the 
apostolic number, in the centre of which his own 
was placed, having six of theirs on either side of 
it" (V. C. 4. 60). One can seem to read in this a 
whole history of unblushing flattery, and it 
reminds that Eunapius (Vic. aedes. p. 41) has 
spoken of his pleasure in the stimulant of 
"intoxicating flattery." Still it is not to be 
supposed that this was a peculiarly weak vanity or 
an absorbing one. The testimony to his Modesty (V. 
C. 3. 10), though by Eusebius, is too 
circumstantial to be wholly unreal, and the 
testimony to his Humility in his "indignation at 
excessive praise" (V. C. 4. 48), and the records 
of Eusebius that he "was not rendered arrogant by 
these plaudits nor uplifted by the praises" 
(Euseb. V. C. 1. 39), and of the Chronicon 
Paschale (p. 521) that "he was not at all puffed 
up by the acclamations," evidently represent a


428

genuine thing. This mixed character is too 
frequently met with to be incomprehensible. Real 
power, recognizing its own success, glad of the 
recognition of others, not at bottom because of 
cold vanity, but from warm appreciation of human 
friendliness, became through success in carrying 
out what seemed to him, and were, divine plans, 
fired with the thought that he was the especial 
and necessary minister of God, that his thoughts 
and will were directly touched by the Divine Will 
and thus that whatever he thought or willed was 
infallible. He is not unlike some modern rulers. 
The spirit, though one of real vanity, or egotism 
at least, has an element of nobleness in it, and 
in most of its manifestations commands respect 
along with the smile. The accusation of Zosimus of 
Arrogance "when he had attained to the sole 
authority," and that he "gave himself up to the 
unrestrained exercise of his power," must be 
interpreted like those of other un-Christian 
witnesses, in the light of the fact that his 
actions worked relative hardships to the 
non-Christians, and that very justice to the 
Christians would seem injustice to them, and if 
Constantine was more than just, his generosity was 
at some one's expense. His energy of execution and 
constant success, with his dominating idea of a 
Divine mission, would naturally engender this 
faith in his own infallibility; for what is 
arrogance but this vanity joined with power? His 
action toward schismatics--Donatists, Arians, or 
orthodox troublers of his peace--was such as to 
suggest some degree of this vice. Yet his success 
in keeping the followers of the old religion 
fairly mollified, and his generally successful 
tact, showed that this was in no sense a 
dominating and unrelieved characteristic. Two 
other weaknesses closely allied with these are 
also imputed to Constantine: Jealousy, as 
illustrated by the statement that "wishing to 
minimize the deeds of his predecessors, he took 
pains to tarnish their virtues by giving them 
jocose epithets" (Dion. Cont. 2 [Muller, p. 199]; 
cf. Vict. Epit. p. 51), and Suspiciousness 
(Eutrop. 10. 7); for which latter, a man who had 
survived as many plots as he had, might well be 
excused. Again and again and again he trusted men, 
and they deceived him. His conduct with Maximian 
shows that at least in the beginning, before he 
had had so much experience of untrustworthiness, 
he was remarkably free from this. A much more 
serious charge is that of Faithlessness preferred 
by Zosimus, who says (2. 28), "in violation of his 
oaths (for this was customary with him) "and twice 
repeats the charge. Eusebius, on the other hand, 
tells what great pains Constantine took not to be 
the one to break peace with Licinius (V. C.). One 
is worth as little as the other. The charge seems 
to rest mainly or wholly on his conduct towards 
Licinius, in beginning war and in putting him to 
death. A small boy once held a smaller boy in a 
firm grip, but agreed to spare him the cuffing he 
deserved because he was smaller. The smaller small 
boy promptly set his teeth in the leg of the 
larger small boy, and was properly cuffed for it. 
Thereupon the smaller small boy's big brother was 
filled with indignation, which he manifested by 
seeking and finding the same fate. The indignation 
in behalf of Licinius seems to be in large measure 
big brother indignation--indignation with the 
wrong party. He appears to have been one of those 
who held a compact to be binding on the other 
party only. It wasn't in the bargain that he 
should persecute the Christians, or in the other 
bargain that he should plot his benefactor's 
overthrow. That king in Scripture who took back 
his promise to forgive a debt of ten thousand 
talents was not faithless.
(c) In relations with his family. He was a filial 
Son, having the confidence of his father, as shown 
in his wish of succession, and showing his mother 
all honors when he came to power (cf. coins 
showing her position as empress, and V.C.). "And 
well may his character be styled blessed for his 
filial piety as well as on other grounds" (V. C. 
3. 47).
It is in this relation to his family, however, 
that the most serious attacks on the character of 
Constantine have been made. Eutropius says: "But 
the pride of prosperity caused Constantine greatly 
to depart from his former agreeable mildness of 
temper. Falling first upon his own relatives, he 
put to death his son, an excellent man; his 
sister's son, a youth of amiable disposition; soon 
afterwards his wife; and subsequently many of his 
friends." This has been a battle-ground of 
accusation or excusation in all the centuries. The 
testimony is very meagre and uncertain, but this 
much may be said: 1. That any jury would regard 
the fact of deaths as evidenced. It is


429

witnessed by Eutrop. (10. 6), Zos., Vict., 
Hieron., &c. 2. That he was unjustifiable is not 
proven. In respect to the death of Fausta, at 
least, there was probably just cause; whether love 
intrigue or other intrigue, there seems to have 
been some real occasion. The death of Crispus, 
too, was from no mere suspicions, but on 
apparently definite grounds of distrust. It is 
historical assumption to say that he had no good 
grounds, whatever these may have been--illicit 
relationship with Fausta or more probably 
political intrigue. At the worst, he was put to 
death on false but, at the time, apparently true 
accusation: what has been done by judges and 
juries of the best intention. (1) Of Licinius, his 
sister's son, it can hardly be said that he had 
the same reason, as he was still a boy. But 
remembering the inherited character of Licinius, 
and noticing the curious fact that the cordiality 
between Constantia and Constantine was peculiarly 
great to the end, it seems as if there must have 
been some mitigating circumstance. (2) In all 
historical candor it looks as if there had been 
some general intrigue against Constantine which 
had been met in this way; but the fairest verdict 
to enter is "causes unknown."
In estimating the characteristic value of the acts 
it must be noted, (1). That it has in no sense the 
character of private execution. The emperor was 
judge. Even if he mistook evidence and put to 
death an innocent man, it was as when a judge does 
the same. 2. That the relative moral character of 
punishments inflicted is conditioned by the custom 
of punishment. An English judge of the past was 
not as cruel in hanging a man for theft, as a 
modern one in applying the extreme penalty of the 
law to an offense with mitigating circumstances, 
would be. 3. That all law of evidence, all rhyme 
and reason, says that any man's any act is to be 
interpreted in the light of his general character. 
Where evidence is lacking or doubtful, such 
evidence of general character has actual weight, 
and may be conclusive. In application to these 
acts note (a) The peculiar forbearance which 
Constantine exercised toward Maximian. (b) The 
conclusive universal testimony to the general 
mildness of his character and his habitual 
mercifulness. In view of this, it is to be judged 
that there was some real, or appearing, great 
ground of judicial wrath. 4. That Constantine had 
suffered from plots on the part of his own 
relatives over and over again, and spared, and 
been plotted against again, as in the cases of 
Maximian, Bassianus, and Licinius. 5. That they 
were not put to death "in a gust of passion" at 
once, but in successive acts. In view of these 
things it is fair and just to say that they were 
put to death on grounds which seemed just and for 
the welfare of society, and their deaths in no 
sense indicate cruelty or unnaturalness on the 
part of Constantine. Even the death of Licinius 
must be interpreted by the political ethics of the 
times and its circumstances. So long as 
sentimentalists continue to send bouquets to 
murderers and erect monuments to anarchists, they 
will regard execution, even legal execution, as 
prima facie evidence of cruelty, and the killing 
of a murderer in self-defense, or the hanging of a 
traitor, as crime. Constantine's whole character 
ensures that if he thought he could have spared 
them, or any one, with safety, he would have done 
so. (3)
In general he was a faithful husband as respects 
marital virtue, and a good father. He took care 
that his children should be well educated. Crispus 
was under Lactantius (Hieron.), and the others 
perhaps under Arborius ("Auson. de Prof. Burdig. 
16"); at all events, he had the most accomplished 
teachers of secular learning to instruct in the 
art of war, and in political and legal science (V. 
C. 4. 51), and both by his own instruction and 
that of men of approved piety, took special pains 
with their religious training. He early appointed 
them to offices of authority, and distributed the 
empire among them.


430

(d) In relations with friends. His general conduct 
toward his friends was marked by very great 
liberality (cf. above). Eutropius speaks 
emphatically of this even while he uses the 
expression which has been such a puzzle to all, 
that "toward some of his friends he was double" 
(or dangerous), a phrase which is interpreted by 
Johannes Ant. as meaning "to some of friends false 
(unsound, <greek>upoulwd</greek>) and unsafe 
(unwholesome, <greek>ouk</greek> 
<greek>uUipd</greek>)" (ed. Muller 4. p. 602-3). 
His uniform effort to please his friends has been 
discussed above.
(e) In relations with society. 1. As General he 
seems to have been popular with his own soldiers 
(cf. above), inspiring them with enthusiasm and 
energy. Toward hostile soldiers he was merciful 
(cf. above), not following up an advantage further 
than was necessary, and toward conquered enemies 
unusually forbearing; e.g. at Sigusium, at Rome, 
with Maximian, with Licinius, and with the Goths 
(cf. above). His generalship is characterized by 
careful provision for the guarding of his rear, 
and by rapidity of movement and dash in actual 
conflict. 2. As Legislator he "enacted many laws, 
some good, but most of them superfluous, and some 
severe" (Eutrop. 10. 8). He seems to have had a 
weakness for law-making which, at all events, 
shows a characteristic respect for law little 
shared by his early contemporaries. Of course 
Eutropius would consider all laws in favor of 
Christians superfluous. Laws for the abolition of 
idolatrous practices, for the erection of 
Christian houses of worship, observance of the 
Lord's Day (V. C. 4. 23), permitting cases to be 
tried before bishops (Soz. 1. 9; Euseb. H. E. 10. 
7; Cod. Theod. Tit. de episc. &c., would surely 
seem so. But even in other laws Constantine seems 
to have had at times an abnormal zeal for 
law-making, when his energies were not occupied in 
war or church-building. The laws were generally 
wise and, at the least, benevolently or 
righteously meant. Such were the abolition of 
crucifixion (Vict. Caes.) and of gladiatorial 
shows ( V. C. 4. 25; Socr. 1. 8; C. Theod. 15. 12. 
1), the law that the families of slaves were not 
to be separated (C. Theod. 2.25), that forbidding 
the scourging of debtors (C. Theod. 7.3), and that 
repressing calumny (Vict. Epit. 51). Among the 
"severe" laws were such as punished certain forms 
of illicit intercourse with death.
3. As Statesman his policy was broad and 
far-reaching. He fully organized and carefully 
established one section of his territory before he 
enlarged. He changed the whole constitution of the 
empire, both civil and military (cf. Wordsworth, 
in Smith & W.). He inaugurated reforms in finance, 
and especially was most assiduous in the matter of 
internal improvements, restoring and building from 
one end of the empire to the other. The great 
characteristic consummation of his reign was the 
union of Church and State, over which men are 
still divided as to whether it was a tremendous 
blessing or a tremendous curse. Tremendous it 
surely was in its shaping power on world history. 
(Compare numerous titles under Literature.) The 
general statement of Eutropius that "in the 
beginning of his reign he might have been compared 
to the best princes, in the latter part only to 
those of a middling character," must be 
interpreted by the fact that during the latter 
part of his reign he was so associated with 
Christianity, in itself a falling away in the eyes 
of the old religionists. His reign was one of 
order and justice such as few were, and an order 
out of chaos, a reign in which it could be 
peculiarly said that "chastity was safe and 
marriage protected" (Naz. c. 38), where a man's 
life and property were secure as under few of the 
Roman emperors. It is idle to refuse the title of 
Great to a man who, from the beginning, followed a 
consistent, though developing policy, organized 
the interior, and securely guarded the frontier of 
his empire at each enlargement, and finally 
unified the whole on such a basis as to secure 
large internal prosperity and development.

§ 6. Religious Characteristics.

    Was Constantine a Christian? This vain 
question has to be considered, hardly discussed. 
The interminable opinions, one way or the other, 
are for the most part wise-seeming, meaningless 
generalizations. Like any generalized statement, 
it is conditioned by the point of view of the 
author. When ten men answered the question "What 
is a Christian?" in ten different ways, who


431

shall say what any one is? This has been the 
difficulty. One does not conceive of Christianity 
apart from baptismal regeneration. The question 
has then narrowed to one of baptism. Constantine 
was not a Christian until just before his death. 
Another has some other test. Another is not a 
Christian himself, and so on. A good Biblical, 
Protestant starting-point is to say he was a 
Christian as soon as he believed in Christ, and 
that the evidence of faith is in confession and 
action. Already, before his campaign into Italy, 
he seems to have been in intimate contact with the 
Christians. Hosius was probably already one of his 
advisers. The young emperor had inherited his 
father's piety (Paneg. 307, c. 5), and was 
inclined to monotheism. The words of advisers must 
have made him think at least, and he seems to have 
made a sort of test of believing at the time of 
the famous "vision of the cross," whatever that 
may have been. Judging from the way men think and 
feel their way to faith, it seems psychologically 
probable that, feeling his way along to that 
point, he tried faith and, having success, he 
substantially believed from that time on. 
Certainly from a very early period after this, the 
evidences begin to be clear and increasingly so as 
presumably his faith itself became more clear and 
fixed. The account in Eusebius of the process of 
thought by which he inclined toward Christianity 
has the greatest plausibility. He says that 
"considering the matter of Divine assistance, it 
occurred to him that those who had relied on idols 
had been deceived and destroyed, while his father 
. . . had honored the one Supreme God, had found 
him Saviour, &c . . . . he judged it folly to join 
in the idle worship of those who were no gods . . 
. and felt it incumbent on him to honor no other 
than the God of his father." The nature of the 
vision of the cross, whether a miracle, a natural 
phenomenon, or only a dream, does not affect the 
probability of the account by Eusebius of what 
followed it (V. C. 1. 32). "At the time above 
specified, being struck with amazement at the 
extraordinary
vision, and resolving to worship no other God save 
him who had appeared to him, he sent for those who 
were acquainted with the mysteries of his 
doctrines, and inquired also what God was. . . . 
They affirmed that he was God, the only begotten 
Son of the one and only God," and he thereupon 
"made the priests of God his counsellors and 
deemed it incumbent on him to honor the God who 
had appeared to him, with all devotion." According 
to Sozomen, "it is universally admitted 
Constantine embraced the religion of the 
Christians previous to his war with Maxentius and 
prior to his return to Rome and Italy; and this is 
evidenced by the dates of the laws which he 
enacted in favor of religion" (Soz. 1. 5; cf. 1. 
3). Philostorgius (1. 6), "in conformity with all 
other writers," ascribes to the victory over 
Maxentius (Photius. Epit.). This is confirmed, 
too, by the remark of the Panegyrist (313, c. 4; 
cf. c. 2 and c. 11), that he conducted the war by 
Divine instruction, and the famous inscription on 
the triumphal arch, "instinctu Divinitatis." 
According to Augustine he was at the time of the 
petition of the Donatists, "mindful of the hope 
which he maintained in Christ" (August. contra 
litt. Petil. Bk. II. c. 92, p. 205).
The tales of his baptism at this time, or by 
Sylvester at all, are pure fables (cf. under The 
Mythical Constantine), but it appears from 
antecedent probability, from testimony, and from 
his early subsequent identification with the 
Christians that he became fairly convinced at this 
time. His letters concerning the council at Aries, 
to be sure, have little direct evidence, but 
enough to show that he regarded the Christian 
religion as the worship of that one supreme God, 
and in them Hosius was already his trusted 
adviser. But in his letters to Chrestus (314) he 
speaks of those who are "forgetful of their own 
salvation and the reverence due to the most holy 
faith," and if his letter to the bishops after the 
council at Aries--a letter full of expressions 
like "Christ the Saviour," "brethren beloved," "I 
who myself await the judgment of Christ," "our 
Saviour"1--be genuine, Constantine was well 
advanced in his commitment in 314; but whether it 
is or not,


432

the fact of his Christian advisers, of his laws in 
behalf of Christians, and various substantial 
favors to them, his recognition of their God as 
his one God, makes it almost idle to discuss the 
question. Was Constantine a Christian in 314? What 
is a Christian? He seems to have been. The type 
was that of many a business-man church-member of 
to-day--Christians, but neither 
over-well-instructed, nor dangerously zealous in 
the exercise of his faith. It must be remembered 
that during these earlier years his confession of 
his faith and identification of himself with the 
Christians was conditioned by his relation to the 
old religion. Such a change was a radical novelty. 
His position was not yet secure. He had to use his 
utmost tact to keep all elements in hand. He was 
conditioned just as a modern Christian emperor or 
president, a majority of whose political advisers 
and subjects or electors are non-religious. He had 
great problems of political organization to 
effect, and was immersed in these. The only matter 
of surprise is that he grew so rapidly. There is 
no ground whatever for supposing that he 
dissembled to the end, or even at all. To say that 
his retaining the title of pontifex maximus, or 
making concessions respecting the old worship, or 
allowing soothsayers to be consulted, or even the 
postponement of his baptism, indicate this, is 
critical absurdity in the face of evidence. (1) 
Testimony, both heathen and Christian, to the 
openness of his action is complete, and the 
testimony of his acts--such, e.g., as the law for 
the observance of Sunday--conclusive. Later, at 
least, he "most openly destroyed temple worship 
and built Christian houses of worship" (Eunap. 
Vita [?]des. 37, ed. Boiss. p. 20). From the 
defeat of Licinius on, edicts, letters, speeches, 
acts of all sorts, testify to a most unequivocal 
adoption of the Christian religion. Eusebius 
hardly overstates in saying that "he maintained a 
continual testimony to his Christianity, with all 
boldness and before all men, and so far was he 
from shrinking from an open profession of the 
Christian name, that he rather desired to make it 
manifest to all that he regarded this as his 
highest honor" (V. C. 3. 2). Really the question 
whether he considered himself, or was considered, 
a Christian at and after the time of the Council 
of Nicaea is too idle even to mention, if it had 
not been gravely discussed. In the opinion of the 
bishops there he was "most pious" and "dear to 
God" (E.P. synod. in Socr. 1. 9; Theodoret, 1. 8). 
On his part, letters are full of pious expression 
and usually begin or end or both with "beloved 
brethren." To the council itself he describes 
himself as "fellow-servant" of "Him who is our 
common Lord and Saviour." Another more 
considerable position is that all that 
indisputable external connection with Christianity 
was pure political expediency, that he was a 
shrewd politician who saw which way the wind was 
blowing, and had skill to take advantage of it. 
That Constantine was not a Christian in the strict 
sense even to the end of his life was the position 
of Keim. Burckhardt regards him as a pure 
politician, without a touch of Christian life. 
Brieger (1880) says we have not grounds to decide 
either way, whether he was "a godless egoistic 
fatalist or had a more or less warm religious or 
even Christian interest," but that the fixed fact 
is, that it was not because of his inner belief in 
the Christian religion that he showed favor to the 
Christians. In a brief attempt to get some basis 
in the sources, the enthusiastic testimony of 
Eusebius and other writers, explicit as it is, may 
be quite disregarded, even the testimony to facts, 
such as his practice of giving thanks (V. C. 1. 
39), of invoking Divine aid (Euseb. V. C. 2, 4, 6, 
13; Soz. 2. 34), of his erecting a place of prayer 
in his palace (Soz. 1. 8), of his fasting (K C. 
2.41), of his having a stated hour of prayer (V. 
C. 4. 22), although all these are interesting. The 
documents, however, unless by supremely uncritical 
rejection, can be regarded as fundamental sources. 
A brief analysis of these, even though imperfect, 
will furnish grounds on the basis of which those 
who apply various tests may apply them. Starting 
from his faith in Christ, surely the center of 
Christianity, he believed Christ to be Son of God, 
"God and the Son of God the author of every 
blessing" (S.C.), the revealer of the Father, who 
has "revealed a pure light in the person of Thy 
Son . . . and hast thus given testimony concerning 
Thyself" (S.C. 1), proceeding from the Father 
(S.C.), and incarnate, his incarnation having been 
pre-


433

dicted also by the prophets. He believed this Son 
of God to be his Saviour (Ad Tyr., Ad Ant., Ad 
Euseb., &c.) "our common Lord and Saviour" (Ad 
Euseb.), "our Saviour, our hope, and our life" (Ad 
eccl. Al.). He believed in his miraculous birth 
(S.C.) and in his death for our deliverance (Ad 
Nic.; cf. Ad Mac. &c.), "the path which leads to 
everlasting life" (S.C. 1), "a precious and 
toilsome" work (Ad Euseb.), and in his ascension 
into heaven (S.C. 1). He believed in "God the 
Father" (Ad Euseb. 2), "Almighty" (Ad Euseb.), 
Lord of all (Ad Euseb. 2), and the Holy Ghost (Ad 
eccl. Al.; cf. S. C.). He believed in "Divine 
Providence" (Ad Eccl. Al.; Ad Alex.  Ar.; Ad. 
Euseb. 1), God the preserver of all men (Ad Alex. 
et Ar.), who sees all things (Ad Syn. Nic.), who 
is near us and the observer of all our actions (S. 
C.), and "under the guidance of whose Almighty 
hand" he is (Ad Prov. Pal.), that all things are 
regulated by the determination of his will (Ad 
Euseb.). He believed in the existence of a 
personal devil (Ad Eccl. Al.). He believed in the 
future life (Ad Prov. Pal.), "the only true life" 
(S.C. 12), the "strife for immortality" (Ad 
Euseb.), to which those may aspire who know Him 
(S. C. 12). He believed in future rewards and 
punishments (Ad Pray. Pal.; S. C. 23). He believed 
in the inspiration of the Scriptures (Ad Eccl. 
Al.). He loved God (Ad Euseb. 2; V. C. 2.55), and 
considered it his chief work in life to glorify 
Christ (S. C.). He loved his fellow-men, being 
disposed "to love you with an enduring affection" 
(Ad Ant.; V. C. 3.60, &c.), and recognized it as 
virtue in others (8, c. 11). To him, God, in 
general, is the source of all blessings (Ad Pray. 
Pal.; S.C., &c.). "I am most certainly persuaded," 
he says, "that I myself owe my life, my every 
breath, in short, my very inmost and secret 
thoughts to the favor of the Supreme God" (Ad 
Pray. Pal.). He recognizes contrition as a 
requisite for pardon (Ad. Pray. Pal), and that it 
is the power of God which removes guilt (Ad 
Euseb.). In the conduct of life. "Our Saviour's 
words and precepts are a model, as it were, of 
what our life should be" (Ad. Ant.; V. C. 3. 60).
Expositions of his doctrinal and ethical positions 
might be multiplied almost without end from the 
many and fruitful sources, but a few specimens in 
his own expression will best show the spirit of 
his religious life. A most suggestive and 
beautiful sketch of Christ's ministry on earth too 
long to quote here may be found in his Oration 
(ch. 15), but the following selections will give 
the idea:
A description of the inner Christian life. "For 
the only power in man which can be elevated to a 
comparison with that of God is sincere and 
guiltless service and devotion of heart to 
Himself, with the contemplation and study of 
whatever pleases Him, the raising our affections 
above the things of earth, and directing our 
thoughts, as far as we may, to high and heavenly 
objects" (S.C. 14).
A description of the outer Christian life.    
"Compare our religion with your own. Is there not 
with us genuine concord, and unwearied love of 
others? If we reprove a fault, is not our object 
to admonish, not to destroy; our correction for 
safety, not for cruelty? Do we not exercise not 
only sincere faith toward God, but fidelity in the 
relations of social life? Do we not pity the 
unfortunate? Is not ours a life of simplicity 
which disdains to cover evil beneath the mask of 
fraud and hypocrisy?" (S.C. 23).
A prayer. "Not without cause, O holy God, do I 
prefer this prayer to Thee, the Lord of all. Under 
Thy guidance have I devised and accomplished 
measures fraught with blessing: preceded by Thy 
sacred sign, I have led Thy armies to victory: and 
still on each occasion of public danger, I follow 
the same symbol of Thy perfections while advancing 
to meet the foe. Therefore have I dedicated to Thy 
service a soul duly attempered by love and fear. 
For Thy name I truly love, while I regard with 
reverence that power of which Thou hast given 
abundant proofs, to the confirmation and increase 
of my faith" (Ad prov. Or.).
A confession of faith in God and in Christ. "This 
God I confess that I hold in unceasing honor and 
remembrance; this God I delight to contemplate 
with pure and guileless thoughts in the height of 
his glory." "His pleasure is in works of 
moderation and gentleness. He loves the meek and 
hates the turbulent spirit, delighting in faith. 
He chastises unbelief" (Ad Sap.).


434

"He is the supreme judge of all things, the prince 
of immortality, the giver of everlasting life" 
(S.C. 36).
	Was Constantine a Christian? Let each one apply 
his own test.
	
§ 7. General Characterization.

Before trying to gather into continuous statement 
the traits of character which have been examined, 
a few general characterizations must be mentioned 
at least. Beginning at the bottom, the unfriendly, 
or hostile, or at the least unsympathetic, heathen 
testimonies generalize him as at least relatively 
and on the whole both great and good. The general 
tendency of heathen testimony is to represent him 
as admirable in the early part of his reign, but 
execrable, or less admirable, in the latter part; 
that of Christian writers is to represent a growth 
of excellence, which raises him to saintship at 
the end. This is most natural. Favoring 
Christianity was itself a moral fall to a heathen, 
and bestowing money on Christians would be 
robbery. The turning of his character was with his 
changing face towards Christianity, and culminated 
in the overthrow of Licinius. Licinius fought 
really as the champion of heathenism. The 
adherents of a lost cause are characterizing their 
victor. It is like an ex-Confederate 
characterizing Lincoln or Grant. The point of view 
is different. Honest and true men in the South 
thought Lincoln a curse, and often in popular 
verdict his character was "black." The popular 
proverb quoted by Victor (Epit. p. 51), 
"Bull-necked for ten years, for twelve a 
freebooter, and for ten a spendthrift (immature 
child)," has just the value of a Southern popular 
opinion of Lincoln, or a rural Northerner's of 
"Jeff Davis." Indeed, the first might summarize at 
times the Southern popular verdict of Grant; the 
second, a frequently expressed estimate of 
Lincoln's conduct in the emancipation of slaves; 
and the third, their view of the enormous 
expenditure for pensions of Union soldiers, even 
as it was fifteen years ago. But even the rather 
severe Victor, who reports this proverb, finds 
Constantine "most excellent (commodissimus) in 
many respects,"--in respect of certain laws, in 
his patronage of the arts, especially that of 
letters, as scholar, as author, in the hearing of 
delegations and complaints (p. 51). Again, 
"Praxagoras, though a heathen, says that in all 
sorts of virtue and personal excellence and good 
fortune, Constantine outshone all the emperors who 
preceded him" (Photius, Cad. 62, ed. Muller, p. 
1). And finally, the heathen Eutropius, who 
characterizes from his standpoint so admirably, 
(1) though he naturally finds that "in the 
beginning of his reign he might have been compared 
to the best princes; in the latter part, only to 
those of middling character," nevertheless records 
"that innumerable good qualities of mind and body 
were present in him," and that he was "deservedly 
enrolled among the gods,"-using the recruit which 
he uses also of Aurelian, but not generally, and 
not even of Constantius. On purely heathen 
testimony, therefore, Constantine, taken by and 
large, was comparatively remarkable and admirable. 
A moderate Christian characterization is that of 
Theophanes (p. 29): "Pre-eminent for masculine 
strength of character, penetration of mind, 
well-disciplined power of thought; for unbending 
righteousness, ready benevolence, thorough 
majestic beauty of countenance, mighty and 
successful in war, great in wars with the 
barbarians, invincible in domestic wars, and so 
firm and unshaken in faith that through prayer he 
obtained the victory in all his battles."


435

Remembering, therefore, that in order to 
understand a character in past centuries one must 
project himself into his time; remembering again 
the circumstances of his time and its practice, we 
shall, without forgetting any of the acts on which 
he has been judged, find him on indisputable 
testimony superior to most of the other emperors 
in character, and as much above the circumstances 
of his times as would characterize a man of to-day 
as of peculiarly high moral character. In view of 
this, it is uncritical, and a violence to 
historical evidence, to approach one whom, at 
death, the heathen thought worthy to be enrolled 
among the gods, and the Christians canonized as 
saint (in the Greek calendar), as other than one 
who, taken all in all, was of unusual excellence 
of character. As in any synthesis, any 
organization, subordinate facts must be viewed in 
their relation to their center and whole, as by 
any law of criminal procedure acts must be judged 
in the light of general character, so any 
rational, legal, scientific, historical estimate 
of Constantine must be in view of this fact.

§ 8. Summary.

With this as center of perspective, we have a 
picture of Constantine with lights and shadows, to 
be sure, but in the main true in its drawing and 
coloring. He was a man of rather more than medium 
height, strongly built, with broad shoulders, 
thick neck, and generally athletic and well-formed 
figure. His piercing eye, slightly aquiline nose, 
scanty reddish beard, and florid complexion, 
together with his bright expression, made a 
countenance striking and even handsome. Of great 
physical strength and vigor, he carried himself in 
a manly, self-possessed, dignified, and serene 
manner, uniting a dignity which might rise at 
times even to hauteur, or even incipient 
arrogance, with a general and customary 
affability. His dress, like his complexion, was 
somewhat florid. His mind was active, alert, 
intense without being somber, penetrating, sound, 
fairly cultivated, and well exercised in 
expression by pen or word. He was animated, 
habile, and attentive in conversation, 
self-possessed, steady, and calm in formal 
address. He was pre-eminently a man of energy, 
intense and resistless, with a determination to 
accomplish whatever he attempted, which rose under 
opposition to irresistible impetuosity, and 
wrought a courage which, in action, was absolutely 
fearless. His ambition was limitless, but not 
wholly or even mainly selfish.
With his energy and ambition were united the 
ballast of marked prudence, patience, 
perseverance, faithfulness to details, 
steadfastness, and supreme self-control. He was 
amiable and tactful, popular with his soldiers, 
and careful to please. Toward those who came into 
his power he showed habitual mildness and 
forbearance, -- a mildness so great that he was 
generally blamed for it; and toward all he showed 
great kindness, justice, and a generosity which 
verged on the lavish. He was open to the charge of 
over-generosity, almost of prodigality, a good 
measure of real vanity, some over-insistence on 
his own will and thought as the final standard of 
right, and by no means free from mistakes or human 
weaknesses. He was a good son, husband, father, a 
remarkably successful general, a tolerable 
legislator, and a clear-sighted, firm-willed 
statesman. In his religious life he abounded in 
creed and confession- believing in the Trinity, 
the Divinity of Christ, the Atonement, the 
Resurrection, and Eternal Life, in Repentance and 
Faith, in love to God, and love to man. He 
preached his faith on all occasions; he practiced 
thanksgiving and prayer abundantly. He regarded 
everything that he had or was as from God. The 
editor's brief judgment is that Constantine, for 
his time, made an astonishingly temperate, wise, 
and, on the whole, benevolent use of absolute 
power, and in morality, kindly qualities, and, at 
last, in real Christian character, greatly 
surpassed most nineteenth century politicians-- 
standing to modern statesmen as Athanasius to 
modern theologians.


436

CHAPTER III.

WRITINGS.

§ I. Introduction.
Quite a number of works by this emperor-author are 
extant. (1) They may be grouped under, I. 
Oratorical writings; 2. Letters and decrees; 3. 
Laws; 4. Various.

§ 2. Oratorical Writings.
According to Eusebius (V. C. 4. 29; cf. 4. 55) 
these were very numerous, and it may well be 
believed. He seems to have done much of everything 
he undertook at all--fighting, or learning, or 
building temples, or making laws, he was nothing 
if not incessant. He had a habit of inflicting his 
orations on his court, and undoubtedly had plenty 
of enthusiastic hearers, as any emperor would, and 
as Eusebius says he did. They seem to have been 
generally philosophical with as much religion as 
possible worked in (V. C. 4. 9). Not many are 
extant, but we have some account of the few 
following:
1. Oration to the saints (Oratio ad sanctum 
caetum, S. C.). For this see the following 
translation and Special Prolegomena.
2. Address to the Council of Nicaea in praise of 
peace (Ad Syn. Nic.), in Euseb. V. C. 3.   12. 
Address of welcome. He rejoices in the assembly, 
and exhorts them to be united, that they may 
thereby please God and do a favor to their 
emperor.
3. Oration to the Council of Nicaea, in Gelasius, 
Hist. Coun. Nic. 1. 7. Begins with rhetorical 
comparison of the Church to a temple, and ends 
with injunctions to observe peace and to search
the Scriptures as the authority in all points of 
doctrine. Appears dubiously authentic.
4. Address to the bishops on their departure from 
Nicaea. Abstract in Euseb. V. C. 32. 1. Exhorts 
them to keep peace, cautions against jealousy, &c.
5. Funeral oration. A description in Euseb. V. C. 
4. 55. Dwells on the immortality of the soul, the 
blessings laid up for those who love God, and the 
ruin of the ungodly.

His method of composition is spoken of by Eusebius 
(V. C. 4. 29), and his manner of delivery may be 
gathered from Eusebius' description of his speech 
at the opening of the Council of Nicaeea (V. C. 3. 
11). For the style of his oratorical discourses, 
compare remarks on the Oration to the Saints in 
the Special Prolegomena.

§ 3. Letters and Edicts.

It is hard to separate between letters, edicts, 
and laws. A substantial autocrat, the form of 
address was much the same, and the force. The 
extant letters are quite numerous, and those of 
which we have definite or general mention, many. 
He seems to have been a most industrious 
letter-writer. Of the extant letters a majority 
are undoubtedly or probably genuine. Some, 
however, need more critical study than seems to 
have been given to them. (2) Following is the 
roughly chronological list, the works being 
grouped by years. The dating is taken mainly from


437

the Migne edition, Ceillier, and Valesius with 
slight original study. The descriptions are of 
course from the documents themselves.
1. (313 A,D.) Edict of Constantine and Licinius 
for the restoration of the Church. In
Lact. De M. P. c. 48, and also in Euseb. H. E. 10. 
5 (Op. Const. ed. Migne, 105-110). The second 
edict of toleration. The first edict (Euseb. 8. 
17; Lact. De M. P. 34) can hardly be classed among 
the "writings" of Constantine. This famous second 
edict grants full religious liberty to the 
Christians and restoration of their property. 
Compare section on Acts of Toleration in 
Wordworth's Constatinus.
2. (313.) First letter of Constantine and Licinius 
to Anulinus. In Euseb. H.E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. ed. 
Migne, 479-480). Restores goods to the Catholic 
Christians; written about the same time as the 
edict of toleration, according to Ceillier.
3. (313.) Second Letter of Constantine to 
Anulinus. In Euseb. H. E. 10. 7 (Op. Const. 
481-2). Ordering that the Catholic clergy be free 
from public service, that they might not be 
disturbed in their worship of God.
4. (313.) Letter of Constantine to Caecilianus. In 
Euseb. H. E. 10. 6 (Op. Const. 481-4). Presents 
money--three thousand purses (folles) -- to be 
distributed according to direction of Hosius.
5. (313.) Letter of Constantine to Melchiades (or 
Miltiades). In Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. 477- 
). Having received various letters from Anulinus 
regarding Caecilian and the Donatists, he summons 
a council at Rome to consider the matter.
6. (314.) Letter of Constantine to Ablavius (or 
AElafius). In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 283-4 (Op. 
Const. 483-6). The result of the council at Rome 
not having proved final, he summons the Council of 
Aries.
7. (314·) Letter of Constantine to Chrestus ( 
Crescentius), bishop of Syracuse. In Euseb. H. E. 
10. 5 (Op. Const. 485-8). Invites to the Council 
of Arles.
8. (314.) Letter of Constantine to the Bishops 
after the Council of Arles. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 
287-8 (Op. Const. 487-90). Contains gratulations, 
reprobations of obstinate schismatists, and 
exhortations to patience with such obstinateness. 
It is full of religious expressions, and if 
genuine, is a most interesting exhibition of 
Constantine's religious position at this time, but 
it looks suspicious, and probably is not genuine.
9- (314·) Letter of Constantine and Licinius to 
Probianus, the Proconsul of Africa. In Augustine, 
Ep. 88 (ed. Migne 33 [1865] 3045), and also in 
Contr. Crest. (43 [1861] 540, also
in Op. Const. and tr. Engl. in Schaff, Nicene and 
Post-Nicene Fathers, 1, p. 370). Orders that the 
Donatist Ingentius be brought to his court. One 
text adds Maximianus or Maximus in place of 
Maximus as epithet of Constantine.
10. (314 or 315.) Letter of Constantine to the 
Donatist Bishops. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 290 (Op. 
Const. ed. Migne [1844] 490). As the Donatists 
were not yet satisfied, he summons them to meet 
Caecilian, and promises if they convict him in one 
particular, it shall be as if in all.
11. (315.) Letter of Constantine to Celsus. In 
Optat. Mon. vet p. 291 (Op. Const. 489-90). In 
reply to letter mentioning disturbances of the 
Donatists, he hints that he expects to go shortly 
to Africa and settle things summarily.
12. (315.) Fragment of a Letter of Constantine to 
Eumalius Vicarius. In Augustine's Contr. Crest. 3. 
71 (ed. Migne 43 [1861] 541; also Op. Const. 
491-2). An extract of six lines, in which he says 
Caecilianus was entirely innocent.
13. ( 316 or 317. ) Letter of Constantine to the 
bishops and people of Africa. Optat. Mon. vet. p. 
294 (Op. Const. 491-2). He has tried every way to 
settle the Donatist disturbances in vain, and now 
leaves them to God and advises patience.
14. (323.) First Letter of Constantine to 
Eusebius. In Euseb. V. C. 2. 46; Theodoret, 1. 14; 
Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 491-4). Empowers the 
repairing, enlarging of old, and building of new 
churches.


438

15. (323 A.D.) Law of Constantine respecting piety 
toward God and the Christian Religion (Ad prov. 
Pal.). In Euseb. V. C. 2. 24-42 ; abstr. in Soz. 
1. 8 (Op. Const. 253-282). This long edict, 
addressed to the inhabitants of Palestine, 
contains an exposition of the prosperity which 
attends the righteous and the adversity which 
comes to the wicked, followed by edict for the 
restitution of confiscated property, the recall of 
exiles, and various other rectifications of 
injustices. This is the copy, "or letter," sent to 
the heathen population of the empire.
16. (324.) Constantine's edict to the people of 
the eastern provinces concerning the error of 
polytheism, &c. (Ad. prov. Or). In Euseb. V. C. 
48-. This letter, written in Latin and translated 
by Eusebius, begins with "some general remarks on 
virtue and vice," touches on the persecutions and 
the fate of the persecutors, expresses the wish 
that all would become Christians, praises God, and 
exhorts concord.
17. (323 or 324.) Letter of Constantine to 
Alexander the Bishop and Arius the Presbyter. In 
Euseb. V. C. 2. 64-72; Gelas. 2.4; Socr. 1. 7 (Op. 
Const. 493-502). Expresses his desire for
peace, his hope that they might have helped him in 
the Donatist troubles, his distress at finding 
that they, too, were in a broil, his opinion that 
the matters under discussion are of little moment, 
and what he thinks they are. He exhorts to 
unanimity, repeats his opinion that the matters 
are of little moment, mentions his "copious and 
constant tears," and finally gets through.
18. (324-5.) Letter to Porphyrius (Optatian). In 
Migne, Patrol. Lat. 19 [1846] 393-394 and in 
various editions of Optatian. This letter to 
Porphyrius or Optatian was on the occasion of the 
sending of a poem by the latter for his 
vicennalia. It expresses his pleasure and his 
disposition to encourage the cultivation of belles 
lettres. Compare note on Optatian under sources.
19. (325.) Letter of Constantine the King, 
summoning the bishops to Nicaea. In Cowper, Syriac 
Misc., Lond. 1841, p. 5-6. This is translated from 
a Syriac MS. in the British Museum, written in 
501. Gives as reason for the choice of Nicaea the 
convenience for the European bishops and "the 
excellent temperature of the air." This, if 
genuine, is the letter mentioned by Eusebius, V. 
C., but it looks suspicious.
20. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the churches 
after the Council of Vicaea. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 
17-20; Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 501-506). Dwells on 
the harmonious result, especially respecting the 
Easter controversy, and commends to the bishops to 
observe what the Council has decreed.
21. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the church of 
Alexandria. In Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 507-510). 
Expresses great horror of the blasphemy of Arius, 
and admiration for the wisdom of the more than 
three hundred bishops who condemned him.
22. (325.) Letter of Constantine to Arius and the 
Arians. In "Conc. 2. 269." A long and rather 
railing address against Arius.
23. (325.) Letter of Canstantine to the churches. 
In Socr. H. E. 1. 9. A translation of a Syriac 
translation of this, written in 501, in Cowper, 
Syriac Misc., Lond. 1861, p. 6-7. Against Arius 
and the Porphyrians, and threatens that any one 
who conceals a work of Arius shall be punished 
with death.
24. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the 
Nicomedians against Eusebius and Theognis. In 
Gelas. 3. 2; Theodoret, 1. 20; Soz. 1. 21 (Op. 
Const. 519-524). A theological discussion partly 
of the relation of Father and Son, and an attack 
on Eusebius of Nicomedia.
25. (325.) Letter to Theodotus. In Gelas. 3. 3 
(Op. Const. 523-524). Counsels him to take warning 
by what has happened to Eusebius (of Nicomedia) 
and Theognis, i.e. banishment, and get rid of such 
evil influence, if any, as they may have had on 
him.
26. (325.) Letter of Constantine to Macarius. In 
Euseb. V. C. 3. 30-32; Theodoret, 1. 16. Directs 
the erection of a peculiarly magnificent church at 
the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem.
27. (330.) Letter of Constantine to the Numidian 
Bishops. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 295 (Op. Const. 
531-532). Concerns a church taken possession of by 
schismatists.
28. (332.) Letter of Canstantine to the 
Antiochians. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 60 (Op. Const. 
533-). Exhorts them not to persist in their effort 
to call Eusebius from Caesarea to Antioch.


439

29. (332 A.D.) Letter of Constantine to the Synod 
of Tyre deprecating the removal of Eusebius from 
Caesarea. In Euseb. V. C. 362; Theodoret, 1. 27 
(Op. Const. 543-546).
30. (332.) Second Letter of Constantine to 
Eusebius. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 61 (Op. Const.
537-540). Commends Eusebius for having declined 
the call to Antioch.
31. (332.) Second Letter of Constantine to 
Macarius and the rest of the Bishops in Palestine 
(to Eusebius). In Euseb. V. C. 3. 52-53 (Op. 
Const. 539-544). Directs the suppression of 
idolatrous worship at Mature.
32. (332.?) Edict against the heretics. In Euseb. 
V. C. 3. 64-5. Against Novatians, Valentinians, 
Marcionites, Paulians, Cataphrygians who are 
forbidden to assemble and whose houses of worship 
are to be given to the Catholic party.
33. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Sapor, King of 
the Persians. In Euseb. 4. 9-13; Theodoret, 1. 24 
(Op. Const. 545-552). Is mainly a confession of 
faith commending the Persian Christians to the 
special care of their king.
34. (333.) Letters of Constantine to Antonius, the 
monk, and of Antonius to him are mentioned in 
Athanasius, 1. 855 (Op. Const. 551-552). 
Constantine and his sons write as to a father. 
Antony grudgingly replies with some good advice 
for them to remember the day of judgment, regard 
Christ as the only emperor, and have a care for 
justice and the poor.
35. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Eusebius in 
praise of his discourse concerning Easter. 
Eusebius, V. C. 4. 35 (Op. Const. 551-554) praises 
the discourse and asks for more.
36. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Eusebius on 
the preparation of the copies of the Scriptures. 
In Euseb. V. C. 4. 36; Theod. 1. 15; Socr. 1. 9 
(Op. Const. 553-554). Orders fifty copies with 
directions as to style.
37. (335.) Fragment of the first letter of 
Constantine to Athanasius. In Athan. Apol.; Socr. 
1. 27 (Op. Const. 553-556; Tr. Engl. in Athan. 
Hist. Tracts, Oxf. 1843, p. 89). The letter 
summoning to the Council of Tyre, but only a 
half-dozen lines remain. This bids him admit all 
who wish to enter the church.
38. (335.) Letter of Constantine to the people of 
the Alexandrian Church. In Athan. Apol. c. Ar. c. 
61 (Op. Const. 559-562; abstract in Soz. 2. 31; 
Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts,
Oxf. 1850, p. 90-92). Is a general lamentation 
over the dissensions of the Church, with 
expression of confidence in Athanasius.
39. (335.) Second Letter of Constantine to 
Athanasius. Athan. Apol. (Op. Const. 555-558). 
Expresses his reprobation of the false accusations 
of the Meletians against Athanasius.
40. (335.) Letter of Constantine to Joannes the 
Meletian. Athan. Apol. (Op. Const. 557-560). 
Congratulates on his reconciliation with 
Athanasius.
41. (335.) Letter of Constantine to Arius. In 
Socr. 1. 25 (Op. Const. 561-562). Invites Arius to 
visit him-- the famous visit where he presented a 
confession of faith claimed to be in conformity 
with that of Nicaea.
42. (335.) A Letter to Dalmatius is mentioned by 
Athanasius, Apol. 5.  13, but not preserved (Op. 
Const. 563-564;  Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts, 
Oxf. 1850, p. 94). It required him to make 
judicial enquiry respecting the charge against 
Athanasius of the murder of Arsenius.
43. (335.) Celebrated Letter of Constantine 
concerning the Synod of Tyre. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 
42 (Op. Const. 561-564). Exhorts the bishops to 
give zeal to fulfilling the purpose of the synod 
in the restitution of peace to the Church.
44. (335.) Letter to the Bishops assembled at 
Tyre. In Socr. H. E. 1. 34, and in Soz. H. E. 2. 
28. Summons them to come to him at Constantinople 
and give account of their proceedings.

	Besides these there are the clearly spurious:
	1. Letter of Helena to Constantine (Op. Const. 
529-530).
	2. Letter of Constantine in response to Helena 
(Op. Const. 529-532).
3. Treaty of peace between Constantine, Sylvester 
and Tiridates (Op. Const. 579-582). On


440

Tiridates compare various sources in Langlois Col. 
des historiens de . . . l'Arménie, and for 
literature respecting their authenticity, his note 
on p. 103.
4. Edict of Constantine to Pope Silvester (Op. 
Const. 567-578). The famous Donation which first 
appeared in Pseudo-Isidore, and for which see 
under The Mythical Constantine, p. 442-3.
There are also quite a large number of letters 
mentioned with more or less description, and a 
"multitude of letters" ( V. C. 3. 24) of which 
there is no specific knowledge. Of the former may 
be mentioned that to the inhabitants of 
Heliopolis, one to Valerius (or Valerianus or 
Verinus) (Augustine, Ad Donat. p.c. c. 33); one to 
the Council of Tyre, asking them to hasten to 
Jerusalem ( V. C. 4. 43; Soz. 2. 26); and one 
acknowledging the copies of the Scriptures 
prepared at his order, through Eusebius ( V. C. 4. 
37).

§ 4. Laws.
The numerous laws are collected in the edition of 
Migne (Patrol. Lat. 8. p. 93-400), mainly from the 
Theodosian code. They are in the opinion of 
Eutropius (10. 8) "many," "some good and 
equitable, but most of them superfluous, and some 
severe" (cf. under Character). Many of them show 
the author's tendency to declamation, but taken 
all in all they are businesslike and do credit, in 
the main, to their author's heart, and even, 
though less conspicuously, to his head. For more 
specific account, compare the laws themselves as 
collected in Migne, the relating passages in 
Wordsworth and Ceillier, standard and annotated 
editions of the codes, and special treatises, such 
as Balduin, De leg. eccl. et civ. 1737.

§ 5. Various.
Besides the more formal works mentioned above, 
various conversations, sayings, bon mots, prayers, 
&c., are preserved, among which may be mentioned:
1. Memoirs of himself, of which no portion is 
extant. Writings of Constantine are mentioned by 
Lydus (p. 194, 226), but whether the writings 
referred to deserve the title given by Burckhardt 
it is hard to say.
	2. A form of prayer given by Constantine to his 
soldiers (V. C. 4. 20).
3. His address when the memorials of contendents, 
at Council of Nicaea, were brought to him (Soz. 1. 
17).
4. The conversation with Acesius, for which 
Socrates vouches, closing, "0 Acesius, set up a 
ladder, and do you alone climb up to heaven."
	5. His rebuke to the courtier concerning 
covetousness ( V. C. 4. 30).
6. His answer when told his statues had been 
stoned, "Strange, but I feel no wound" (" 
Chrysost. Ad Pop. Ant.").
7. His appeal to the bishops, requesting them to 
confer upon him the rite of baptism (V. C.
4. 62).
	8. His Thanksgiving after baptism and testimony 
(V. C. 4. 63).
	
In general, his writings were composed in Latin, 
and translated into Greek by those appointed for 
this special purpose ( V. C. 4. 32). His general 
style is rhetorical, rather profuse, and 
declamatory, abounding in pious allusion and 
exhortation, as well as philosophical quotation 
and reflection. His works are interesting to study 
and not without a touch here and there of genuine 
literary interest. A remark on friendship, for 
example, unless it be a product of his habit of 
borrowing the thoughts of other men more or less 
directly, is delightful and most quotable. "For it 
often happens," he says, "that when a 
reconciliation is effected by the removal of the 
causes of enmity, friendship becomes even sweeter 
than it was before" (Const. to Alex. and At. in V. 
C. 2. 71).


441

CHAPTER IV.

THE MYTHICAL CONSTANTINE.

The many legends which have attached themselves to 
the name of Constantine are valuable chiefly as 
curiosities, and can be treated here only in 
specimens. A few of the more interesting and 
important are the following:

1. Constantine and his Mother Helena.

A little anonymous work of some thirty pages, 
edited by Heydenreich from a fourteenth-century 
manuscript, was published under this title in 
1879, and has drawn forth an astonishing amount of 
literature for so slight a thing. It has little 
value except as an illustration of mediaeval 
romance, though Coen seems to think the honor of 
having introduced it into literature enough to 
warrant the expenditure of a good deal of pains in 
vindicating his claim to it. The story is written 
with tolerable art, and runs, abbreviated, 
something as follows:
Helena, daughter of a noble family of Treves, came 
on a pious journey to Rome. The Emperor 
Constantius, crossing a bridge of the Tiber, saw 
Helena among other pilgrims. Struck with her 
beauty, he arranged that she should be detained by 
force at the inn where she stayed, when her 
fellow-pilgrims returned to Gaul. The emperor then 
constrained her by force, but, seeing the great 
grief which his act had caused, gave her a certain 
ornament of precious stones and his ring, as a 
sort of pledge, and went away. She did not venture 
to return to her country, but remained at Rome 
with the son who was born to her, representing 
that her Gallic husband was dead. This son, 
Constantine, grew up pleasing, handsome, and 
versatile. Certain merchants, seeing his excellent 
quality, formed a scheme of making money by 
palming him off on the emperor of the Greeks as a 
son-in-law, representing him to be a son of the 
Roman emperor.
The scheme was carried out, and the merchants 
after some time embarked again for Rome, · with 
the Constantine and the princess, and much 
treasure. Toward the end of their journey they 
stopped over night at a little island. In the 
morning the young people awoke to find they had 
been deserted by the merchants, and Constantine in 
great grief confessed the deception which had been 
practiced. To this the princess replied that she 
cared little who he was or his family, since he 
was himself and her husband. After a few days of 
short rations they were taken by passing voyagers 
to Rome, where they joined Helena, and having 
purchased a house with the proceeds from the sale 
of certain valuables which the princess had kept 
with her, they went to hotel-keeping. Constantine 
took naturally to military life, and at 
tournaments surpassed every · one else so far as 
to arouse astonishment and inquiry. The emperor 
would not believe him a poor and friendless man, 
and had his mother called. After much vigorous 
evasion the truth came out, confirmed by the ring 
which the emperor had given Helena. Constantius 
first had the merchants put to death, and gave all 
their property to Constantine. Then a treaty was 
made with the emperor of the East, and Constantine 
was recognized as heir to the empire.
A more wildly unhistorical historical novel could 
hardly have been written even by a Muhlbach. For 
further account, see under Literature especially 
articles by Heydenreich and by Coen.

2. Constantine the Son of a British Princess.

Duke Coel of Colchester, say the old chronicles, 
by an insurrection became king. The Senate, 
rejoiced at the overthrow of an enemy, sent 
Constantius to Britain. Coel, fearing, sent 
ambassadors to meet him, gave hostages, and 
shortly died. Constantius was crowned, married 
Helena, daughter of Coel, the most beautiful, 
cultivated, and educated woman of her time. By her 
he had a son, Constantine, afterwards called the 
Great. This is in substance the account of 
Geoffrey of Monmouth (5.6) and Pierre de Langloft 
(1, p. 66-7). The story is mentioned by


442

Henry of Huntington (Bk. I. 37), who perhaps wrote 
before Geoffrey (in 1137 [?]), and Richard of 
Cirencester (2. 1. 33). Waurin (Vol. I. Bk. 2. 43) 
makes "Choel" Count of Leicester, but in general 
is identical with Geoffrey. The famous Brut of 
Layamon (ed. Madden, 2 [1847] p. 35) is translated 
with amplifications from Wace's Brut, and this in 
turn from Geoffrey. This makes Coel Earl of 
Gloucester. The Eulogium Hist. calls Helena (1. 
337) daughter of a British king, but also 
concubine, though elsewhere (2, p. 267) she is 
wife according to the conventional story. It is 
also mentioned by many others; e.g. Voragine, 
Golden Legend. It is interesting that this. 
legendary father of Helena is supposed (Hayden, 
Index to Eulogium, p. 45, and Giles, note on 
Geoffrey, p. 162) tO be the same as "Old King 
Cole, the merry old soul," making Constantine thus 
the grandson of the Mother Goose hero.

3. Constantine's Leprosy; Healing and Baptism by 
Silvester.

This tale is one of the most frequently found. The 
earliest account is said to be that of the Acts of 
Silvester. Some of the many who repeat it are 
Ephraem, Cedrenus, Zonaras. The following account 
is mainly froth Glycas, p. 461-462.
When Constantine was fighting against Maxentius, 
after he had seen the sign of the cross, he was 
victorious. Then, forgetting, he was conquered, 
and grieving, he fell asleep and had a vision in 
which the blow of a switch on his nostrils brought 
blood which flowed down on his linen tunic. in the 
form of a cross. Seeing this, he was filled with 
penitence, and became again victorious. Being led 
away a second time into idolatry through his wife 
Fausta, he was divinely afflicted with leprosy. 
The priests prescribed a bath in the blood of 
infants, and it was ordered; but when he heard the 
lamentations of the mothers, he said it was better 
to suffer than that so many infants should perish. 
Therefore the apostles, Peter and Paul as some 
say, appeared to him and told him Silvester would 
cure him, as he did. There are many varieties of 
the story and various details. as to baptism, but 
in general the whole series of stories regarding 
his baptism at Rome centers in this story, and 
gratitude for this cure is the supposed occasion 
of the famous donation of Constantine. In this the 
circumstances of the miracle are given at 
length,-- the words of the apostles, Silvester's 
identification of them as apostles by portraits, 
the immersion, and subsequent instruction.

4. Donation of Constantine.

This most remarkable of forgeries for its 
practical effect on world-history has been the 
subject of endless discussion. It is, in brief, a 
supposed grant to the Pope of Rome, Silvester, of 
certain sweeping privileges in recognition of the 
miracle he has wrought. The edict gives a long 
confession of faith followed by an account of the 
miracle and mention of the churches he has built. 
Then follow the grants to Silvester, sovereign 
Pontiff and Pope of Rome, and all his successors 
until the end of the world, -- the Lateran palace, 
the diadem, phryginus, the purple mantle and 
scarlet robe, imperial scepters, insignia, banners 
and the whole imperial paraphernalia, as well as 
various clerical privileges and pretty much the 
whole world to govern. It is impossible here even 
to represent in outline the history of this 
extraordinary fiction. Composed not earlier than 
the latter part of the eighth century (Martens et 
alt. 9 cent.; Grauert, 840-850; Hauck, Bonneau, 
752-757; Langen, 778, &c.; Friedrich acc. to 
Seeberg, divides into an earlier [653] and a later
[753] portion), it early came to be general, 
though not unquestioned, authority. In 1229-1230 a 
couple of unfortunates who ventured to doubt its 
authenticity were burned alive at Strasburg 
(Documents communicated by Ristelhuber to Bonneau 
p. 57-58)· Not many years after, Dante seems (Inf. 
19. 115) to have taken its authenticity for 
granted; and although there is a possible doubting 
(De Monarch. 4. 10), he does not venture to 
dispute this. He denies, however, Constantine's 
power or right to give, if he did give. In modern 
times the fictitious character of the document is 
recognized by Protestants and Catholics alike, and 
the discussion, so vigorous for-


443

merly, over this authenticity has narrowed itself 
chiefly to a discussion of the place (France or 
Rome) and date (653-753, ninth century) and 
possible author. The discussion over these points 
has been lately renewed and is being carried on 
with animation. Among the later monographs are 
those of Martens (1889) and Friedrich (1889, not 
at hand). The latest treatise at hand is that of 
Seeberg in the Theol. Literaturbl. of Jan. 17. 24. 
31 of the current year. For farther select 
literature, compare Verzeichniss in Martens; for 
sources, the chapters of Martens and Preface of 
Bonneau; for older literature, Muensch. p. 96-97, 
and in general the Literature of Constantine, in 
this volume, although no attempt has been made to 
exhaust the literature of this sub-topic there. 
Treatises on the Donation will be found under the 
names of Albani, Altus, Arrhenius, Bachmann, 
Bayet, Bonneau, Brunner, Chaulnes, Colombier, 
Cusa, Friedrich, Genelin, Grauert, Hauck, 
Hildebrand, Jacobatius, Kaufman, Kruger, Martens, 
Muench, Rallaye, Scheffer-Boichorst, Seeberg. 
Steuchus, Tacut, Valla, Walther, Wieland, Zeumer.

5. Dream concerning the Founding of 
Constantinople.
"As Constantine was sleeping in this city 
[Byzantium], he imagined that there stood before 
him an old woman whose forehead was furrowed with 
age; but that presently, clad in an imperial robe, 
she became transformed into a beautiful girl, and 
so fascinated his eyes by the elegance of her 
youthful charms that he could not refrain from 
kissing her; that Helena, his mother, being 
present, then said, 'She shall be yours forever; 
nor shall she die till the end of time.' The 
solution of this dream, when he awoke, the emperor 
extorted from heaven, by fasting and alms-giving. 
And behold, within eight days, being cast again 
into a deep sleep, he thought he saw Pope 
Silvester, who died some little time before, 
regarding his convert with complacency, and 
saying, 'You have acted with your customary 
prudence in waiting for a solution from God of 
that enigma which was beyond the comprehension of 
man. The old woman you saw is this city, worn down 
by age, whose time-struck walls, menacing 
approaching ruin, require a restorer. But you, 
renewing its walls, and its affluence, shall 
signalize it also with your name; and here shall 
the imperial progeny reign forever' " (William of 
Malmesbury, Chronicle., tr. English. Lond. 1847, 
p. 372---3. The final section, which instructs 
Constantine how to lay out the city, is omitted). 
This is taken by the Chronicler from Aldhelm's (d. 
709) de laudibus virginitatis (c. 52, ed. Giles, 
1844, p. 28-29), where, however, instead of 
kissing her, he much more appropriately "clothes 
her with his mantle, and puts his diadem adorned 
with pure gold and brilliant gems on her head." It 
is given also by Ralph de Diceto (ed. Stubbs, 
Lond. 1876), 74-75, and probably by many others.

6. Voyage of Helena.

A matter-of-fact account of things which are not 
so, given in Hakluyt's Voyages, 2 (1810),

P. 34, is worth giving in the words of the 
translator:
"Helena Flavia Augusta, the heire and onely 
daughter of Coelus, sometime the most excellent 
king of Britaine, by reason of her singular 
beautie, faith, religion, goodnesse, and godly 
Maiestie (according to the testimonie of Eusebius) 
was famous in all the world. Amongst all the women 
of her time there was none either in the liberall 
arts more learned, or in the instruments of musike 
more skilfull, or in the divers languages of 
nations more abundant than herselfe. She had a 
naturall quicknesse of wit, eloquence of speech, 
and a most notable grace in all her behaviour. She 
was seene in the Hebrew, Greeke, and Latin 
tongues. Her father (as Virumnius reporteth) had 
no other childe, ... had by her a sonne called 
Constantine the great, while hee remained in 
Britaine ... peace was granted to the Christian 
churches by her good meanes. After the light and 
knowledge of the Gospel, she grew so skilfull in 
divinity that she wrote and composed divers bookes 
and certaine Greeke verses also, which (as 
Ponticus reporteth) are yet extant ... went to 
Jerusalem ... lived to the age of fourscore years, 
and then died at Rome the


444

fifteenth day of August, in the yeere of oure 
redemption 337. ...Her body is to this day very
carefully preserved at Venice."

7. The Finding of the Cross.

It is said in a certain "tolerably authentic 
chronicle," according to Voragine, that 
Constantine sent his mother Helena to Jerusalem to 
try to find the cross on which our Lord was 
crucified. When she arrived, she bade all the 
Jewish Rabbis of the whole land gather to meet 
her. Great was their fear. They suspected that she 
sought the wood of the cross, a secret which they 
had promised not to reveal even under torture, 
because it would mean the end of Jewish supremacy. 
When they met her, sure enough, she asked for the 
place of the crucifixion. When they would not 
tell, she ordered them all to be burned. 
Frightened, they delivered up Judas, their leader 
and instigator, saying that he could tell. She 
gave him his choice of telling or dying by 
starvation. At first he was obstinate, but six 
days of total abstinence from food brought him to 
terms, and on the seventh he promised. He was 
conducted to the place indicated, and in response 
to prayer. there was a sort of earthquake, and a 
perfume filled the air which converted Judas. 
There was a temple of Venus on the spot. This the 
queen had destroyed. Then Judas set to digging 
vigorously, and at the depth of twenty feet, found 
three crosses, which he brought to Helena. The 
true cross was tested by its causing a man to rise 
from the dead, or according to others, by healing 
a woman, or according to others, by finding the 
inscription of Pilate. After an exceedingly 
vigorous conversation between the devil and Judas, 
the latter was baptized and became Bishop 
Cyriacus. Then Helena set him hunting for the 
nails of the cross. He found them shining like 
gold and brought them to the queen, who departed, 
taking them and a portion of the wood of the 
cross. She brought the nails to Constantine, who 
put them on his bridle and helmet, or according to 
another account, two were used in this way, and 
one was thrown into the Adriatic Sea.
It is interesting to trace the melancholy 
consequences of this particular enterprise of 
Constantine's in the sad death of St. Cyriacus nee 
Judas. The Emperor Julian, the apostate, "invited" 
him to sacrifice to idols. When he refused, melted 
lead was poured into his mouth; then an iron 
bedstead was brought, on which he was stretched, 
while a fire was built underneath and the body of 
the martyr larded with salt and fat. The saint did 
not budge, and Julian had a deep well dug, which 
was filled with venomous serpents. But contact 
with the saint killed the serpents, and a cauldron 
of boiling oil succeeded. Julian was so angry at 
the alacrity and cheerfulness of the saint's 
preparations for this bath, that he killed him 
with a blow of his sword. There is some 
consolation in the thought of this premature 
death, in the fact that, unless his claim that he 
was nephew to Stephen, the Proto-martyr, be 
disallowed, he had reached a ripe old age of two 
hundred and fifty years or thereabouts.
The literature on this legend is very great. The 
finding of the cross is mentioned as early as 
Cyril of Jerusalem (ab. 347-350), within 
twenty-five years of the visit of Helena recorded 
by Eusebius (V. C. 3. 26), and with great 
frequency afterwards. The failure of any mention 
by Eusebius seems, however, conclusive against any 
finding, or pretended finding, at the time of 
Helena's famous visit, though the contrary is 
acutely argued by Newman. The finding and use of 
the nails is often separated from the other, and 
is found in many of the sources on Constantine. 
But even those who believe in the miracle of the 
finding of the cross will hardly vouch for the 
story in the above form, which is substantially 
that of Voragine.
Compare Sinker's article, Cross, Finding, in Smith 
and Cheetham, Dict. 1 (1880), 503-506; Jameson, 
Hist. of Our Lord, 2 (1872) 385-391; Newman, 
Essays an Miracles (Land. 1875) 287-326; and 
especially Voragine, whom see under Sources. Under 
the article Helena, in Smith & W. is a sub-article 
by Argles on the Invention of the Crass, which 
gives an admirable abstract of the sources in 
order.
	These examples of the Stories which have gathered 
around the name of Constantine do not
	
	
445

begin to exhaust the list. The interesting tales 
of the sword of Constantine presented to Athelstan 
(Reg. Malms. 1, 1879, p. 55, 468; Eul. Hist. 3, 
1863, P. 12), his conversion through remorse, and 
the whole series of allusions and stories in 
mediaeval fiction and poetry must be passed here. 
If any one has the curiosity to follow them up, he 
will find the references in the articles of 
Heydenreich a good guide to literature. A few 
stories, like that of Constantine and Tiridates, 
one hesitates to class among the wholly fictitious 
(compare, under Sources, Agathangelos, Zenobius, 
and Faustus).

CHAPTER V.

SOURCES AND LITERATURE.

§ I. Introduction.

THE insertion in such a work as this of what seems 
almost technical in its character has this twofold 
purpose: first, to give a glimpse of the grounds 
of our knowledge of Constantine, with a view of 
how far and in what directions it has been worked 
out through literature; second, to serve the 
expressed purpose of this series, of encouraging 
farther study in its lines. The very knowledge of 
what the sources are, and their character, apart 
from any special study of them, gives a width of 
horizon and definiteness of conception to the 
general student, which can hardly be gotten in any 
other way; while for any one who plans farther 
study in any line, it is of first importance to 
find the what and where of his material.

§ 2. Sources.

Remembering the class of students for which the 
series is chiefly intended, effort has been made 
to refer to translations of sources where they are 
at hand, and to refer to the best accessible 
English authorities on them. But the plan has been 
to refer to the source itself in the edition 
actually used, and for literature on them to 
choose the best for ready reference. Both editions 
and authorities on sources are therefore 
selections, usually from many, of such as seem 
most directly useful. The intention has been to 
guide to all frequently mentioned sources, whether 
they were of great value or not, since a useless 
one costs often quite as much trouble to hunt up 
and find useless, as a good one to use. It is 
hardly to be hoped that all the sources often 
referred to have been gathered, but the following 
list represents pretty much all that are worth 
mentioning, and some which are not.

I. Inscriptions, coins, medals, &c.

In some sense these are the most reliable of 
sources, in spite of counterfeits. A large number 
will be found collected in Clinton. For farther 
critical study, compare the collections, great and 
small; for which, with the matter of inscriptions 
in general, see Hicks, E. L., and Hubner, E., in 
the Encyclopedia Britannica, 13 (1881)
133; and Babington, in Smith and Cheetham, 1 
(1880) 841-862. Monographs on those relating to 
Constantine will be found under the names, 
Cavedoni, Cigola, Eltz, Freherus, Garucci, 
Harduin, Penon, Revellot, Valois, Westphalen, 
Werveke, in the Literature of this volume.

These, with their dates, their official nature, 
their fullness and variety, are primary, and are 
the only sources recognized by some. They are 
embodied in the Theodosian and Justinian Codes, 
and collected from these are edited in Migne, 
Patrol. Latina, Vol. 8. See under Writings of 
Constantine, above.

		3. Other Writings by Constantine.
	See under Writings, above, p. 436.	With this 
might perhaps be included also writings to 
Constantine, like that
	of Anulinus in Augustinus, Ep. 88.

	4. General Literary Sources.
Taking in general chronological order, without 
attempting the impossibility of fixing the exact 
chronological place, the first group of 
contemporary sources is that of the Panegyrists 
(for collected editions, see Engelmann).


446

It was a serious mistake, now recognized, to pass 
them by as worthless. Like all authentic 
documents, they have a minimum residuum of 
undoubted material, which is larger or smaller 
according to the critical acumen of the 
investigator. In the case of these, however 
inflated or eulogistic they may be, the 
circumstances under which they were spoken give a 
considerable value.
(I) Incerti auctoris Panegyricus Maximiano et 
Constantino dictus (Paneg.  307). In Migne, 
Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 609-620. Pronounced at 
celebration of marriage of Constantine and Fausta, 
A.D. 307. Besides having the great value of being 
contemporary evidence, the author shows a certain 
ingenuity in enlarging on the virtues of the young 
Constantine, who had few deeds to show, and on the 
deeds of Maximian, who had few virtues, and has 
therefore a certain discernible modicum of truth.
Compare the Monitum  in Migne, Ramsay's article on 
Drepanius, in Smith, Dict. 1073-4, and references 
under Eumenius.      
(2) EUMENIUS (310-311). (a) Panegyric (Panegyricus 
Constantino Augusto). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 
(1884), 619-640. (b) Thanksgiving Oration 
(Gratiarum Actio Constantino Augusto). In Migne, 
Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 641-654. Eumenius 
flourished during the reigns of Constantius, with 
whom he was in high favor, and Constantine. He was 
head of the school at Autun. The Panegyric was 
delivered at Treves, in 310. The authorship of 
Eumenius has been unwarrantably questioned, on the 
ground that the flattery and exaggeration of the 
work are not consistent with his taste and sense; 
but it would seem that both his exaggeration and 
his taste have been themselves exaggerated. His 
praise is hardly more "outrageous" than panegyrics 
were wont to be, -- or are, for that matter; and 
so far from being "worthless," there is a peculiar 
deal of interesting, unquestionable, and primary 
historical evidence. Still, his taste and veracity 
are not much above that of modern eulogists of 
living or dead emperors and politicians. The 
Gratiarum Actio  is the official oration of thanks 
to Constantine in behalf of the citizens of Autun, 
on account of favors shown them. It was pronounced 
at Treves in 311.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict.  2 (1859), 92; the 
Prooemium, in ed. Migne, 619-622; also for 
editions, Ramsay, article Drepanius, in Smith, 
Dict. 1.  1073-4; and for literature, Chevalier. 
For general account of the Panegyrists, see this 
article on Drepanius.
(3) Incerti Panegyricus Constantino Augusto  
(Paneg. 313). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 
653-This is usually ascribed to Nazarius, on the 
ground of style. It was spoken at Treves in 313, 
and relates mainly to the war with Maxentius. 
Various details relating to this are of such 
nature and form as to suggest again that the 
author is the same as that of the 321 Paneg., 
--Nazarius.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 1145; 
the Prooemium in ed. Migne, &c., and literature as 
under EUMENIUS, above.
(4) NAZARIUS. (321) Panegyric (Panegyricus 
Constantino Augusto dictus). In ed. Migne, Patrol. 
Lat. 8 (1844), 581-608. Nazarius is mentioned by 
Jerome as a distinguished rhetorician. This 
oration was delivered at Rome in 321. Constantine 
was not present. It is superlatively eulogistic, 
but like the related panegyrics contains many 
historical facts of greatest value.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2  (1859), 1145, 
the Monitum, in Migne, and references under 
MENIUS.
In the midst of the period which these cover comes 
one of the two great Christian sources, and he is 
followed by a considerable row of great and small 
Christians during the century.
(5) LACTANTIUS (ab. 313-314). On the Deaths of the 
Persecutors (De M. P.). Ed. Fritsche (Lips. 
248-286; ed. Migne, Patrol. Lat. 7 (Par. 1844), 
157-276; tr. in T. & T. Clark Library, 22 (Edinb. 
1871), 164-211, and in Ante-Nicene Fathers 
(Buffalo and N.Y.), 300-326 [Lord Hailes 
translation]. There are many editions in collected 
works, and about a dozen separate, and many 
translations, -- in all a hundred or more editions 
and translations. There has been much controversy 
regarding the author of this work, but there is 
little doubt that it was Lactantius. Ebert (Gesch. 
chr. Lat. Lit. 1. 83) claims to have demonstrated 
the fact, and most of the later writers agree. The 
work was composed after the edict of Constantine 
and Licinius, and before the break between the 
two, i.e. 313-314. It was written thus in the 
midst of things, and has the peculiar historical 
value of a contemporary document, unprejudiced by 
later events. It is a sort of psalm of triumph, 
colored by the passionate rejoicing of one 
persecuted over the Divine vengeance which has 
come upon the persecutors. "In the use of the work 
the historian must employ great critical 
discernment" (Ebert, in Herzog, 8 [1881], 365). 
But granted all his prejudice, the facts he 
witnesses are of first value.
Compare Ffoulkes, in Smith and Wace, 3 (1882), 
613-617; Teuffel, Hist. Rom. Lit. 2 (1873), 334; 
Ebert, in Herzog, Encyk. 8 (1881), 364-366, and 
Gesch. chr. Lat. Lit. 1 (1874), 83; and for 
farther literature, Bibliog, Synops. in 
Ante-Nicene Fathers Suppl. (1887), 77-81.
	(6) EUSEBIUS (ab. 260-340). I. Ecclesiastical 
History. 2. Constantine. 3. Chronicle.
For 1 and 3 compare Prolegomena of Dr. McGiffert 
at the beginning of this volume, and for 2, 
Special Prolegomena, p. 466.
(7) OPTATIAN (fl. ab. 326). Panegyric, in Migne, 
Patrol.  Lat. 19 (1846), 395-432; Letter to 
Constantine,
do. 391-392. Optatian, Porfirius, or Porphyrius, 
as he is variously called, is dubiously Christian, 
composed this

447

poem, or series of poems, while in exile, on the 
occasion of the Vicennalia of Constantine. It 
dates, therefore, from 325 or 326. It is a most 
extraordinary aggregation of acrostics, pattern 
poems, and every possible device of useless, 
mechanical variety of form, of little value, 
excepting as a sort of dime-museum exhibition of 
patience and ingenuity. It consists mainly in 
calling Constantine flattering names, but contains 
here and there an historical suggestion. It was 
accompanied by a letter to Constantine, and drew 
one from him, and a pardon as well (Hieronymus, 
Chron.).
Compare Wilson, article Porfirius, in Smith & W. 4 
(1887), 440; article Porphyrius, in Smith, Dict. 3 
(1859), 502; and for editions and literature, 
Engelmann.
(8) ATHANASIUS (296-373). Apology against the 
Arians, and various works, ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 
25--28 (I857), 4 v.; translated in part in Newman, 
Library of the Fathers, and in Schaff-Wace, Nicene 
and Post-Nicene Fathers (announced). The works of 
Athanasius contain various letters of Constantine 
(see under Works) and much of primary historical 
value for the latter part of Constantine's reign. 
So far as it goes, the matter is almost equal to 
official documents as source.
Compare Bright, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 179-203; 
Schaff, Hist. of Church, 23 (1884), 884-893; and 
for extensive literature and editions, Chevalier 
and Graesse.
(9) CYRIL OF JERUSALEM (ab. 315-386). Catechetical 
Lectures. In Migne, Patrol Gr. 33 (1857), 
especially 830. English translations in Newman, 
Library of Fathers, 2 (1838), one ref. p. 178. 
Letter to Constantine II. concerning the sign of 
the cross seen at Jerusalem, c 3. In Migne, 
Patrol. Gr. 33 (1857), 1165-1176, ref. on 
1167-1168. Two or three references only to 
excavation of the cross and building of churches, 
&c., at Jerusalem. They take significance only in 
the fact that Cyril is so near the time (the 
letter was 351 [?], or not many years later), and 
delivered his lectures in the very church which 
Constantine had built (sect. 14, 22).
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 3 (1884), 
923-925; Venables, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 
760-763; and literature in Chevalier Schaff, &c.; 
also editions in Graesse, Hoffmann, &c.(10) 
AMBROSIUS OF MILAN (ab. 340-397). Oration on the 
Death of Theodosius. In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 16 
(1866), portion relating to Constantine 
especially, 1462-1465. Relates chiefly to the 
Finding of the Cross. Compare Davies, in Smith & 
W. 1 (1877), 91-99; also Chevalier, Engelmann, 
Schoenemann, &c.
(II) HIERONYMUS (JEROME) (331--420). Chronicle. In 
Migne, Patrol. Lat. 27 (1866). Part relating to 
Constantine, 493 (497)-500. A translation and 
continuation of the Chronicle of Eusebius, who 
ends with the death of Licinius. An indispensable 
but aggravating authority. Compare Salmon, 
Eusebius, Chronicle of, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 
348-355.
(12) Augustinus (354-430). Ep. 43, ed. Migne, 33 
(1865), 159- , §§ 4, 5, 20, &c. He gives account 
of the various Donatist hearings, and speaks of 
having read aloud from various original documents, 
including the petition to Constantine, the 
proconsular acts, the proceedings of the court at 
Rome, and the letters of Constantine. He speaks of 
the heating at Milan. Ep. 88, ed. Migne, Patrol. 
Lat. 33 (1865), 302-309. This has the text of 
letter of Anulinus to Constantine and Constantine 
to Probianus. Eps. 76. 2; 93. 13-14, 16 (which 
contains account of decree of Constantine that 
property of obstinate Donatists should be 
confiscated); 105. 9, 10 (not translated); 141. 
8-10 (not translated), in ed. Migne, and tr. 
English ed. Schaff, contain various matter on the 
Donatist acts of Constantine. Ad Donatistas post 
collationem, c. 33, § 56; ed. Migne, 43 (1861), 
687 (important for dates given). Contra litt. 
Petil. Bk. II. ch. 92, § 205; ed. Migne, 45 
(1861), 326. Tr. in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene 
Fathers, 4 (1887), 580-581. Contr. Epist. Parmen. 
Bk. I. chs. 5-6,§ 10-11; ed. Migne, 43 (1861), 
40-41. Augustine as a source is of primary value, 
because of the otherwise unknown sources which he 
uses and quotes.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 3 (1884), 
988-1028; Maclear, in Smith & W. Dict. 1 (1877), 
216-228. For literature see Schaff, Chevalier 
Engelmann, and for particular literature of the 
Donatist portions, Hartranft, in Schaff, Nicene 
and Post-Nicene Fathers, 4 (1887), 369-372; and 
for editions, see Schoenemann, Graesse, Brunet, 
Engelmann, Schaff, Hartranft, &c.
The equally numerous series of non-Christian 
writers is headed, in value at least, though not 
in time, by Constantine's secretary.
(13) EUTROPIUS (4th cent.). Abridgment of Roman 
History, Bk. 10. Multitudes of editions and 
translations; the ones used are: (Paris, 1539), 
63-68; transl.  by Watson, (Bohn, 1853), 527-535. 
Eutropius was secretary to Constantine, and 
afterwards the intimate of Julian. His testimony 
though brief, is of peculiar weight from his 
position for knowing and from a certain flavor of 
fairness. It was early remarked (Nicephorus 
Gregoras) that his praise of Constantine had 
peculiar force, coming from a heathen and friend 
of Julian. His dispraise, on the other hand, is 
conditioned by the fact that he applies it only to 
the period after Constantine began peculiarly to 
favor the Christians. He seems to be a cool, 
level-headed man of the world, unsympathetic with 
Constantine's religion and, writing from this 
standpoint, presents a just, candid, reliable 
account of him.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 126-127; 
Wagon, Notice, in his translation; also for 
multitudinous editions and translations, and 
relatively scanty though considerable literature, 
Chevalier, Engelmann, Graesse.

448

(14) SCRIPTORES HISTORIAE AUGUSTAE (? 2-324). Ed. 
Jordan and Eyssenhardt, Berol. 1864, 2 v. Contains 
a few dedications to and mentions of Constantine, 
for which see Index.
Compare Teuffel, Hist. of Rom. Lit. tr. Wagner, 2 
(Lond. 1873), 320-324.
(I5) VICTOR, SEXTUS AURELIUS (fl. 350-400). 
Caesars. In ed. Schottius, Antv. Plantin, 1579, p. 
97-I67. Section on Constantine chiefly, 157-162. 
Epitome, Antv. 1579. Section on Constantine, p. 
49-52. These works, by different author, have been 
associated since the time of the above edition 
with the name of Victor. The former is by him, the 
latter probably by a slightly later Victor. They 
use the same sources with Zosimus, but supplement 
him (Wordsworth). Both are interesting and 
important, and in Manso's judgment, final where 
they
agree.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 
1256-1257; Thomas, article Aurelius, in Biog. 
Dict. (1886), 228; Manso, Leben Const. p. 215; and 
scanty references in Chevalier. For editions and 
farther literature, see Engelmann.
(16) Praxagoras Atheniensis (4th cent). In 
Photius, Cod. 62; Ed. Bekker, p. 20; ed. Müller, 
Fragm. 4 (1868), 2-3. Lived in reign of 
Constantine (Müller, p. 2). Although a heathen 
(Photius, Cod, 62), he lauds Constantine above all 
his predecessors. He wrote various works in the 
Ionic dialect, among, others a "history of the 
deeds of Constantine the Great, in two books," 
composed at the age of twenty-two. The fragments 
or resumé are preserved by Photius, as above. 
Though brief (thee columns), it is a concise mass 
of testimony.
Compare Smith, Did. 3. 517; also for literature, 
Chevalier; and for editions, the various editions 
of Photius in Graesse, Hofmann, Engelmann, &c.
(17) CALENDARIUM ROMANUM CONSTANTINI MAGNI (350). 
In Petavius, Uranologium (1630), 112-119. Written  
after 337, and in or before 355, probably in 355. 
It is authority for the birthday of Constantine, 
Constantius, &c.
Compare Greswell, Origines Kalendariae Italicae, 4 
(Oxf. 1854), 388-392.
(18) Julian the Apostate (331-363). Caesars, 
Orations an Constantius and Constantinus, et pass. 
Ed. Paris, 1630, p. 12-96, 422; Vol. 2, 1-54, 
passim. Compare also ed. Hertlein, Lips. 1875-76, 
2 v. 8vo. Editions and translations are very 
numerous. (Compare arts. of Wordsworth and Graves; 
also Engelmann, Graesse, &c. The orations which 
are panegyrical were delivered (Wordsworth) 355 
and 358, and the Caesars dates from shortly after 
his accession (in 361). The latter is a satire 
which has found literary favor, the substantial 
purpose of which is thought to be a suggestion 
that he (Julian) is much superior to all the great 
emperor; but which if one were to venture a guess 
at its real motive is quite as much a systematic 
effort to minimize by ridicule the landed 
Constantine. The laudatory words of Julian himself 
in his orations are quite overshadowed by the 
bitter sarcasms of the Caesars. As a matter of 
estimate of the value of this source, there is to 
be remembered the bitterness of Julian's hostility 
to Christianity. What to Eusebius was a virtue 
would to Julian be a vice. In view of his 
prejudice, everything which he concedes is of 
primary weight, while his ill-natured gossip 
carries a presumption of slanderousness.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 2. 40-59; 
Wordsworth, in Smith & W. 3. 484-525; Graves, in 
Smith, Dict. 644-655. Compare for endless 
literature, Wordsworth, Chevalier, Engelmann, 1 
(1880), 476-477.
(19) LIBANIUS, (314 or 316-391 +). Orations. Ed. 
Morellus, Par. 1606-1627. Contain a few allusions 
of more or less interest and historical value, for 
which, see ed. Morellus, Index volume 2, fol.
Compare Schmitz, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 
774-776; and for editions and literature, 
Chevalier, Engelmann, &c.
(21) AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS (d. ab. 395). Histories. 
There are many editions, for which compare 
Engelmann, Graesse, and Wordsworth. Among editions 
are ed. Valesius (1636) and ed. Eyssenhardt, 
Berol. 1871. The work was a continuation of 
Tacitus, but the first thirteen hooks (including 
Constantine's period) are best. He says (Bk. I5, 
ed. Valesius, 1636, p. 56-57) that Constantine 
investigated the Manichaeans and like sects 
through Musonius, and gives account of the 
bringing of his obelisk to Rome, perhaps by 
Constantine (Bk. 17, p. 92-93; compare Parker, 
Twelve Egypt. Obelisks in Rome, Oxf. 1879, p. 1), 
and makes other mention, for which see Index to 
ed. Eyssenhardt, p. 566.
Compare Wordsworth, in Smith & W. 1 (1879), 
99-101, and for literature, Chevalier (scanty) and 
Engelmann, 2 (1882), 43-45 (Rich).
(22) EUNAPIUS (Anti-Christian) (ab. 347-414). 
Lives of the Philosophers and Sophists; AEdesius. 
Ed. Boissonade (Amsi. 1822), 19-46 passim. 
Eunapius was born at Sardis about 347, and died 
after 414 A.D. (cf. Müller, Fragm. 87). He was a 
teacher of rhetoric, and besides this work wrote a 
continuation of the history of Dexippaus, 
extending from 270-404 A.D. Fragments of this are 
preserved, but none relating to Constantine. 
Photius (Cod. 77) says that he calumniated the 
Christians, especially Constantine. With the 
fragments in Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 11-56, is 
included also (14-15) a fragment from the Vita 
Aedes., relating to Sopater. The death of Sopater 
and the relation of Ablavius to it is given more 
fully in the Vita Aedes. with various suggestive 
allusions. Much of his history is supposed to be 
incorporated in Zosimus, and this gives importance 
to his name, weight to Zosimus, and light on the 
hostile position of Zosimus rewards Constantine.

449

Cf. Photius, Cod. 77; Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 
7-9; Mozley, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 285-286; 
Schmitz, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 93; also for 
further literature and editions, Chevalier and 
Engelmann.
(23) BEMARCHIUS (4th cent.) was of Caesarea in 
Cappadocia; wrote the Acts of Constantine in ten 
books (Suidas, s.v. <greek>bhmarkiod</greek>; cf. 
Zonaras, p. 386). No portion is preserved.Wrote 
under Constantius, on whom he is said (Libanius, 
Orat. ed. Reiske, p. 24) to have delivered a 
panegyric.
Cf. Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 3; Smith, Dict. 1 
(1859), 482, &c.
An early but as yet valueless group is that of 
Syriac and Armenian sources on the (apocryphal) 
treaty of Constantine with Tiridates
(24) ZENOBIUS OF KLAG (ft. ab. 324). History, of 
Daron. French translation from Armenian in 
Langlois, Call. Hist. Arm. 1 (1867), 353-355. Like 
the works of the other Armenian historians, the 
text of this writer has suffered more or less from 
corruption. He has two mentions (p. 344 and 351) 
of Constantine, the latter being an account of the 
treaty with Tiridates. Compare introduction of 
Langlois, and literature in Chevalier.
(25) AGATHANGELUS (ab. 330). History of the Reign 
of Tiridates and of the Preaching of St. Gregory 
the Illuminator, c. 125-127, § 163-169; in Acta 
SS. Boll. Sept. VIII. 320- ; also with French 
translation from Armenian in Langlois Coll. d 
hist. de l'Arm. p. 97-. The work extends for 
226-330 A.D. The author was secretary to 
Tiridates, but the work as we have it is a 
reduction made, however, not long after, as it was 
used by Moses of Khorene. This was in turn later 
(seventh century?) retouched by some Greek 
hagiographer. This Greek form is extant in MSS. at 
Florence and Paris (cf. editions above), and there 
is reason to suppose that the extant Armenian is a 
version from this Greek form. But with its 
additions of errantly apocryphal matter, it is 
hard to tell what is what, and so all considerable 
mention of the relation of Constantine and 
Tiridates has been left out of the account of 
Constantine's life. Yet we must hesitate to put it 
all down under the mythical; for Tiridates 
certainly had intercourse with the Romans, and the 
original form of this life was certainly by a 
competent hand, and the matter relating to 
Constantine is in part soberly historical enough.
For farther information, compare Davidson on 
Gregorius Illuminator, in Smith & W., Dict. 2. 
737-739; Introduction, Langlois, p. 99-103.
(26) FAUSTUS OF BYZANTIUM (320-392). Historical 
Library. French translation from the Armenian in 
Langlois Coll. d. hist. Arm. 1. 201-310. There are 
mentions of Constantine and Tiridates in Bk. 3, 
chaps. 10 and 21. The work is open to some 
suspicions of having been tampered with, but 
Langlois inclines to give it a fairly good 
character. If genuine, the mention of the treaty 
with Tiridates would nearly establish it as 
historical fact.
Compare Beauvois Nouv. biog. gén. 17 (1856), 203, 
and Introduction of Langlois; also, literature in 
Chevalier.
The writers of the following centuries are for the 
most part Christian, uncertain or religiously 
unknown, excepting the very pronounced 
non-Christian who heads the list.
(27) ZOSIMUS (ft. ab. 400-450). History. Ed. 
Bekker (Bonn, 1837), 8vo. Section on Constantine 
occupying Bk. 2. 8-- , p. 72-106. The date of this 
writer has been put as easy as the fourth century 
and as late as the end of the fifth. It will be 
safe to divide extremes. He is a heathen who, on 
the period of Constantine, draws from an 
anti-Christian and anti-Constantinian source, and 
who regards the introduction of Christianity as a 
chief cause of the decline of the Roman Empire 
(cf. various passages cited by Milligan). He is 
prejudiced against Christianity with the bitter 
prejudice of one who finds himself in a steadily 
narrowing minority, and he is occasionally 
credulous. But he wrote in a clear, interesting 
style, without intentional falsifications, and was 
quite as moderate as the Christian writer 
(Evagrius 3. 41) who calls Zosimus himself a 
"fiend of hell." His extended account is therefore 
of great value among the sources, and especially 
as it is probably drawn in large measure from the 
earlier lost work of Eunapius.
Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 
1225-1227: Mason, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 
1334-1335; also, for literature, Chevalier and 
Engelmann, and for editions, Engelmann.
ANONYMUS VALESIANUS (fifth century). Ed. Valesius 
(Paris, 1636), p. 471-476. This fragment, first 
published by Valesius in the above editions of 
Ammianus, is of the highest value for the life of 
Constantine. It is evidently drawn from various 
sources, many of which are now lost. The compiler 
or writer shows a judiciousness and soberness 
which commends his statements as peculiarly 
trustworthy.Compare the exhaustive examination by 
Ohnesorge, Der Anonymus Valesii de Constantino. 
Kiel, 1885. 8vo.
(27) STEPHEN OF BYZANTIUM (ab. 400). Greek Cities. 
Venet. Aldus, 1502, fol. H. iii. s.v. 
N<greek>aisssd</greek>. The work is a dictionary 
of geography, and the fact in these few lines is 
of first value. Compare Smith, in Smith, Dict. 3 
(1859), 904-906. Chevalier Hoffmann, etc.
(28) SOZOMEN (b. ab. 400). Ecclesiastical History. 
Ed. Hussey, English translation, London. Bohn, 
1855; newly edited by  Hartranft in Schaff, Nicene 
and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2 (1890) [in press]. This 
history covers the period 323-423 (not 439). He 
draws largely from Eusebius. He has been described 
rightly (Dowling,

450

Study of Eccl. Hist. p. 31) as relatively 
inaccurate, rhetorical and credulous. But he works 
from sources, though mainly from exact ones. For 
father discussion, compare Hartranft in volume 2 
of this series.
Compare also Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 
722-723, and literature in Chevalier.

(29) SOCRATES (b. ab. 408). Ecclesiastical 
History. Ed. Hussey, reprinted with Introduction 
by Bright, Oxf. 1878. English translation London, 
Bohn, newly edited by Zenos in volume 2 of this 
series [in press]. This history covers the period 
306-439. It is written with general good judgment, 
but for Constantine adds little to Eusebius of 
which it professes to be a continuation.
For farther description and discussion, compare 
Zenos, Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 709-711, 
and literature in Chevalier.
(30) THEODORET (h. ab. 393?-457?). Ecclesiastical 
History. In Migne, Patrol. Gr. 82 (1859), 
879-1280. English translation London, Bohn, 1854. 
The birth of Theodoret has been placed at various 
dates, 386, 387, 393, &c., and the exact time of 
his death (453-458) is equally uncertain. This 
work reaches from 324 to 429, and is generally 
regarded as learned and impartial. It gives much 
concerning Constantine's relations to the Arian 
controversy and incorporates many documents, which 
appear to be taken mainly from Eusebius' Life of 
Constantine. A chief value is, it would seem, for 
the text of Eusebius. But his very use of 
documents shows care and gives value.
Compare Venables, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 904-919; 
Newman, Hist. Sketches, 2 (I876), 303-362; Schaff, 
Hist. of Church, 3 (1884), 881-882; and literature 
in Chevalier; also for editions, Graesse and 
Hoffmann.
(31) OROSIUS, PAULUS (ab. 417). Histories, Bk. 7, 
chaps. 26-28. Ed. Migne Patrol. Lat. 31 (1846), 
6351174; section relying to Constantine occupies 
1128-1137. For many editions and MSS. compare 
Schoenemann, Bibl. Patr. Lat. 2 (1794), 481-507, 
and Engelmann, 2 (1882), 441-. It is said (Manso) 
that Orosius adds nothing to existing material. 
This is only in part true. At all events, his 
value as corroboratory evidence is considerable, 
brief as the work is.
Compare Phillott, in Smith & W, 4 (1887), 157-158; 
Ebert, Gesch. d. chr. Lat. Lit. 1 (1874), 323-330, 
and literature in Chevalier and Engelmann.
(32) PROSPER AQUITANUS (403--463 +). Chronicle. 
Ed. Migne, Patrol Lat. 51 (1861), 535-606 (8). 
Portion relating to Constantine, 574-576. The 
Chronicle extends to 444 or 455. To 326 he depends 
mainly on Eusebius' Chronicle, and for the rest of 
our period on the continuation of Hieronymus.
Compare Phillott, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 492-497; 
Teuffel, Hist. of Rom. Lit. 2 (Lond. 1873), 
482-484; and for literature, editions, &c., 
Chevalier, Engelmann, &c.
(33) IDATIUS (468+). List Consuls (Fasti 
Idatiani). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 51 (1861), 
891-914; portion relating to Constantine, 907-908. 
Idatius lived until after 469. This work, which is 
net generally acknowledged to be his, although 
quoted under his name, ends in 468. It contains 
brief statements of some events under the most 
significant years.Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 
2 (1859), and literature under "Idace de Lamego," 
in Chevalier.
(34) GELASIUS OF CYZICUS (ab. 450-). History of 
the Council of Nicaea. In Labbe, Concilia, 2 
(1671), 103-286. There is also an abstract in 
Photius, Bibl. Cod. 88, ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 103 
(1860), 293-296. Venables is probably just when he 
says: "His work is little more than a compilation 
from the ecclesiastical histories of Eusebius, 
Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, to which he has 
added little but what is very doubtful or 
manifestly untrue." There is a little on 
Constantine not in those sources, but to try to 
fix on any of it as authoritative quite battles 
one. Still, it is not wholly clear that he did not 
use sources, as well as his own imagination, in 
adding to the other sources. It may be said to be 
"of doubtful value," as source. It is not easy to 
see what Venables means in saying that the third 
hook, as we have it, gives only three letters of 
Constantine.This is true; but the second book, "as 
we have it," gives several more. Compare Venables, 
in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 621-623.
(35) JACOBUS OF SARUG (452-521). Homily on the 
Baptism of Constantine, Ed. Frothingham, Roma, 
1882. For further information consult the extended 
study of Frothingham.
(25) PHILOSTORGIUS (b. ab. 468). English 
translation by Walford (Lond. Bohn, 1855), 
425-528. The original work covered the period 
between 300 and 425. The fragments preserved 
contain several interesting facts, or fictions, 
relating to Constantine, some not found elsewhere. 
Photius and all the orthodox have always called 
him untrustworthy or worse, and a very unorthodox 
critic (Gibbon) finds him passionate, prejudiced 
and ignorant; but it seems to be agreed that he 
used some sources not availed of by others.
Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1587), 390; 
Dowling, Study of Eccl. Hist. p. 26-27; and 
literature in Chevalier.
(26) HESYCHIUS MILESIUS (ab. 500?--). Origins of 
Constantinople. In Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 
146-155; also in ed. Orelli (Lips. 1820). 59-73. 
Hesychius, surnamed Illustris, of Miletus lived in 
the early part of the sixth century. This work 
contains several allusions to the founding of the 
city of Constantine. It seems to have been taken 
almost word for word in parts by Codinus.
Compare Venables, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 12-13; 
Means, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 447-448; Miller, 
Fragm. 4 (1868), 143-145; also literature in 
Chevalier, and editions and literature in 
Engelmann.

451

(27) CASSlODORUS (ab. 468-561 +). Tripartite 
History. In Opera, ed. Garetius, (1) (Rotom. 1679, 
fol.), b I-b 372. On Constantine, especially p. 
207-243. (Same ed. in Migne, Patrol Lat. 69 
[1865], 879-1214.) Cassiodorus was born about 468 
and lived to be more than ninety-three years old. 
This work is an epitome of Socrates, Sozomen, and 
Theodoret, and has no additional value as source. 
A work on the Goths has been preserved to us only 
in an epitome by Jordanes. See Jordanes.
Compare Young, in Smith & W. I (1877), 416-418, or 
(better for this work) Ramsay, in Smith, I (1859), 
623-625; and for literature and editions, 
Chevalier, Engelmann, Graesse, etc.
(28) LYDUS, JOANNES (LAURENTIUS) (490--550+). De 
Mensibus ; De Magistratibus; De Ostentis, passim. 
Ed. Bekker, in Corp. Hist. Byz. (1837). Other 
editions of the various works may be found noticed 
in Graesse, Trésor, 4 (1863), 122; Brunet, Manuel, 
3 (1862), 880; Engelmann, Bibl. scr. class. I 
(1880), 478-479; Hoffmann, Lex. He was born at 
Philadelphia in 490, and lived some time after 
550. He was a heathen, but respects toward 
Christianity (Photius, Cod. 180). He mentions 
Constantine ten or a dozen times; e.g. his 
foundation of Constantinople (De O. 21. 5), 
Constantine's learning and military skill (De mag. 
3. 53), and quotes (De magister. 3. 33, ed. Bonn., 
p. 226), Constantine's own writings.
Compare Photius, Cod. 180; Means, in Smith, Dict. 
2 (1859), 600; Hase, Pref. and in ed. Bekker; 
Joubert, in Nouv. biog. gén. (Hoefer), 32 (1860), 
388-391; and for farther literature, Chevalier and 
the article of Joubert, and Engelmann, Bibl. scr. 
class. 1 (1880), 479.
(29) JORDANES (or JORNANDES) (-551 ?). History of 
the Goths, (De Getarum origine et rebus gestis). 
In Cassiodorus, Opera, ed. Garetius, 1 (Rotom. 
1679), 397-425; same ed. in Migne, Patrol. Lat. 69 
(1865), 12511296. This work on the Goths is said 
by its author to be an epitome of the work of 
Cassiodorus. It says (p. 406-407) that Constantine 
employed Goths in his campaign against Licinius, 
and also in the building of Constantinople. It was 
composed in 551 or 552 (cf. Wattenbach, 
Deutschland's Geschichtsq. 1 [1877], 66).
Compare Hodgkin, in Encycl. Brit. 13 (1881), 
747-749; Acland, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 431-438 
(exhaustive); and abundant literature in 
Chevalier, Engelmann, Wattenbach, &c.; also 
editions in Engelmann, "Potthast. Bibl. hist. med. 
rev. 1862, p. 102," &c.
(30) ANONYMOUS, QUI DIONIS CASSII HISTORIAS 
CONTINUAVIT (sixth century ?). 14. Licinius (18 
lines); 15-Constantinus (9 lines). In MüIIer, 
Fragm. 4 (1868), 199; of especially Introd. in 
MüIIer, p. 191-192. These were first published by 
Ang. Mai in Script. Vet. Nov. Call. 2, 135-, 527-, 
and are found also in various editions of Dion 
Cassius; e.g. ed. Sturz. 9 (Spz. 1843). Mai 
strongly inclines to suspect that Johannes 
Antiochenus is the author. but this Müller (p. 
191) argues to be impossible. They are sometimes 
referred to as Excerpta Vaticana. Petrus Patricius 
and various others have been suggested as authors, 
but all that is affirmed with any assurance is 
that the author was a Christian. This is on the 
ground of Diocletianus, 1 (p. 198). The fragments 
are very brief, but contain several little facts 
and turns not found elsewhere.
(31) EVAGRIUS (536?-594+). Ecclesiastical History, 
3. 40-41. English translation (1709), 472-474. A 
violent invective against and disproval of the 
charges of Zosimus against Constantine and adds 
nothing to historical facts. Compare Milligan, in 
Smith & W. 2 (1880), 423-424.
(32) PROCOPIUS CAESARIENSIS (fl. 547--565). 
Histories. Ed. Dindorf Bonn, 1833-1838 3 v. Two or 
three slight mentions, of which the nearest to any 
account is the division of the empire by 
Constantine, and the founding of Constantinople 
(De bel. Vand, I. I). He flourished from about 547 
to 565. Whether he was Christian or heathen is 
uncertain. He is characterized by peculiar 
truthfulness (cf. his De aedif. 1; Praf. ed. Bonn, 
v. 3, 170--, and Milligan).
Compare Milligian in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 487-488; 
Plate, in Smith, Dict. 3, 538-540; also for 
literature, Chevalier and Engelmann, 1. 655; and 
for editions, Milligan, Plate, and the various 
bibliographies. (33) PETRUS PATRICIUS (fl. 
550--562). Fragments. In Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 
189.Gives account of an embassy of Licinius to 
Constantine.
Compare Means, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 226--227; 
also Chevalier and Hoffmann.(34) GREGORY OF TOURS 
(ab. 573-594). History of the Franks, 1. 34. Ed. 
Ruinart (Paris, 1699), 27, &c. (?) History of the 
Seven Sleepers, do. 1272-1273, &c. Liber 
miraculorum, do. 725-729. The edition of Ruinart 
is reprinted in Migne, Patrol. Lat. vol. 71 
(1867).In the first of these he quotes as 
authorities, Eusebius and Junius; the latter are 
full of legendary matter. Compare Buchanan, in 
Smith & W. 2 (1880), 771-776;also for editions and 
literature, Engelmann, Chevalier,
and Graesse.
(35) CHRONICON PASCHALE (ab. 630 A.D.) Ed. 
Dindorf, Bonn, 1832, 2 v.; section relating to 
Constantine occupies vol. 1, p. 516-533. Ed. 
Migne, Patrol. Gr. 92 (Paris, 1865). The work is a 
chronicle of the world from the creation until 
630. It has been thought, but on insufficient 
grounds (cf. Salmon), that the first part ended 
with A.D. 354 and was written about that time. It 
is really a homogeneous work and written probably 
not long after 630 A.D. (Salmon). It is frequently 
quoted, unfortunately as Alexandrian Chronicle 
(e.g. M'Clintock and Strong Cycl.). The chief 
value is the chronological, but the author has 
used good sources and presumably some not now 
extant. It has something the value of a primary 
source of second rate.

452

Compare Salmon, In Smith & W. I. (1877), 509-513; 
Clinton Fasti. Rom. 2 (1850), 169; Ideler, Handb. 
d. Chron. 2 (1826), 350-351, 462-463; and for 
literature and editions Salmon.
(36) Anonymous Acts of Metrophanes and Alexander 
seventh century ?), "in which is contorted also a 
life of the emperor Constantine the Great." In 
Photius, Cod. 256; ed. Migne, Patrol Gr. 104 
(1860), 105-120. A more complete recession of this 
anonymous piece was edited by Combefis, who 
regards it as the work of a contemporary, written 
therefore in the middle of the fourth century (cf. 
his Hist. Mon. p. 573, taste Fabricius). The 
authentic details can be traced word for word, 
according to Tillemont, in other historians, while 
impossible statements show it to be not the work 
of a contemporary. It seems to fall under the 
class of works where "What is true is not new, and 
what is new is not true," but it can hardly be 
regarded as sufficiently determined whether or no 
it is worthless.Compare Tillemont, Mem. 7 (1732), 
657; Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. 9 (1737), 124 and 498; 
Acta. SS. Nov, I.
(37) JOHANNES ANTIOCHENUS (ft. 61O--650). 
Chronological History. Fragments in Müller, 4 
(1868), 535(8)-622; Fragm. 168-169, on Constantius 
and Galerius and 170-171a, on Constantine, p. 
602-603. This writer is to be distinguished from 
Johannes Malalas, also known as Johannes 
Antiochenus. He flourished somewhere between 
610-650 (Müller, p. 536). The sections relating to 
Constantine are in the main exactly correspondent 
to Eutropius. It has been conjectured (Müller, p. 
1538) that Eutropius and Johannes copied from a 
common Greek source; but the curious error in the 
section on Constantine (p. 603), by which 
"commodae" is converted into a proper name, and 
becomes the name of the sister whose son 
Constantine put to death, shows it to have been 
translated from the Latin. The work of Johannes 
has, however, some interesting suggestions and 
additions; e.g. its paraphrase of the word 
"dubius" in the characterization of Constantine's 
conduct towards his friends.
Compare Müller, p. 535-538; Means, in Smith, Dict. 
2 (1859), 587; also article of Stokes, and other 
literature under Malalas.
(38) MALALAS (=JOHN of Antioch)(ab. 700). 
Chronography, Bk. 13, 1-11. Ed. Dindorf (Bonnae, 
1831); in Corp. ser. hist. Byz. (section on 
Constantine, p. 316-324); also in Migne, Patrol. 
Gr. 97 (Par. 1865), 1-70. Earlier editions are, 
Oxf. 1691, 80; Venice, 1733, fol. [reprint of 
1691, "quite useless"]. Lived about 700 (Müller, 
Fragm. 4 [1868], 536), or about 650 (Chevalier, 
1205). He has been placed as late as ninth century 
(Hody), and as early as 601 (Cave). Noting is 
known of his personal history. He is to be 
distinguished from the John of Antioch in Müller's 
Fragm. who is earlier than Malalas. He is very 
credulous and inaccurate and the section on 
Constantine is no exception to the rule.
Compare Prolegomena of Hody and Dindorf; Stokes, 
in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 787-788, &c.; and farther 
literature in Chevalier, Rép. 1205; Hoefer, Nouv. 
biog. gén. 32 (1060), 1007, and the article of 
Stokes.
(39) PSEUDO-ISIDORE (eighth cent.?). Decretals. In 
Migne, Patrol. Lat. 130 (1853), 245-252. The 
famous "Donation of Constantion," which appears 
here for the first time. See under The Mythical 
Constantine. Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 4 
(1885), 268-733; and for literature, Chevailer 
under Isidore Mercator; also the literature of the 
Danation.
(40) THEOPHANES (758-818). Chronography. Ed. 
Classen, Bonn. 1839-41, 2 v. Section on 
Constantine occupying vol. 1, p. 10-51; also in 
Migne, Patrol. Gr. 108 (186). This work "is justly 
regarded as one of the most important in the what 
series of Byzantine historians" (Dowling, p. 69). 
Theophanes was friend of Georgius Syncellus; and 
at his request (Proem. p. 5) took up the latter 
work at the point where he left off (Diocletian), 
extending it to 811. He is an authority of 
judgment and wright for matters relating to his 
own times, and on quite a different level of 
historical character from Cedrenus and Zonaras. 
Although of very much less value for Constantine, 
he shows even here a certain historical judgment 
and discrimination. His book is an intelligent 
work from various sources, one of which is 
Eusebius He says that he has diligently examined 
many works, and reports nothing on his own 
authority, but on the authority of ancient 
historiographers and "logographers" (Proem. p. 5).
Compare Dowling lntrod. (Loud. 1838), 69-70; 
Smith, in Smith, Dict. 3. 1082-1083; Gass, in 
Herzog, Real Enc. 15 (1885), 536-537; Acta 
sanctorum Boll. March 12; and for (extensive) 
literature, Chevalier. (41) ANASTASIUS 
BIBLIOTHECARIUS (d. 879). Lives of the Roman 
Pontiffs. In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 127-128
(1852).34. S. Silvester, vol. 127, 1511-1527. 
Small use.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of the Church, 4 (1885), 
774-776; and for literature and editions, 
Chevalier and Graesse.
(42) PHOTIUS (ninth cent.). Bibliotheca. In Migne, 
Patrol. Gr. vols. 103-104 (1860). Contains 
excerpts from and comments on Praxagoras, 
Eunapius, Gelasius, Anon. Metroph., and Eusebius 
which see. Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 4 
(1885), 636-642; Means, in Smith, Diet. 3 (1859), 
347-355,
(43) CONSTANTINUS PORPHYROGENITUS (c. VII.) (ft. 
911-959). De thematibus. Ed. Bekker (Bonn. 1840), 
1-64, in Corp. ser. hist. Byz.; and in ed. Migne, 
Patrol. Gr. 113 (1864), 63-140. Gives (2. 8, ed. 
Bonn. p. 57-58) account of division of the empire 
among his sons by Constantine. He also mentions in 
his De cer. aul. Byz. (ed. Reiske, Bonn. 1829; ed. 
Migne, Patrol. Gr. 112); e.g. the "cross of 
Constantine" several times mentioned, and gives a 
few facts of archaeological interest. Constantinus 
VII was emperor 911-959.

THE LIFE

OF THE

BLESSED EMPEROR CONSTANTINE,

BY

EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

Preface.-- Of the Death of Constantine.

ALREADY (1) have all mankind united in celebrating 
with joyous festivities the completion of the 
second and third decennial period of this great 
emperor's reign; already have we ourselves 
received him as a triumphant conqueror in the 
assembly of God's ministers, and greeted him with 
the due meed of praise on the twentieth 
anniversary of his reign: (2) and still more 
recently we have woven, as it were, garlands of 
words, wherewith we encircled his sacred head in 
his own palace on his thirtieth anniversary. (3)
But now, while I desire (4) to give utterance to 
some of the customary sentiments, I stand 
perplexed and doubtful which way to turn, being 
wholly lost in wonder at the extraordinary 
spectacle before me. For to whatever quarter I 
direct my view, whether to the east, or to the 
west, or over the whole world, or toward heaven 
itself, everywhere and always I see the blessed 
one yet administering the self-same empire. On 
earth I behold his sons, like some new reflectors 
of his brightness, diffusing everywhere the luster 
of their father's character, (5) and himself still 
living and powerful, and governing all the affairs 
of men more completely than ever before, being 
multiplied in the succession of his children. They 
had indeed had previously the dignity of Caesars; 
(6) but now, being invested with his very self, 
and graced by his accomplishments, for the 
excellence of their piety they are proclaimed by 
the titles of Sovereign, Augustus, Worshipful, and 
Emperor.

CHAPTER II.

The Preface continued.

And I am indeed amazed, when I consider that he 
who was but lately visible and present with us in 
his mortal body, is still, even after death, when 
the natural thought disclaims everything 
superfluous as unsuitable, most marvelously 
endowed with the same imperial dwellings, and 
honors, and praises as heretofore. (1) But 
farther,

482

when I raise my thoughts even to the arch of 
heaven, and there contemplate his thrice-blessed 
soul in communion with God himself, freed from 
every mortal and earthly vesture, and shining in a 
refulgent robe of light, and when I perceive that 
it is no more connected with the fleeting periods 
and occupations of mortal life, but honored with 
an ever-blooming crown, and an immortality of 
endless and blessed existence, I stand as it were 
without power of speech or  thought (2) and unable 
to utter a single phrase, but condemning my own 
weakness, and imposing silence on myself, I resign 
the task of speaking his praises worthily to one 
who is better able, even to him who, being the 
immortal God and veritable Word, alone has power 
to confirm his own saying. (3)

CHAPTER III.

How God honors Pious Princes, but destroys
Tyrants.

Having given assurance that those who glorify and 
honor him will meet with an abundant recompense at 
his hands, while those who set themselves against 
him as enemies and adversaries will compass the 
ruin of their own souls, he has already 
established the truth of these his own 
declarations, having shown on the one hand the 
fearful end of those tyrants who denied and 
opposed him, (1) and at the same time having made 
it manifest that even the death of his servant, as 
well as his life, is worthy of admiration and 
praise, and justly claims the memorial, not merely 
of perishable, but of immortal monuments.
Mankind, devising some consolation for the frail 
and precarious duration of human life, have 
thought by the erection of monuments to glorify 
the memories of their ancestors with immortal 
honors. Some have employed the vivid delineations 
and colors of painting (2) ; some have carved 
statues from lifeless blocks of wood; while 
others, by engraving their inscriptions deep on 
tablets (3) and monuments, have thought to 
transmit the virtues of those whom they honored to 
perpetual remembrance. All these indeed are 
perishable, and consumed by the lapse of time, 
being representations of the corruptible body, and 
not expressing the image of the immortal soul. And 
yet these seemed sufficient to those who had no 
well-grounded hope of happiness after the 
termination of this mortal life. But God, that 
God, I say, who is the common Saviour of all, 
having treasured up with himself, for those who 
love godliness, greater blessings than human 
thought has conceived, gives the earnest and 
first-fruits of future rewards even here, assuring 
in some sort immortal hopes to mortal eyes. The 
ancient oracles of the prophets, delivered to us 
in the Scripture, declare this; the lives of pious 
men, who shone in old time with every virtue, bear 
witness to posterity of the same; and our own days 
prove it to be true, wherein Constantine, who 
alone of all that ever wielded the Roman power was 
the friend of God the Sovereign of all, has 
appeared to all mankind so clear an example of a 
godly life.

CHAPTER IV.

That God honored Constantine.

And God himself, whom Constantine worshiped, has 
confirmed this truth by the clearest 
manifestations of his will, being present to aid 
him (1) at the commencement, during the course, 
and at the end of his reign, and holding him up to 
the human race as an instructive example of 
godliness. Accordingly, by the manifold blessings 
he has conferred on him, he has distinguished him 
alone of all the sovereigns of whom we have ever 
heard as at once a mighty luminary and most 
clear-voiced herald of genuine piety.

CHAPTER V.

That he reigned above Thirty Years, and lived
above Sixty.

With respect to the duration of his reign, God 
honored him with three complete periods of ten 
years, and something more, extending the whole 
term of his mortal life to twice this number of 
years. (1) And being pleased to make him a 
representative of his own sovereign power, he 
displayed him as the conqueror of the whole race 
of tyrants, and the destroyer of those God-defying 
giants (2) of the earth who madly raised

483

their impious arms against him, the supreme King 
of all. They appeared, so to speak, for an 
instant, and then disappeared: while the one and 
only true God, when he had enabled his servant, 
clad in heavenly panoply, to stand singly against 
many foes, and by his means had relieved mankind 
from the multitude of the ungodly, constituted him 
a teacher of his worship to all nations, to 
testify with a loud voice in the hearing of all 
that he acknowledged the true God, and turned with 
abhorrence from the error of them that are no 
gods.

CHAFFER VI.

That he was the Servant of God, and the Conqueror 
of Nations.

Thus, like a faithful and good servant, did he act 
and testify, openly declaring and confessing 
himself the obedient minister of the supreme King. 
And God forthwith rewarded him, by making him 
ruler and sovereign, and victorious to such a 
degree that he alone of all rulers pursued a 
continual course of conquest, unsubdued and 
invincible, and through his trophies a greater 
ruler than tradition records ever to have been 
before. So dear was he to God, and so blessed; so 
pious and so fortunate in all that he undertook, 
that with the greatest facility he obtained the 
authority over more nations than any who had 
preceded him, (1) and yet retained his power, 
undisturbed, to the very close of his life.

CHAFFER VII.

Comparison with Cyrus, King of the Persians and 
with Alexander of Macedon.

Ancient history describes Cyrus, king of the 
Persians, as by far the most illustrious of all 
kings up to his time. And yet if we regard the end 
of his days, (1) we find it but little 
corresponded with his past prosperity, since he 
met with an inglorious and dishonorable death at 
the hands of a woman. (2)

Again, the sons of Greece celebrate Alexander the 
Macedonian as the conqueror of many and diverse 
nations; yet we find that he was removed by an 
early death, before he had reached maturity, being 
carried off by the effects of revelry and 
drunkenness. (3) His whole life embraced but the 
space of thirty-two years, and his reign extended 
to no more than a third part of that period. 
Unsparing as the thunderbolt, he advanced through 
streams of blood and reduced entire nations and 
cities, young and old, to utter slavery. But when 
he had scarcely arrived at the maturity of life, 
and was lamenting the loss of youthful pleasures, 
death fell upon him with terrible stroke, and, 
that he might not longer outrage the human race, 
cut him off in a foreign and hostile land, 
childless, without successor, and homeless. His 
kingdom too was instantly dismembered, each of his 
officers taking away and appropriating a portion 
for himself. And yet this man is extolled for such 
deeds as these. (4)

CHAPTER VIII.

That he conquered nearly the Whale World.

But our emperor began his reign at the time of 
life at which the Macedonian died, yet doubled the 
length of his life, and trebled the length of his 
reign. And instructing his army in the mild and 
sober precepts of godliness, he carried his arms 
as far as the Britons, and the nations that dwell 
in the very bosom of the Western ocean. He subdued 
likewise all Scythia, though situated in the 
remotest North, and divided into numberless 
diverse and barbarous tribes. He even pushed his 
conquests to the Blemmyans and Ethiopians, on the 
very confines of the South nor did he think the 
acquisition of the Eastern nations unworthy his 
care. In short, diffusing the effulgence of his 
holy light to the ends of the whole world, even to 
the most distant Indians, the nations dwelling on 
the extreme circumference of the inhabited earth, 
he received the submission of all the rulers, (1) 
governors, (2) and satraps of barbarous nations, 
who cheerfully welcomed and saluted him, sending 
embassies and presents, and setting the highest 
value on his acquaintance and friendship; insomuch 
that they honored him with pictures and statues in 
their respective countries, and Constantine alone 
of all emperors was acknowledged and celebrated by 
all. Notwithstanding, even among these distant

484

tions, he proclaimed the name of his God in his 
royal edicts with all boldness.

CHAPTER IX.

Thathe was the San of a Pious Emperor, and 
bequeathed the Power to Royal Sons.

Nor did he give this testimony in words merely, 
while exhibiting failure in his own practice, but 
pursued every path of virtue, and was rich in the 
varied fruits of godliness. He ensured the 
affection of his friends by magnificent proofs of 
liberality; and inasmuch as he governed on 
principles of humanity, he caused his rule to be 
but lightly felt and acceptable to all classes of 
his subjects; until at last, after a long course 
of years, and when he was wearied by his divine 
labors, the God whom he honored crowned him with 
an immortal reward, and translated him from a 
transitory kingdom to that endless life which he 
has laid up in store for the souls of his saints, 
after he had raised him up three sons to succeed 
him in his power. As then the imperial throne had 
descended to him from his father, so, by the law 
of nature, was it reserved for his children and 
their descendants, and perpetuated, like some 
paternal inheritance, to endless generations. And 
indeed God himself, who distinguished this blessed 
prince with divine honors while yet present with 
us, and who has adorned his death with choice 
blessings from his own hand, should be the writer 
of his actions; since he has recorded his labors 
and successes on heavenly monuments. (1)

CHAPTER X.

Of the Need for this History, and its Value for
Edification.

HOWEVER, hard as it is to speak worthily of this 
blessed character, and though silence were the 
safer and less perilous course, nevertheless it is 
incumbent on me, if I would escape the charge of 
negligence and sloth, to trace as it were a verbal 
portraiture, by way of memorial of the pious 
prince, in imitation of the delineations of human 
art. For I should be ashamed of myself were I not 
to employ my best efforts, feeble though they be 
and of little value, in praise of one who honored 
God with such surpassing devotion. I think too 
that my work will be on other grounds both 
instructive and necessary, since it will contain a 
description of those royal and noble actions which 
are pleasing to God, the Sovereign of all. For 
would it not be disgraceful that the memory of 
Nero, and other impious and godless tyrants far 
worse than he, should meet with diligent writers 
to embellish the relation of their worthless deeds 
with elegant language, and record them in 
voluminous histories, and that I should be silent, 
to whom God himself has vouchsafed such an emperor 
as all history records not, and has permitted me 
to come into his presence, and enjoy his 
acquaintance and society ? (1)
Wherefore, if it is the duty of any one, it 
certainly is mine, to make an ample proclamation 
of his virtues to all in whom the example of noble 
actions is capable of inspiring the love of God. 
For some who have written the lives of worthless 
characters, and the history of actions but little 
tending to the improvement of morals, from private 
motives, either love or enmity, and possibly in 
some cases with no better object than the display 
of their own learning, have exaggerated unduly 
their description of actions intrinsically base, 
by a refinement and elegance of diction. (2) And 
thus they have become to those who by the Divine 
favor had been kept apart from evil, teachers not 
of good, but of what should be silenced in 
oblivion and darkness. But my narrative, however 
unequal to the greatness of the deeds it has to 
describe, will yet derive luster even from the 
bare relation of noble actions. And surely the 
record of conduct that has been pleasing to God 
will afford a far from unprofitable, indeed a most 
instructive study, to persons of well-disposed 
minds.

CHAPTER XI.

That his Present Object is to record only the 
Pious Actions of Constantine.

IT is my intention, therefore, to pass over the 
greater part of the royal deeds of this 
thrice-blessed prince; as, for example, his 
conflicts and engagements in the field, his 
personal valor, his victories and successes 
against the enemy, and the many triumphs he 
obtained: likewise his provisions for the 
interests of individuals, his legislative 
enactments for the social advantage of his 
subjects, and a multitude of other imperial labors 
which are fresh in the memory of all; the design 
of my present undertaking being to speak and write 
of those circumstances only which have reference 
to his religious character.
And since these are themselves of almost infinite 
variety, I shall select from the facts

485

which have come to my knowledge such as are most 
suitable, and worthy of lasting record, and 
endeavor to narrate them as briefly as possible. 
Henceforward, indeed, there is a full and 
opportunity for celebrating in every way the 
praises of this truly blessed prince, which 
hitherto we have been unable to do, oh the ground 
that we are forbidden to judge any one blessed 
before his death, (1) because of the uncertain 
vicissitudes of life. Let me implore then the help 
of God, and may the inspiring aid of the heavenly 
Word be with me, while I commence my history from 
the very earliest period of his life.

CHAPTER XII.

That like Moses, he was reared in the Palaces
of Kings.

ANCIENT history relates that a cruel race of 
tyrants oppressed the Hebrew nation; and that God, 
who graciously regarded them in their affliction, 
provided that the prophet Moses, who was then an 
infant, should be brought up in the very palaces 
and bosoms of the oppressors, and instructed in 
all the wisdom they possessed. And when in the 
course of time he had arrived at manhood, and the 
time was come for Divine justice to avenge the 
wrongs of the afflicted people, then the prophet 
of God, in obedience to the will of a more 
powerful Lord, forsook the royal household, and, 
estranging himself in word and deed from the 
tyrants by whom he had been brought up, openly 
acknowledging his true brethren and kinsfolk. Then 
God, exalting him to be the leader of the whole 
nation, delivered the Hebrews from the bondage of 
their enemies, and inflicted Divine vengeance 
through his means on the tyrant race. This ancient 
story, though rejected by most as fabulous, has. 
reached the ears of all. But now the same God has 
given to us to be eye-witnesses of miracles more 
wonderful than fables, and, from their recent 
appearance, more authentic than any report. For 
the tyrants of our day have ventured to war 
against the Supreme God, and have sorely afflicted 
His Church. (1) And in the midst of these, 
Constantine, who was shortly to become their 
destroyer, but at that time of tender age, and 
blooming with the down of early s youth, dwelt, as 
that other servant of God had  done, in the very 
home of the tyrants, (2) but t young as he was did 
not share the manner of life of the ungodly: for 
from that early period his noble nature, under the 
leading of the Divine Spirit, inclined him to 
piety and a life acceptable to God. A desire, 
moreover, to emulate the example of his father had 
its influence in stimulating the son to a virtuous 
course of conduct His father was Constantius (3) 
(and we ought to revive his memory at this time), 
the most illustrious emperor of our age; of whose 
life it is necessary briefly to relate a few 
particulars, which tell to the honor of his son.

CHAPTER XIII.

Of Constantius his Father, who refused to imitate 
Diocletian, Maximian, and Maxentius, (1) in their 
Persecution of the Christians.

At a time when four emperors (2) shared the 
administration of the Roman empire, Constantius 
alone, following a course of conduct different 
from that pursued by his colleagues, entered into 
the friendship of the Supreme God.
For while they besieged and wasted the churches of 
God, leveling them to the ground, and obliterating 
the very foundations of the houses of prayer, (3) 
he kept his hands pure from their abominable 
impiety, and never in any respect resembled them. 
They polluted their provinces by the 
indiscriminate slaughter of godly men and women; 
but he kept his soul free from the stain of this 
crime. (4)The involved in the mazes of impious 
idolatry, enthralled first themselves, and then 
all under their authority, in bondage to the 
errors of evil demons, while he at the same time 
originated the profoundest peace throughout his 
dominions,  and secured to his subjects the 
privilege of celebrating without hindrance the 
worship of God. In short, while his colleagues 
oppressed all men by the most grievous exactions, 
and rendered their lives intolerable, and even 
worse than death, Constantius alone governed his 
people with a mild and tranquil sway, and 
exhibited towards them a truly parental and 
fostering care.  Numberless, indeed, are the other 
virtues of this man, which are the theme of praise 
to all; of these I will record one or two 
instances, as specimens of the quality of those 
which I must pass by in silence, and then I will 
proceed to the appointed order of my narrative.

486

CHAPTER XIV.

How Constantius his Rather, being reproached with 
Poverty by, Diocletian, filled his Treasury, and 
afterwards restored the Money to those by whom it 
had been contributed.

In consequence of the many reports in circulation 
respecting this prince, describing his kindness 
and gentleness of character, and the extraordinary 
elevation of his piety, alleging too, that by 
reason of his extreme indulgence to his subjects, 
he had not even a supply of money laid up in his 
treasury; the emperor who at that time occupied 
the place of supreme power sent to reprehend his 
neglect of the public weal, at the same time 
reproaching him with poverty, and alleging in 
proof of the charge the empty state of his 
treasury. On this he desired the messengers of the 
emperor to remain with him awhile, and, calling 
together the wealthiest of his subjects of all 
nations under his dominion, he informed them that 
he was in want of money, and that this was the 
time for them all to give a voluntary proof of 
their affection for their prince.
As soon as they heard this (as though they had 
long been desirous of an opportunity for showing 
the sincerity of their good will), with zealous 
alacrity they filled the treasury with gold and 
silver and other wealth; each eager to surpass the 
rest in the amount of his contribution: and this 
they did with cheerful and joyous countenances. 
And now Constantius desired the messengers of the 
great emperor (1) personally to inspect his 
treasures, and directed them to give a faithful 
report of what they had seen; adding, that on the 
present occasion he had taken this money into his 
own hands, but that it had long been kept for his 
use in the custody of the owners, as securely as 
if under the charge of faithful treasurers. The 
ambassadors were overwhelmed with astonishment at 
what they had witnessed: and on their departure it 
is said that the truly generous prince sent for 
the owners of the property, and, after commending 
them severally for their obedience and true 
loyalty, restored it all, and bade them return to 
their homes.
This one circumstance, then, conveys a proof of 
the generosity of him whose character we are 
attempting to illustrate: another will contain the 
clearest testimony to his piety.

CHAPTER XV.

Of the Persecution raised by his Colleagues.

By command of the supreme authorities of the 
empire, the governors of the several provinces had 
set on foot a general persecution of the godly. 
Indeed, it was from the imperial courts themselves 
that the very first of the pious martyrs 
proceeded, who passed through those conflicts for 
the faith, and most readily endured both fire and 
sword, and the depths of the sea; every form of 
death, in short, so that in a brief time all the 
royal palaces were bereft of pious men. (1) The 
result was, that the authors of this wickedness 
were entirely deprived of the protecting care of 
God, since by their persecution of his worshipers 
they at the same time silenced the prayers that 
were wont to be made on their own behalf.

CHAPTER XVI.

How Constantius, reigning Idolatry, expelled
those who consented to offer Sacrifice, but 
retained in his Palace all who were willing to 
confess Christ.

On the other hand, Constantius conceived an 
expedient full of sagacity, and did a thing which 
sounds paradoxical, but in fact was most 
admirable.
He made a proposal to all the officers of his 
court, including even those in the highest 
stations of authority, offering them the following 
alternative: either that they should offer 
sacrifice to demons, and thus be permitted to 
remain with him, and enjoy their usual honors; or, 
in case of refusal, that they should be shut out 
from all access to his person, and entirely 
disqualified from acquaintance and association 
with him. Accordingly, when they had individually 
made their choice, some one way and some the 
other; and the choice of each had been 
ascertained, then this admirable prince disclosed 
the secret meaning of his expedient, and condemned 
the cowardice and selfishness of the one party, 
while he highly commended the other for their 
conscientious devotion to God. He declared, too, 
that those who had been false to their God must be 
unworthy of the confidence of their prince; for 
how was it possible that they should preserve 
their fidelity to him, who had proved themselves 
faithless to a higher power? He determined, 
therefore, that such persons should be removed 
altogether from the imperial court, while, on the 
other hand, declaring that those men who, in 
bearing witness for the truth, had proved them-

487

selves to be worthy servants of God, would 
manifest the same fidelity to their king, he 
en-trusted them with the guardianship of his 
person and empire, saying that he was bound to 
treat such persons with special regard as his 
nearest and most valued friends, and to esteem 
them far more highly than the richest treasures.

CHAPTER XVII.

Of his Christian Manner of Life.

The father of Constantine, then, is said to have 
possessed such a character as we have briefly 
described. And what kind of death was vouchsafed 
to him in consequence of such devotion to God, and 
how far he whom he honored made his lot to differ 
from that of his colleagues in the empire, may be 
known to any one who will give his attention to 
the circumstances of the case. For after he had 
for a long time given many proofs of royal virtue, 
in acknowledging the Supreme God alone, and 
condemning the polytheism of the ungodly, and had 
fortified his household by the prayers of holy 
men, (1) he passed the remainder of his life in 
remarkable repose and tranquillity, in the 
enjoyment of what is counted blessedness, 
--neither molesting others nor being molested 
ourselves.
Accordingly, during the whole course of his quiet 
and peaceful reign, he dedicated his entire 
household, his children, his wife, and domestic 
attendants, to the One Supreme God: so that the 
company assembled within the walls of his palace 
differed in no respect from a church of God; 
wherein were also to be found his ministers, who 
offered continual supplications on behalf of their 
prince, and this at a time when, with most,(2) it 
was not allowable to have any dealings with the 
worshipers of God, even so far as to exchange a 
word with them.

CHAPTER XVIII.

That after the Abdication of Diocletian and 
Maximian, Constantius became Chief Augustus, and 
was blessed with a Numerous Offspring.

The immediate consequence of this conduct was a 
recompense from the hand of God, insomuch that he 
came into the supreme authority of the empire. For 
the older emperors, for some unknown reason, 
resigned their power; and this sudden change took 
place in the first year after their persecution of 
the churches. (1)
From that time Constantius alone received the 
honors of chief Augustus, having been previously, 
indeed, distinguished by the diadem of the 
imperial Caesars, (2) among whom he held the first 
rank; but after his worth had been proved in this 
capacity, he was invested with the highest dignity 
of the Roman empire, being named chief Augustus of 
the four who were afterwards elected to that 
honor. Moreover, he surpassed most of the emperors 
in regard to the number of his family, having 
gathered around him a very large circle of 
children both male and female. And, lastly, when 
he had attained to a happy old age, and was about 
to pay the common debt of nature, and exchange 
this life for another, God once more manifested 
His power in a special manner on his behalf, by 
providing that his eldest son Constantine should 
be present during his last moments, and ready to 
receive the imperial power from his hands. (3)

CHAPTER XIX.

Of his Son Constantine, who in his Youth 
accompanied Diocletian into Palestine.

The latter had been with his father's imperial 
colleagues, (1) and had passed his life among 
them, as we have said, like God's ancient prophet. 
And even in the very earliest period of his youth 
he was judged by them to be worthy of the highest 
honor. An instance of this we have ourselves seen, 
when he passed through Palestine with the senior 
emperor, (2) at whose right  hand he stood, and 
commanded the admiration of all who beheld him by 
the indications he gave even then of royal 
greatness. For no one was comparable to him for 
grace and beauty of person, or height of stature; 
and he so far surpassed his compeers in personal 
strength as to be a terror to them. He was, 
however, even more conspicuous for the excellence 
of his mental (3) qualities than for his superior 
physical endowments; being gifted in the first 
place with a sound judgment, (4) and having also 
reaped the advantages of a liberal education. He 
was

488

also distinguished in no ordinary degree both by 
natural intelligence and divinely imparted wisdom.

CHAPTER XX.

Flight of Constantine to his Father because of
the Plots of Diocletian. (1)

The emperors then in power, observing his manly 
and vigorous figure and superior mind, were moved 
with feelings of jealousy and fear, and 
thenceforward carefully watched for an opportunity 
of inflicting some brand of disgrace on his 
character. But the young man, being aware of their 
designs, the details of which, through the 
providence of God, more than once came to him, 
sought safety in flight; (2) in this respect again 
keeping up his resemblance to the great prophet 
Moses. Indeed, in every sense God was his helper; 
and he had before ordained that he should be 
present in readiness to succeed his father.

CHAPTER XXI.

Death of Constantius, who leaves his Son 
Constantine Emperor. (1)

IMMEDIATELY, therefore, on his escape from the 
plots which had been thus insidiously laid for 
him, he made his way with all haste to his father, 
and arrived at length at the very time that he was 
lying at the point of death. (2) As soon as 
Constantius saw his son thus unexpectedly in his 
presence, he leaped from his couch, embraced him 
tenderly, and, declaring that the only anxiety 
which had troubled him in the prospect of death, 
namely, that caused by the absence of his son, was 
now removed, he rendered thanks to God, saying 
that he now thought death better than the longest 
life, (3) and at once completed the arrangement of 
his private affairs. Then, taking a final leave of 
the circle of sons and daughters by whom he was 
surrounded, in his own palace, and on the imperial 
couch, he bequeathed the empire, according to the 
law of nature, (4) to his eldest son, and breathed 
his last.

CHAPTER XXII.

How, after the Burial of Constantius, Constantine 
was proclaimed Augustus by the Army.

Nor did the imperial throne remain long 
unoccupied: for Constantine invested himself with 
his father's purple, and proceeded from his 
father's palace, presenting to all a renewal, as 
it were, in his own person, of his father's life 
and reign. He then conducted the funeral 
procession in company with his father's friends, 
some preceding, others following the train, and 
performed the last offices for the pious deceased 
with an extraordinary degree of magnificence, and 
all united in honoring this thrice blessed prince 
with acclamations and praises, and while with one 
mind and voice, they glorified the rule of the son 
as a living again of him who was dead, they 
hastened at once to hail their new sovereign by 
the titles of Imperial and Worshipful Augustus, 
with joyful shouts. (1) Thus the memory of the 
deceased emperor received honor from the praises 
bestowed upon his son, while the latter was 
pronounced blessed in being the successor of such 
a father. All the nations also under his dominion 
were filled with joy and inexpressible gladness at 
not being even for a moment deprived of the 
benefits of a well ordered government.
In the instance of the Emperor Constantius, God 
has made manifest to our generation what the end 
of those is who in their lives have honored and 
loved him.

CHAPTER XXIII.

A Brief Notice of the Destruction of the Tyrants.

With respect to the other princes, who made war 
against the churches of God, I have not thought it 
fit in the present work to give any account of 
their downfall, (1) nor to stain the memory of the 
good by mentioning them in connection with those 
of an opposite character. The knowledge of the 
facts themselves will of itself suffice for the 
wholesome admonition of those who have witnessed 
or heard of the evils which severally befell them.

489

CHAPTER XXIV.

It was by the Will of God that Constantine became 
possessed of the Empire.

Trays then the God of all, the Supreme Governor of 
the whole universe, by his own will appointed 
Constantine, the descendant of so renowned a 
parent, to be prince and sovereign
so that, while others have been raised to this 
distinction by the election of their fellow-men, 
he is the only one to whose elevation no mortal 
may boast of having contributed.

CHAPTER XXV.

Victories of Constantine over the Barbarians
and the Britons.

As soon then as he was established on the throne, 
he began to care for the interests of his paternal 
inheritance, and visited with much considerate 
kindness all those provinces which had previously 
been under his father's government. Some tribes of 
the barbarians who dwelt on the banks of the 
Rhine, and the shores of the Western ocean, having 
ventured to revolt, he reduced them all to 
obedience, and brought them from their savage 
state to one of gentleness. He contented himself 
with checking the inroads of others, and drove 
from his dominions, like untamed and savage 
beasts, those whom he perceived to be altogether 
incapable of the settled order of civilized life. 
(1) Having disposed of these affairs to his 
satisfaction, he directed his attention to other 
quarters of the world, and first passed over to 
the British nations, (2) which lie in the very 
bosom of the ocean. These he reduced to 
submission, and then proceeded to consider the 
state of the remaining portions of the empire, 
that he might be ready to tender his aid wherever 
circumstances might require it.

CHAPTER XXVI.

How he resolved to deliver Rome from
Maxentius.

While, therefore, he regarded the entire world as 
one immense body, and perceived that the head of 
it all, the royal city of the Roman empire, was 
bowed down by the weight of a tyrannous 
oppression; at first he had left the task of 
liberation to those who governed the other 
divisions of the empire, as being his superiors in 
point of age. But when none of these proved able 
to afford relief, and those who had attempted it 
had experienced a disastrous termination of their 
enterprise, (1) he said that life was without 
enjoyment to him as long as he saw  the imperial 
city thus afflicted, and prepared himself for the 
overthrowal of the tyranny.

CHAPTER XXVII.

That after reflecting on the Dawn fall of those 
who had worshiped Idols, he made Choice of 
Christianity.

Being convinced, however, that he needed some more 
powerful aid than his military forces could afford 
him, on account of the wicked and magical 
enchantments which were so diligently practiced by 
the tyrant, (1) he sought Divine assistance, 
deeming the possession of arms and a numerous 
soldiery of secondary importance, but believing 
the co-operating power of Deity invincible and not 
to be shaken. He considered, therefore, on what 
God he might rely for protection and assistance. 
While engaged in this enquiry, the thought 
occurred to him, that, of the many emperors who 
had preceded him, those who had rested their hopes 
in a multitude of gods, and served them with 
sacrifices and offerings, had in the first place 
been deceived by flattering predictions, and 
oracles which promised them all prosperity, and at 
last had met with an unhappy end, while not one of 
their gods had stood by to warn them of the 
impending wrath of heaven; while one alone who had 
pursued an entirely opposite course, who had 
condemned their error, and honored the one  
Supreme God during his whole life, had formal I 
him to be the Saviour and Protector of his empire, 
and the Giver of every good thing. Reflecting on 
this, and well weighing the fact that they who had 
trusted in many gods had also fallen by manifold 
forms of death, without leaving behind them either 
family or offspring, stock, name, or memorial 
among men: while the God of his father had given 
to him, on the other hand, manifestations of his 
power and very many tokens: and considering 
farther that those who had already taken arms 
against the tyrant, and had marched to the 
battle-field under the protection of a multitude 
of gods, had met with a dishonorable end (for one 
of them (2) had shamefully retreated from the 
contest without a blow, and the other, (3) being 
slain in the midst of

490

his own troops, became, as it were, the mere sport 
of death (4) ); reviewing, I say, all these 
considerations, he judged it to be folly indeed to 
join in the idle worship of those who were no 
gods, and, after such convincing evidence, to err 
from the truth; and therefore felt it incumbent on 
him to honor his father's God alone.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

How, while he was praying, God sent him a Vision 
of a Cross of Light in the Heavens at Mid-day, 
with an Inscription admonishing him to conquer by 
that.

ACCORDINGLY he called on him with earnest prayer 
and supplications that he would reveal to him who 
he was, and stretch forth his right hand to help 
him in his present difficulties. And while he was 
thus praying with fervent entreaty, a most 
marvelous sign appeared to him from heaven, the 
account of which it might have been hard to 
believe had it been related by any other person. 
But since the victorious emperor himself long 
afterwards declared it to the writer of this 
history, (1) when he was honored with his 
acquaintance and society, and confirmed his 
statement by an oath, who could hesitate to 
accredit the relation, especially since the 
testimony of after-time has established its truth? 
He said that about noon, when the day was already 
beginning to decline, he saw with his own eyes the 
trophy of a cross of light in the heavens, above 
the sun, and bearing the inscription, CONQUER BY 
THIS. At this sight he himself was struck with 
amazement, and his whole army also, which followed 
him on this expedition, and witnessed the miracle. 
(2)

CHAFFER XXIX.

How the Christ of God appeared to him in his 
Sleep, and commanded him to use in his Wars a 
Standard made in the Form of the Cross.

He said, moreover, that he doubted within himself 
what the import of this apparition could be. And 
while he continued to ponder and reason on its 
meaning, night suddenly came on ; then in his 
sleep the Christ of God appeared to him with the 
same sign which he had seen in the heavens, and 
commanded him to make a likeness of that sign 
which he had seen in the heavens, and to use it as 
a safeguard in all engagements with his enemies.

CHAPTER XXX.

The Making of the Standard of the Cross.

AT dawn of day he arose, and communicated the 
marvel to his friends: and then, calling together 
the workers in gold and precious stones, he sat in 
the midst of them, and described to them the 
figure of the sign he had seen, bidding them 
represent it in gold and precious stones. And this 
representation I myself have had an opportunity of 
seeing.

CHAPTER XXXI.

A Description of the Standard of the Cross, which 
the Romans now call the Labarum. (1)

Now it was made in the following manner. A long 
spear, overlaid with gold, formed the

491

figure of the cross by means of a transverse bar 
laid over it. On the top of the whole was fixed a 
wreath of gold and precious stones; and within 
this, (2) the symbol of the Saviour's name, two 
letters indicating the name of Christ by means of 
its initial characters, the letter P being 
intersected by X in its centre: (3) and these 
letters the emperor was in the habit of wearing on 
his helmet at a later period. From the cross-bar 
of the spear was suspended a cloth, (4) a royal 
piece, covered with a profuse embroidery of most 
brilliant precious stones; and which, being also 
richly interlaced with gold, presented an 
indescribable degree of beauty to the beholder. 
This banner was of a square form, and the upright 
staff, whose lower section was of great length,(5) 
bore a golden half-length portrait (6) of the 
pious emperor and his children on its upper part, 
beneath the trophy of the cross, and immediately 
above the embroidered banner.
The emperor constantly made use of this sign  of 
salvation as a safeguard against every adverse and 
hostile power, and commanded that others similar 
to it should be carried at the head of all his 
armies.

CHAPTER XXXII.

How Constantine received Instruction, and read
the Sacred Scriptures.

These things were done shortly afterwards. But at 
the time above specified, being struck with 
amazement at the extraordinary vision, and 
resolving to worship no other God save Him who had 
appeared to him, he sent for those who were 
acquainted with the mysteries of His doctrines, 
and enquired who that God was, and what was 
intended by the sign of the vision he had seen. 
They affirmed that He was God, the only begotten 
Son of the one and only God: that the sign which 
had appeared was the symbol of immortality, (1) 
and the trophy of that victory over death which He 
had gained in time past when sojourning on earth. 
They taught him also the causes of His advent, and 
explained to him the true account of His 
incarnation. Thus he was instructed in these 
matters, and was impressed with wonder at the 
divine manifestation which had been presented to 
his sight. Comparing, therefore, the heavenly 
vision with the interpretation given, he found his 
judgment confirmed; and, in the persuasion that 
the knowledge of these things had been imparted to 
him by Divine teaching, he determined thenceforth 
to devote himself to the reading of the Inspired 
writings.
Moreover, he made the priests of God his 
counselors, and deemed it incumbent on him to 
honor the God who had appeared to him with all 
devotion. And after this, being fortified by 
well-grounded hopes in Him, he hastened to quench 
the threatening fire of tyranny.

CHAPTER XXXIII

Of the Adulterous Conduct of Maxentius at
Rome. (1)

For the who had tyrannically possessed himself of 
the imperial city, (2) had proceeded to great 
lengths in impiety and wickedness, so as to 
venture without hesitation on every vile and 
impure action.
For example: he would separate women from their 
husbands, and after a time send them back to them 
again, and these insults he offered not  to men of 
mean or obscure condition, but to  those who held 
the first places in the Roman senate. Moreover, 
though he shamefully dishonored almost numberless 
free women, he was unable to satisfy his 
ungoverned and intemperate desires. But (3) when 
he assayed to corrupt Christian women also, he 
could no longer secure success to his designs, 
since they chose rather to submit their lives (4) 
to death than yield their persons to be defiled by 
him.

492

CHAPTER XXXIV.

How the Wife of a Prefect slew herself for
Chastity's Sake. (1)

Now a certain woman, wife of one of the senators 
who held the authority of prefect, when she 
understood that those who ministered to the tyrant 
in such matters were standing before her house 
(she was a Christian), and knew that her husband 
through fear had bidden them take her and lead her 
away, begged a short space of time for arraying 
herself in her usual dress, and entered her 
chamber. There, being left alone, she sheathed a 
sword in her own breast, and immediately expired, 
leaving indeed her dead body to the procurers, but 
declaring to all mankind, both to present and 
future generations, by an act which spoke louder 
than any words, that the chastity for which 
Christians are famed is the only thing which is 
invincible and indestructible. Such was the 
conduct displayed by this Woman.

CHAPTER XXXV.

Massacre of the Roman People by Maxentius.

All men, therefore, both people and magistrates, 
whether of high or low degree, trembled through 
fear of him whose daring wickedness was such as I 
have described, and were oppressed by his grievous 
tyranny. Nay, though they submitted quietly, and 
endured this bitter servitude, still there was no 
escape from the tyrant's sanguinary cruelty. For 
at one time, on some trifling pretense, he exposed 
the populace to be slaughtered by his own 
body-guard; and countless multitudes of the Roman 
people were slain in the very midst of the city by 
the lances and weapons, not of Scythians or 
barbarians, but of their own fellow-citizens. And 
besides this, it is impossible to calculate the 
number of senators whose blood was shed with a 
view to the seizure of their respective estates, 
for at different times and on various fictitious 
charges, multitudes of them suffered death.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

Magic Arts of Maxentius against Constantine;
and Famine at Rome.

BUT the crowning point of the tyrant's wickedness 
was his having recourse to sorcery: sometimes for 
magic purposes ripping up women with child, at 
other times searching into the  bowels of new-born 
infants. He slew lions also. and practiced certain 
horrid arts for evoking demons, and averting the 
approaching war, hoping by these means to get the 
victory. In short, it is impossible to describe 
the manifold acts of oppression by which this 
tyrant of Rome enslaved his subjects: so that by 
this time they were reduced to the most extreme 
penury and want of necessary food, a scarcity such 
as our contemporaries do not remember ever before 
to have existed at Rome. (1)

CHAPTER XXXVII.

Defeat of Maxentius's Armies in Italy.

Constantine, however, filled with compassion on 
account of all these miseries, began to arm 
himself with all warlike preparation against the 
tyranny. Assuming therefore the Supreme God as his 
patron, and invoking His Christ to be his 
preserver and aid, and setting the victorious 
trophy, the salutary symbol, in front of his 
soldiers and body-guard, he marched with his whole 
forces, trying to obtain again for the Romans the 
freedom they had inherited from their ancestors.
And whereas, Maxentius, trusting more in his magic 
arts than in the affection of his subjects, dared 
not even advance outside the city gates, (1) but 
had guarded every place and district and city 
subject to his tyranny, with large bodies of 
soldiers, (2) the emperor, confiding in the help 
of God, advanced against the first and second and 
third divisions of the tyrant's forces, defeated 
them all with ease at the first assault, (3) and 
made his way into the very interior of Italy.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

Death of Maxentius on the Bridge of the Tiber. (1)

And already he was approaching very near-Rome 
itself, when, to save him from the necessity of 
fighting with all the Romans for the tyrant's 
sake, God himself drew the tyrant, as it were by 
secret cords, a long way outside the gates. (2) 
And now those miracles recorded in


493

Holy Writ, which God of old wrought against the 
ungodly (discredited by most as fables, yet 
believed by the faithful), did he in every deed 
confirm to all alike, believers and unbelievers, 
who were eye-witnesses of the wonders. For as once 
in the days of Moses and the Hebrew nation, who 
were worshipers of God, "Pharaoh's chariots and 
his host hath he cast into the sea and his chosen 
chariot-captains are drowned in the Red Sea," (3) 
--so at this time Maxentius, and the soldiers and 
guards (4) with him, "went down into the depths 
like stone," (5) when, in his flight before the 
divinely-aided forces of Constantine, he essayed 
to cross the river which lay in his way, over 
which, making a strong bridge of boats, he had 
framed an engine of destruction, really against 
himself, but in the hope of ca-snaring thereby him 
who was beloved by God. For his God stood by the 
one to protect him, while the other, godless, (6) 
proved to be the miserable contriver of these 
secret devices to his own ruin. So that one might 
well say, "He hath made a pit, and digged it, and 
is fallen into the ditch which he made. His 
mischief shall return upon his own head, and his 
violence shall. come down upon his own pate." (7) 
Thus, in the present instance, under divine 
direction, the machine erected on the bridge, with 
the ambuscade concealed therein, giving way 
unexpectedly before the appointed time, the bridge 
began to sink, and the boats with the men in them 
went bodily to the bottom. (8) And first the 
wretch himself, then his armed attendants and 
guards, even as the sacred oracles had before 
described, "sank as lead in the mighty waters." 
(9) So that they who thus obtained victory from 
God might well, if not in the same words, yet in 
fact in the same spirit as the people of his great 
servant Moses, sing and speak as they did 
concerning the impious tyrant of old: "Let us sing 
unto the Lord, for he hath been glorified 
exceedingly: the horse and his rider hath he 
thrown into the sea. He is become my helper and my 
shield unto salvation." And again, "Who is like 
unto thee, O Lord, among the gods? who is like 
thee, glorious in holiness, marvelous in praises, 
doing wonders?" (10)

CHAPTER XXXIX.

Constantine's Entry into Rome.

HAVING then at this time sung these and suchlike 
praises to God, the Ruler of all and the Author of 
victory, after the example of his great servant 
Moses, Constantine entered the imperial city in 
triumph. And here the whole body of the senate, 
and others of rank and distinction in the city, 
freed as it were from the restraint of a prison, 
along with the whole Roman populace, their 
countenances expressive of the gladness of their 
hearts, received him with acclamations and 
abounding joy; men, women, and children, with 
countless multitudes of servants, greeting him as 
deliverer, preserver, and benefactor, with 
incessant shouts. But he, being possessed of 
inward piety toward God, was neither rendered 
arrogant by these plaudits, nor uplifted by the 
praises he heard: (1) but, being sensible that he 
had received help from God, he immediately 
rendered a thanksgiving to him as the Author of 
his victory.

CHAPTER XL.

Of the Statue of Constantine holding a Cross,
and its Inscription.

MOREOVER, by loud proclamation and monumental 
inscriptions he made known to all men the salutary 
symbol, setting up this great trophy of victory 
over his enemies in the midst of the imperial 
city, and expressly causing it to be engraved in 
indelible characters, that the salutary symbol was 
the safeguard of the Roman  government and of the 
entire empire. Accordingly, he immediately ordered 
a lofty spear in the figure of a cross to be 
placed beneath the hand of a statue representing 
himself, in the most frequented part of Rome, and 
the following inscription to be engraved on it in 
the Latin language: BY VIRTUE OF THIS SALUTARY 
SIGN, WHICH IS THE TRUE TEST OF VALOR, I HAVE 
PRESERVED AND LIBERATED YOUR CITY FROM THE YOKE OF 
TYRANNY. I HAVE ALSO SET AT LIBERTY THE ROMAN 
SENATE AND PEOPLE, AND RESTORED THEM TO THEIR 
ANCIENT DISTINCTION AND SPLENDOR. (1)

494

CHAPTER XLI.

Rejoicings throughout the Provinces; and 
Constantine's Acts of Grace.

Thus the pious emperor, glorying in the confession 
of the victorious cross, proclaimed the Son of God 
to the Romans with great boldness of testimony. 
And the inhabitants of the city, one and all, 
senate and people, reviving, as it were, from the 
pressure of a bitter and tyrannical domination, 
seemed to enjoy purer rays of light, and to be 
born again into a fresh and new life. All the 
nations, too, as far as the limit of the western 
ocean, being set free from the calamities which 
had heretofore beset them, and gladdened by joyous 
festivals, ceased not to praise him as the 
victorious, the pious, the common benefactor: all, 
indeed, with one voice and  one mouth, declared 
that Constantine had appeared by the grace of God 
as a general blessing to mankind. The imperial 
edict also was everywhere published, whereby those 
who had been wrongfully deprived of their estates 
were permitted again to enjoy their own, while 
those who had unjustly suffered exile were 
recalled to their homes. Moreover, he freed from 
imprisonment, and from every kind of danger and 
fear, those who, by reason of the tyrant's 
cruelty, had been subject to these sufferings.

CHAPTER XLII.

The Honors conferred upon Bishops, and the
Building  of Churches.

The emperor also personally inviting the society 
of God's ministers, distinguished them with the 
highest possible respect and honor, showing them 
favor in deed and word as persons consecrated to 
the service of his God. Accordingly, they were 
admitted to his table, though mean in their attire 
and outward appearance; yet not so in his 
estimation, since he thought he saw not the man as 
seen by the vulgar eye, but the God in him. He 
made them also his companions in travel, believing 
that He whose servants they were would thus help 
him. Besides this, he gave from his own private 
resources costly benefactions to the churches of 
God, both enlarging and heightening the sacred 
edifices, (1) and embellishing the august 
sanctuaries (2) of the church with abundant 
offerings.

CHAPTER XLIII.

Canstantine's Liberality to the Poor.

He likewise distributed money largely to those who 
were in need, and besides these showing himself 
philanthropist and benefactor even to the heathen, 
who had no claim on him; (1) and even for the 
beggars in the forum, miserable and shiftless, he 
provided, not with money only, or necessary food, 
but also decent clothing. But in the case of those 
who had once been prosperous, and had experienced 
a reverse of circumstances, his aid was still more 
lavishly bestowed. On such persons, in a truly 
royal spirit, he conferred magnificent 
benefactions; giving grants of land to some, and 
honoring others with various dignities. Orphans of 
the unfortunate he cared for as a father, while he 
relieved the destitution of widows, and cared for 
them with special solicitude. Nay, he even gave 
virgins, left unprotected by their parents' death, 
in marriage to wealthy men with whom he was 
personally acquainted. But this he did after first 
bestowing on the brides such portions as it was 
fitting they should bring to the communion of 
marriage. (2) In short, as the sun, when he rises 
upon the earth, liberally imparts his rays of 
light to all, so did Constantine, proceeding at 
early dawn from the imperial palace, and rising as 
it were with the heavenly luminary, impart the 
rays of his own beneficence to all who came into 
his presence. It was scarcely possible to be near 
him without receiving some benefit, nor did it 
ever happen that any who had expected to obtain 
his assistance were disappointed in their hope. 
(3)

CHAPTER XLIV.

How he was present at the Synods of Bishops.

SUCH, then, was his general character towards all. 
But he exercised a peculiar care over the church 
of God: and whereas, in the several provinces 
there were some who differed from each other in 
judgment, he, like some general bishop constituted 
by God, convened synods of his ministers. Nor did 
he disdain to be present and sit with them in 
their assembly, but bore a share in their 
deliberations, ministering to all that pertained 
to the peace of God. He took

495

his seat, too, in the midst of them, as an 
individual amongst many, dismissing his guards and 
soldiers, and all whose duty it was to defend his 
person; but protected by the fear of God, and 
surrounded by the guardianship of his faithful 
friends. Those whom he saw inclined to a sound 
judgment, and exhibiting a calm and conciliatory 
temper, received his high approbation, for he 
evidently delighted in a general harmony of 
sentiment; while he regarded the unyielding wills 
aversion. (1)

CHAPTER XLV.

His Forbearance with Unreasonable Men.

MOREOVER he endured with patience some who were 
exasperated against himself, directing them in 
mild and gentle terms to control themselves, and 
not be turbulent. And some of these respected his 
admonitions, and desisted; but as to those who 
proved incapable of sound judgment, he left them 
entirely at the disposal of God, and never himself 
desired harsh measures against any one. Hence it 
naturally happened that the disaffected in Africa 
reached such a pitch of violence as even to 
venture on overt acts of audacity; (1) some evil 
spirit, as it seems probable, being jealous of the 
present great prosperity, and impelling these men 
to atrocious deeds, that he might excite the 
emperor's anger against them. He gained nothing, 
however, by this malicious conduct; for the 
emperor laughed at these proceedings, and declared 
their origin to be from the evil one; inasmuch as 
these were not the actions of sober persons, but 
of lunatics or demoniacs; who should be pitied 
rather than punished; since to punish madmen is as 
great folly as to sympathize with their condition 
is supreme philanthropy. (2)

CHAPTER XLVI.

Victories aver the Barbarians.

THUS the emperor in all his actions honored God, 
the Controller of all things, and exercised an 
unwearied (1) oversight over His churches. And God 
requited him, by subduing all barbarous nations 
under his feet, so that he was able everywhere to 
raise trophies over his enemies: and He proclaimed 
him as conqueror to all mankind, and made him a 
terror to his adversaries: not indeed that this 
was his natural character, since he was rather the 
meekest, and gentlest, and most benevolent of men.

CHAPTER XLVII.

Death of Maximin, (1) who had attempted a 
Conspiracy, and of Others whom Constantine 
detected by Divine Revelation.

WHILE he was thus engaged, the second of those who 
had resigned the throne, being detected in a 
treasonable conspiracy, suffered a most 
ignominious death. He was the first whose 
pictures, statues, and all similar marks of honor 
and distinction were everywhere destroyed, on the 
ground of his crimes and impiety. After him others 
also of the same family were discovered in the act 
of forming secret plots against the emperor; all 
their intentions being miraculously revealed by 
God through visions to His servant.
For he frequently vouchsafed to him manifestations 
of himself, the Divine presence appearing to him 
in a most marvelous manner, and according to him 
manifold intimations of future events. Indeed, it 
is impossible to express in words the 
indescribable wonders of Divine grace which God 
was pleased to vouchsafe to His servant. 
Surrounded by these, he passed the rest of his 
life in security, rejoicing in the affection of 
his subjects, rejoicing too because he saw all 
beneath his government leading contented lives; 
but above all delighted at the flourishing 
condition of the churches of God.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

Celebration of Canstantine's Decennalia.

WHILE he was thus circumstanced, he completed the 
tenth year of his reign. On this occasion he 
ordered the celebration of general festivals, and 
offered prayers of thanksgiving to God, the King 
of all, as sacrifices without flame or smoke. (1) 
And from this employment he derived much pleasure: 
not so from the tidings he received of the ravages 
committed in the Eastern provinces.

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CHAPTER XLIX.

How Licinius oppressed the East.

FOR he was informed that in that quarter a certain 
savage beast was besetting both the church of God 
and the other inhabitants of the provinces, owing, 
as it were, to the efforts of the evil spirit to 
produce effects quite contrary to the deeds of the 
pious emperor: so that the Roman empire, divided 
into two parts, seemed to all men to resemble 
night and day; since darkness overspread the 
provinces of the East, while the brightest day 
illumined the inhabitants of the other portion. 
And whereas the latter were receiving manifold 
blessings at the hand of God, the sight of these 
blessings proved intolerable to that envy which 
hates all good, as well as to the tyrant who 
afflicted the other division of the empire; and 
who, notwithstanding that his government was 
prospering, and he had been honored by a marriage 
connection (1) with so great an emperor as 
Constantine, yet cared not to follow the steps of 
that pious prince, but strove rather to imitate 
the evil purposes and practice of the impious; and 
chose to adopt the course of those whose 
ignominious end he had seen with his own eyes, 
rather than to maintain amicable relations with 
him who was his superior. (2)

CHAPTER L.

How Licinius attempted a Conspiracy against
Constantine.

ACCORDINGLY he engaged in an implacable war 
against his benefactor, altogether regardless of 
the laws of friendship, the obligation of oaths, 
the ties of kindred, and already existing 
treaties. For the most benignant emperor had given 
him a proof of sincere affection in bestowing on 
him the hand of his sister, thus granting him the 
privilege of a place in family relationship and 
his own ancient imperial descent, and investing 
him also with the rank and dignity of his 
colleague in the empire. (1) But the other took 
the very opposite course, employing himself in 
machinations against his superior, and devising 
various means to repay his benefactor with 
injuries. At first, pretending friendship, he did 
all things by guile and treachery, expecting thus 
to succeed in concealing his designs; but God 
enabled his servant to detect the schemes thus 
devised in darkness. Being discovered, however, in 
his first attempts, he had recourse to fresh 
frauds; at one time pretending friendship, at 
another claiming the protection of solemn 
treaties. Then suddenly violating every 
engagement, and again beseeching pardon by 
embassies, yet after all shamefully violating his 
word, he at last declared open war, and with 
desperate infatuation resolved thenceforward to 
carry arms against God himself, whose worshiper he 
knew the emperor to be.

CHAPTER LI.

Intrigues of Licinius against the Bishops, and
his Prohibition of Synods.

AND at first he made secret enquiry respecting the 
ministers of God subject to his dominion, who had 
never, indeed, in any respect offended against his 
government, in order to bring false accusations 
against them. And when he found no ground of 
accusation, and had no real ground of objection 
against them, he next enacted a law, to the effect 
that the bishops should never on any account hold 
communication with each other, nor should any one 
of them absent himself on a visit to a neighboring 
church; nor, lastly, should the holding of synods, 
or councils for the consideration of affairs of 
common interest, (1) be permitted. Now this was 
clearly a pretext for displaying his malice 
against us. For we were compelled either to 
violate the law, and thus be amenable to 
punishment, or else, by compliance with its 
injunctions, to nullify the statutes of the 
Church; inasmuch as it is impossible to bring 
important questions to a satisfactory adjustment, 
except by means of synods. In other cases also 
this God-hater, being determined to act contrary 
to the God-loving prince, enacted such things. For 
whereas the one assembled the priests of God in 
order to honor them, and to promote peace and 
unity of judgment; the other, whose object it was 
to destroy everything that was good, used all his 
endeavors to destroy the general harmony.

CHAPTER LII.

Banishment of the Christians, and Confiscation
of their  Property.

AND whereas Constantine, the friend of God, had 
granted to His worshipers freedom of access to the 
imperial palaces; this enemy of God, in a spirit 
the very reverse of this, expelled thence all 
Christians subject to his authority. He banished 
those who had proved themselves his most

497

faithful and devoted servants, and compelled 
others, on whom he had himself conferred honor and 
distinction as a reward for their former eminent 
services, to the performance of menial offices as 
slaves to others; and at length, being bent on 
seizing the property of all as a windfall for 
himself, he even threatened with death those who 
professed the Saviour's name. Moreover being 
himself of a nature hopelessly debased by 
sensuality, and degraded by the continual practice 
of adultery and other shameless vices, he assumed 
his own worthless character as a specimen of human 
nature generally, and denied that the virtue of 
chastity and continence existed among men.

CHAPTER LIII.

Edict that Women should not meet with the
Men in the Churches.

ACCORDINGLY he passed a second law, which enjoined 
that men should not appear in company with women 
in the houses of prayer, and forbade women to 
attend the sacred schools of virtue, or to receive 
instruction from the bishops, directing the 
appointment of women to be teachers of their own 
sex. These regulations being received with general 
ridicule, he devised other, means for effecting 
the ruin of the churches. He ordered that the 
usual congregations of the people should be held 
in the open country outside the gates, alleging 
that the open air without the city was far more 
suitable for a multitude than the houses of prayer 
within the walls.

CHAPTER LIV.

That those who refuse to sacrifice are to be 
dismissed from Military Service, and those in 
Prison not to be fed.

FAILING, however, to obtain obedience in this 
respect also, at length he threw off the mask, and 
gave orders that those who held military 
commissions in the several cities of the empire 
should be deprived of their respective commands, 
in case of their refusal to offer sacrifices to 
the demons. Accordingly the forces of the 
authorities in every province suffered the loss of 
those who worshiped God; and he too who had 
decreed this order suffered loss, in that he thus 
deprived himself of the prayers of pious men. And 
why should I still further mention how he directed 
that no one should obey the dictates of common 
humanity by distributing food to those who were 
pining in prisons, or should even pity the 
captives who perished with hunger; in short, that 
no one should perform a virtuous action, and that 
those whose natural feelings impelled them to 
sympathize with their fellow-creatures should be 
prohibited from doing them a single kindness? 
Truly this was the most utterly shameless and 
scandalous of all laws, and one which surpassed 
the worst depravity of human nature: a law which 
inflicted on those who showed mercy the same 
penalties as on those who were the objects of 
their compassion, and visited the exercise of mere 
humanity with the severest punishments. (1)

CHAPTER LV.

The Lawless Conduct and Covetousness of
Licinius.

Such were the ordinances of Licinius. But why 
should I enumerate his innovations respecting 
marriage, or those concerning the dying, whereby 
he presumed to abrogate the ancient and wisely 
established laws of the Romans, and to introduce 
certain barbarous and cruel institutions in their 
stead, inventing a thousand pretenses for 
oppressing his subjects? Hence it was that he 
devised a new method of measuring land, by which 
he reckoned the smallest portion at more than its 
actual dimensions, from an insatiable desire of 
acquisition. Hence too he registered the names of 
country residents who were now no more, and had 
long been numbered with the dead, procuring to 
himself by this expedient a shameful gain. His 
meanness was unlimited and his rapacity 
insatiable. So that when he had filled all his 
treasuries with gold, and silver, and boundless 
wealth, he bitterly bewailed his poverty, and 
suffered as it were the torments of Tantalus. But 
why should I mention how many innocent persons he 
punished with exile; how much property he 
confiscated; how many men of noble birth and 
estimable character he imprisoned, whose wives he 
handed over to be basely insulted by his 
profligate slaves, and to how many married women 
and virgins he himself offered violence, though 
already feeling the infirmities of age? I need not 
enlarge on these subjects, since the enormity of 
his last actions causes the former to appear 
trifling and of little moment. (1)

CHAPTER LVI.

At length he undertakes to raise a Persecution.

FOR the final efforts of his fury appeared in his 
open hostility to the churches, and he directed 
his attacks against the bishops themselves,

498

whom he regarded as his worst adversaries, bearing 
special enmity to those men whom the great and 
pious emperor treated as his friends. Accordingly 
he spent on us the utmost of his fury, and, being 
transported beyond the bounds of reason, he paused 
not to reflect on the example of those who had 
persecuted the Christians before him, nor of those 
whom he himself had been raised up to punish and 
destroy for their impious deeds: nor did he heed 
the facts of which he had been himself a witness, 
though he had seen with his own eyes the chief 
originator of these our calamities (whoever he 
was), smitten by the stroke of the Divine scourge.

CHAPTER LVII.

That Maximian, (1) brought Low by a Fistulous 
Ulcer with Worms, issued an Edict in Favor of the 
Christians.

FOR whereas this man had commenced the attack on 
the churches, and had been the first to pollute 
his soul with the blood of just and godly men, a 
judgment from God overtook him, which at first 
affected his body, but eventually extended itself 
to his soul. For suddenly an abscess appeared in 
the secret parts of his person, followed by a 
deeply seated fistulous ulcer; and these diseases 
fastened with incurable virulence on the 
intestines, which swarmed with a vast multitude of 
worms, and emitted a pestilential odor. Besides, 
his entire person had become loaded, through 
gluttonous excess, with an enormous quantity of 
fat, and this, being now in a putrescent state, is 
said to have presented to all who approached him 
an intolerable and dreadful spectacle. Having, 
therefore, to struggle against such sufferings, at 
length, though late, he came to a realization of 
his past crimes against the Church; and, 
confessing his sins before God, he put a stop to 
the persecution of the Christians, and hastened to 
issue imperial edicts and rescripts for the 
rebuilding of their churches, at the same time 
enjoining them to perform their customary worship, 
and to offer up prayers on his behalf. (2)

CHAPTER LVIII.

That Maximin, who had persecuted the Christians, 
was compelled to fly, and conceal himself in the 
Disguise of a Slave.

SUCH was the punishment which he underwent who had 
commenced the persecution. He, (1) however, of 
whom we are now speaking, who had been a witness 
of these things, and known them by his own actual 
experience, all at once banished the remembrance 
of them from his mind, and reflected neither on 
the punishment of the first, nor the divine 
judgment which had been executed on the second 
persecutor. (2) The latter had indeed endeavored 
to outstrip his predecessor in the career of 
crime, and prided himself on the invention of new 
tortures for us. Fire nor sword, nor piercing with 
nails, nor yet wild beasts or the depths of the 
sea sufficed him. In addition to all these, he 
discovered a new mode of punishment, and issued an 
edict directing that their eyesight should be 
destroyed. So that numbers, not of men only, but 
of women and children, after being deprived of the 
sight of their eyes, and the use of the joints of 
their feet, by mutilation or cauterization, were 
consigned in this condition to the painful labor 
of the mines. Hence it was that this tyrant also 
was overtaken not long after by the righteous 
judgment of God, at a time when, confiding in the 
aid of the demons whom he worshiped as gods, and 
relying on the countless multitudes of his troops, 
he had ventured to engage in battle. For, feeling 
himself on that occasion destitute of all hope in 
God, he threw from him the imperial dress which so 
ill became him, hid himself with unmanly timidity 
in the crowd around him, and sought safety in 
flight. (3)
He afterwards lurked about the fields and villages 
in the habit of a slave, hoping he should thus be 
effectually concealed. He had not, however, eluded 
the mighty and all-searching eye of God: for even 
while he was expecting to pass the residue of his 
days in security, he fell prostrate, smitten by 
God's fiery dart, and his whole body consumed by 
the stroke of Divine vengeance; so that all trace 
of the original lineaments of his person was lost, 
and nothing remained to him but dry bones and a 
skeleton-like appearance.

CHAPTER LIX.

That Maximin, blinded by Disease, issued an Edict 
in Favor of the Christians.

AND still the stroke of God continued heavy upon 
him, so that his eyes protruded and fell from 
their sockets, leaving him quite blind: and thus 
he suffered, by a most righteous retribution, the 
very same punishment which he had been


499

the first to devise for the martyrs of God. At 
length, however, surviving even these sufferings, 
he too implored pardon of the God of the 
Christians, and confessed his impious fighting 
against God: he too recanted, as the former 
persecutor had done; and by laws and ordinances 
explicitly acknowledged his error in worshiping 
those whom he had accounted gods, declaring that 
he now knew, by positive experience, that the God 
of the Christians was the only true God. These 
were facts which Licinius had not merely received 
on the testimony of others, but of which he had 
himself had personal knowledge: and yet, as though 
his understanding had been obscured by some dark 
cloud of error, persisted in the same evil course.

BOOK II.

CHAPTER I.

Secret Persecution by Licinius, who causes Same
Bishops to be put to Death at Amasia of Pontus.

In this manner, he of whom we have spoken 
continued to rush headlong towards that 
destruction which awaits the enemies of God; and 
once more, with a fatal emulation of their example 
whose ruin he had himself witnessed as the 
consequence of their impious conduct, he 
re-kindled the persecution of the Christians, like 
a long-extinguished fire, and fanned the 
unhallowed flame to a fiercer height than any who 
had gone before him.
At first, indeed, though breathing fury and 
threatenings against God, like some savage beast 
of prey, or some crooked and wriggling serpent, he 
dared not, from fear of Constantine, openly level 
his attacks against the churches of God subject to 
his dominion; but dissembled the virulence of his 
malice, and endeavored by secret and limited 
measures to compass the death of the bishops, the 
most eminent of whom he found means to remove, 
through charges laid against them by the governors 
of the several provinces. And the manner in which 
they · suffered had in it something strange, and 
hitherto unheard of. At all events, the 
barbarities perpetrated at Amasia of Pontus 
surpassed every known excess of cruelty.

CHAPTER II.

Demolition of Churches, and Butchery of the
Bishops.

For in that city some of the churches, for the 
second time since the commencement of the 
persecutions, were leveled with the ground, and 
others were closed by the governors of the several 
districts, in order to prevent any who frequented 
them from assembling together, or rendering due 
worship to God. For he by whose orders these 
outrages were committed was too conscious of his 
own crimes to expect that these services were 
performed with any view to his benefit, and was 
convinced that all we did, and all our endeavors 
to obtain the favor of God, were on Constantine's 
behalf.

These servile governors (1) then, feeling assured 
that such a course would be pleasing to the 
impious tyrant, subjected the most distinguished 
prelates of the churches to capital punishment. 
Accordingly, men who had been guilty of no crime 
were led away, without cause (2) punished like 
murderers: and some suffered a new kind of death, 
having their bodies cut piecemeal; and, after this 
cruel punishment, more horrible than any named in 
tragedy, being cast, as a food to fishes, into the 
depths of the sea. The result of these horrors was 
again, as before, the flight of pious men, and 
once more the fields and deserts received the 
worshipers of God. The tyrant, having thus far 
succeeded in his object, he farther determined to 
raise a general persecution of the Christians: (3) 
and he would have accomplished his purpose, nor 
could anything have hindered him from carrying his 
resolution into effect, had not he who defends his 
own anticipated the coming evil, and by his 
special guidance conducted his servant Constantine 
to this part of the empire, causing him to shine 
forth as a brilliant light in the midst of the 
darkness and gloomy night.

CHAPTER III.

How Constantine was stirred in Behalf of the 
Christians thus in Danger of Persecution.

He perceiving the evils of which he had heard to 
be no longer tolerable, took wise counsel, and 
tempering the natural clemency of his character 
with a certain measure of severity, hastened to 
succor those who were thus grievously oppressed. 
For he judged that it would rightly be deemed a 
pious and holy task to secure, by the removal of 
an individual, the safety of the greater part of 
the human race. He judged too, that if he listened 
to the dictates of clemency only, and bestowed his 
pity on one utterly unworthy of it, this would, on 
the one hand, confer no real benefit on a man whom 
nothing would induce to abandon his evil 
practices, and whose fury against his subjects 
would only be likely to in-

501

crease; (1) while, on the other hand, those who 
suffered from his oppression would thus be forever 
deprived of all hope of deliverance.
Influenced by these reflections, the emperor 
resolved without farther delay to extend a 
protecting hand to those who had fallen into such 
an extremity of distress. He accordingly made the 
usual warlike preparations, and assembled his 
whole forces, both of horse and foot. But before 
them all was carried the standard which I have 
before described, as the symbol of his full 
confidence in God.

CHAPTER IV.

That Constantine prepared himself for the War by 
Prayer: Licinius by the Practice of Divination.

He took with him also the priests of God, feeling 
well assured that now, if ever, he stood in need 
of the efficacy of prayer, and thinking it right 
that they should constantly be near and about his 
person, as most trusty guardians of the  soul.
Now, as soon as the tyrant understood that 
Constantine's victories over his enemies were 
secured to him by no other means than the co-  
operation of God, and that the persons above 
alluded to were continually with him and about his 
person; and besides this, that the symbol of the 
salutary passion preceded both the emperor himself 
and his whole army; he regarded these precautions 
with ridicule (as might be expected), at the same 
time mocking and reviling the emperor with 
blasphemous words.
On the other hand, he gathered round himself 
Egyptian diviners and soothsayers, with sorcerers 
and enchanters, and the priests and prophets of 
those whom he imagined to be gods. He then, after 
offering the sacrifices which he thought the 
occasion demanded, enquired how far he might 
reckon on a successful termination of the war. 
They replied with one voice, that he would 
unquestionably be victorious over his enemies, and 
triumphant in the war: and the oracles everywhere 
held out to him the same prospect in copious and 
elegant verses. The soothsayers certified him of 
favorable omens from the flight of birds; the 
priests (1) declared the same to be indicated by 
the motion of the entrails of their victims. 
Elevated, therefore, by these fallacious 
assurances, he boldly advanced at the head of his 
army, and prepared for battle.

CHAPTER V.

What Licinius, while sacrificing in a Grove, said 
concerning Idols, and concerning Christ.

And when he was now ready to engage, he desired 
the most approved of his body-guard (1) and his 
most valued friends to meet him in one of the 
places which they consider sacred. It was a 
well-watered and shady grove, and in it were 
several marble statues of those whom he accounted 
to be gods. After lighting tapers and performing 
the usual sacrifices in honor of these, he is said 
to have delivered the following speech:
"Friends and fellow-soldiers ! These are our 
country's gods, and these we honor with a worship 
derived from our remotest ancestors. But he who 
leads the army now opposed to us has proved false 
to the religion of his forefathers, and adopted 
atheistic sentiments, honoring in his infatuation 
some strange and unheard-of Deity, with whose 
despicable standard he now disgraces his army, and 
confiding in whose aid he has taken up arms, and 
is now advancing, not so much against us as 
against those very gods whom he has forsaken. 
However, the present occasion shall prove which of 
us is mistaken in his judgment, and shall decide 
between our gods and those whom our adversaries 
profess to honor. For either it will declare the 
victory to be ours, and so most justly evince that 
our gods are the  true saviours and helpers; or 
else, if this God of Constantine's, who comes we 
know not whence, shall prove superior to our 
deities (who are many, and in point of numbers, at 
least, have the advantage), let no one henceforth 
doubt which god he ought to worship, but attach 
himself at once to the superior power, and ascribe 
to him the honors of the victory. Suppose, then, 
this strange God, whom we now regard with 
ridicule, should really prove victorious; then 
indeed we must acknowledge and give him honor, and 
so bid a long farewell to those for whom we light 
our tapers in vain. But if our own gods triumph 
(as they undoubtedly will), then, as soon as we 
have secured the present victory, let us prosecute 
the war without delay against these despisers of 
the gods."
Such were the words he addressed to those then 
present, as reported not long after to the writer 
of this history by some who heard them spoken. (2) 
And as soon as he had concluded his speech, he 
gave orders to his forces to commence the attack.

502

CHAPTER

An Apparition seen in the Cities subject to 
Licinius, as of Constantine's Troops passing 
through them.

WHILE these things were taking place a 
supernatural appearance is said to have been 
observed in the cities subject to the tyrant's 
rule. Different detachments of Constantine's army 
seemed to present themselves to the view, marching 
at noonday through these cities, as though they 
had obtained the victory. In reality, not a single 
soldier was anywhere present at the time, and yet 
this appearance was seen through the agency of a 
divine and superior power, and foreshadowed what 
was shortly coming to pass. For as soon as the 
armies were ready to engage, he who had broken 
through the ties of friendly alliance (1) was the 
first to commence the battle; on which 
Constantine, calling on the name of "God the 
Supreme Saviour," and giving this as the watchword 
to his soldiers, overcame him in this first 
conflict: and not long after in a second battle he 
gained a still more important and decisive 
victory, the salutary trophy preceding the ranks 
of his army.

CHAPTER VII.

That Victory everywhere followed the Presence of 
the Standard of the Cross in Battle.

Indeed, wherever this appeared, the enemy soon 
fled before his victorious troops. And the emperor 
perceiving this, whenever he saw any part of his 
forces hard pressed, gave orders that the salutary 
trophy should be moved in that direction, like 
some triumphant charm (1) against disasters: at 
which the combatants were divinely inspired, as it 
were, with fresh strength and courage, and 
immediate victory was the result.

CHAPTER VIII.

That Fifty Men were selected to carry the Cross.

ACCORDINGLY, he selected those of his bodyguard 
who were most distinguished for personal strength, 
valor, and piety, and intrusted them with the sole 
care and defense of the standard. There were thus 
no less than fifty men whose only duty was to 
surround and vigilantly defend the standard, which 
they carried each in turn on their shoulders. 
These circumstances were related to the writer of 
this narrative by the emperor himself in his 
leisure moments, long after the occurrence of the 
events: and he added another incident well worthy 
of being recorded.

CHAPTER IX.

That One of the Cross-bearers, who fled from his 
Post, was slain: while Another, who faithfully 
stood his Ground, was preserved.

FoR he said that once, during the very heat of an 
engagement, a sudden tumult and panic attacked his 
army, which threw the soldier who then bore the 
standard into an agony of fear, so that he handed 
it over to another, in order to secure his own 
escape from the battle. As soon, however, as his 
comrade had received it, and he had withdrawn, and 
resigned all charge of the standard, he was struck 
in the belly by a dart, which took his life. Thus 
he paid the penalty of his cowardice and 
unfaithfulness, and lay dead on the spot: but the 
other, who had taken his place as the bearer of 
the salutary standard, found it to be the 
safeguard of his life. For though he was assailed 
by a continual shower of darts, the bearer 
remained unhurt, the staff of the standard 
receiving every weapon. It was indeed a truly 
marvelous circumstance, that the enemies' darts 
all fell within and remained in the slender 
circumference of this spear, and thus saved the 
standard-bearer from death; so that none of those 
engaged in this service ever received a wound.
This story is none of mine, but for this, (1) too, 
I am indebted to the emperor's own authority, who 
related it in my hearing along with other matters. 
And now, having thus through the power of God 
secured these first victories, he put his forces 
in motion and continued his onward march.

CHAPTER X.
Furious Battles, and Constantine's Victories.
The van, however, of the enemy, unable to resist 
the emperor's first assault, threw down their 
arms, and prostrated themselves at his feet. All 
these he spared, rejoicing to save human life. But 
there were others who still continued in arms, and 
engaged in battle. These the emperor endeavored to 
conciliate by friendly

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overtures, but when these were not accepted he 
ordered his army to commence the attack. On this 
they immediately turned and betook themselves to 
flight; and some were overtaken and slain 
according to the laws of war, while others fell on 
each other in the confusion of their flight, and 
perished by the swords of their comrades.

CHAPTER XI.

Flight, and Magic Arts of Licinius.

In these circumstances their commander, finding 
himself bereft of the aid of his followers, (1) 
having lost his lately numerous array, both of 
regular and allied forces, having proved, too, by 
experience, how vain his confidence had been in 
those whom he thought to be gods, ignominiously 
took to flight, by which indeed he effected his 
escape, and secured his personal safety, for the 
pious emperor had forbidden his soldiers to follow 
him too closely, (2) and thus allowed him an 
opportunity for escape. And this he did in the 
hope that he might hereafter, on conviction of the 
desperate state of his affairs, be induced to 
abandon his insane and presumptuous ambition, and 
return to sounder reason. So Constantine, in his 
excessive humanity, thought and was willing 
patiently to bear past injuries, and extend his 
forgiveness to one who so ill deserved it; but 
Licinius, far from renouncing his evil practices, 
still added crime to crime, and ventured on more 
daring atrocities than ever. Nay, once more 
tampering with the detestable arts of magic, he 
again was presumptuous: so that it might well be 
said of him, as it was of the Egyptian tyrant of 
old, that God had hardened his heart. (3)

CHAffER XII.

How Constantine, after praying in his Tabernacle, 
obtained the Victory.222

But while Licinius, giving himself up to these 
impieties, rushed blindly towards the gulf of 
destruction, the emperor on the other hand, when 
he saw that he must meet his enemies in a second 
battle, devoted the intervening time to his 
Saviour. He pitched the tabernacle of the cross 
(1) outside and at a distance from his camp, and 
there passed his time in a pure and holy manner, 
offering up prayers to God; following thus the 
example of his ancient prophet, of whom the sacred 
oracles testify, that he pitched the tabernacle 
without the camp. (2) He was attended only by a 
few, whose faith and pious devotion he highly 
esteemed. And this custom he continued to observe 
whenever he meditated an engagement with the 
enemy. For he was deliberate in his measures, the 
better to insure safety, and desired in everything 
to be directed by divine counsel. And making 
earnest supplications to God, he was always 
honored after a little with a manifestation of his 
presence. And then, as if moved by a divine 
impulse, he would rush from the tabernacle, and 
suddenly give orders to his army to move at once 
without delay, and on the instant to draw their 
swords. On this they would immediately commence 
the attack, fight vigorously, so as with 
incredible celerity to secure the victory, and 
raise trophies of victory over their enemies.

CHAPTER XIII.

His Humane Treatment of Prisoners.

Thus the emperor and his army had long been 
accustomed to act, whenever there was a prospect 
of an engagement; for his God was ever present to 
his thoughts, and he desired to do everything 
according to his will, and conscientiously to 
avoid any wanton sacrifice of human life. He was 
anxious thus for the preservation not only of his 
own subjects, but even of his enemies. Accordingly 
he directed his victorious troops to spare the 
lives of their prisoners, admonishing them, as 
human beings, not to forget the claims of their 
common nature. And whenever he saw the passions of 
his soldiery excited beyond control, he repressed 
their fury by a largess of money, rewarding every 
man who saved the life of an enemy with a certain 
weight of gold. And the emperor's own sagacity led 
him to discover this inducement to spare human 
life, so that great numbers even of the barbarians 
were thus saved, and owed their lives to the 
emperor's gold.

CHAPTER XIV.

A Farther Mention of his Prayers in the
Tabernacle.

Now these, and a thousand such acts as these, were 
familiarly and habitually done by the emperor. And 
on the present occasion he retired, as his custom 
was before battle, to the privacy of his 
tabernacle, and there employed his time in prayer 
to God. Meanwhile he strictly ab-

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stained from anything like ease, or luxurious 
living, and disciplined himself by fasting and 
bodily mortification, imploring the favor of God 
by supplication and prayer, that he might obtain 
his concurrence and aid, and be ready to execute 
whatever he might be pleased to suggest to his 
thoughts. In short, he exercised a vigilant care 
over all alike, and interceded with God as much 
for the safety of his enemies as for that of his 
own subjects.

CHAPTER XV.

Treacherous Friendship, and Idolatrous Practices 
of Licinius.

And inasmuch as he who had lately fled before him 
now dissembled his real sentiments, and again 
petitioned for a renewal of friendship and 
alliance, the emperor thought fit, on certain 
conditions, to grant his request, (1) in the hope 
that such a measure might be expedient, and 
generally advantageous to the community. Licinius, 
however, while he pretended a ready submission to 
the terms prescribed, and attested his sincerity 
by oaths, at this very time was secretly engaged 
in collecting a military force, and again 
meditated war and strife, inviting even the 
barbarians to join his standard, (2) and he began 
also to look about him for other gods, having been 
deceived by those in whom he had hitherto trusted. 
And, without bestowing a thought on what he had 
himself publicly spoken on the subject of false 
deities, or choosing to acknowledge that God who 
had fought on the side of Constantine, he made 
himself ridiculous by seeking for a multitude of 
new gods.

CHAPTER XVI.

How Licinius counseled his Soldiers not to attack
the Standard of the Cross.

Having now learned by experience the Divine and 
mysterious power which resided in the salutary 
trophy, by means of which Constantine's army had 
become habituated to victory, he admonished his 
soldiers never to direct their attack against this 
standard, nor even incautiously to allow their 
eyes to rest upon it; assuring them that it 
possessed a terrible power, and was especially 
hostile to him; so that they would do well 
carefully to avoid any collision with it. And now, 
having given these directions, he prepared for a 
decisive conflict with him whose humanity prompted 
him still to hesitate, and to postpone the fate 
which he foresaw awaited his adversary. The enemy, 
however, confident in the aid of a multitude of 
gods, advanced to the attack with a powerful array 
of military force, preceded by certain images of 
the dead, and lifeless statues, as their defense. 
On the other side, the emperor, secure in the 
armor of godliness, opposed to the numbers of the 
enemy the salutary and life-giving sign, as at 
once a terror to the foe, and a protection from 
every harm. And for a while he paused, and 
preserved at first the attitude of forbearance, 
from respect to the treaty of peace to which he 
had given his sanction, that he might not be the 
first to commence the contest.

CHAPTER XVII.

Constantine's Victory.

But as soon as he perceived that his adversaries 
persisted in their resolution, and were already 
drawing their swords, he gave free scope to his 
indignation, and by a single charge (1) overthrew 
in a moment the entire body of the enemy, thus 
triumphing at once over them and their gods.

CHAFFER XVIII.

Death of Licinius, and Celebration of the Event.

He then proceeded to deal with this adversary of 
God and his followers according to the laws of 
war, and consign them to fitting punishment. 
Accordingly the tyrant himself, and they whose 
counsels had supported him in his impiety, were 
together subjected to the just punishment of 
death. After this, those who had so lately been 
deceived by their vain confidence in false 
deities, acknowledged with unfeigned sincerity the 
God of Constantine, and openly professed their 
belief in him as the true and only God.

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CHAPTER XIX. Rejoicings and Festivities.
And now, the impious being thus removed, the sun 
once more shone brightly after the gloomy cloud of 
tyrannic power. Each separate portion of the Roman 
dominion became blended with the rest; the Eastern 
nations united with those of the West, and the 
whole body of the Roman empire was graced as it 
were by its head in the person of a single and 
supreme ruler, whose sole authority pervaded the 
whole. Now too the bright rays of the light of 
godliness gladdened the days of those who had 
heretofore been sitting in darkness and the shadow 
of death. Past sorrows were no more remembered, 
for all united in celebrating the praises of the 
victorious prince, and avowed · their recognition 
of his preserver as the only true God. Thus he 
whose character shone with all the virtues of 
piety, the emperor Victor, for he had himself 
adopted this name as a most fitting appellation to 
express the victory which God had granted him over 
all who hated or opposed him, (1) assumed the 
dominion of the East, and thus singly governed the 
Roman empire, re-united, as in former times, under 
one head. Thus, as he was the first to proclaim to 
all the sole sovereignty of God, so he himself, as 
sole sovereign of the Roman world, extended his 
authority over the whole human race. Every 
apprehension of those evils under the pressure of 
which all had suffered was now removed; men whose 
heads had drooped in sorrow now regarded each 
other with smiling countenances, and looks 
expressive of their inward joy. With processions 
and hymns of praise they first of all, as they 
were told, ascribed the supreme sovereignty to 
God, as in truth the King of kings; and then with 
continued acclamations rendered honor to the 
victorious emperor, and the Caesars, his most 
discreet and pious sons. The former afflictions 
were forgotten, and all past impieties forgiven: 
while with the enjoyment of present happiness was 
mingled the expectation of continued blessings in 
the future.

CHAPTER XX.

Constantine's Enactments in Favor of the 
Confessors.

MOREOVER, the emperor's edicts, permeated with his 
humane spirit, were published among us also, as 
they had been among the inhabitants of the other 
division of the empire; and his laws, which 
breathed a spirit of piety toward God, gave 
promise of manifold blessings, since they secured 
many advantages to his provincial subjects in 
every nation, and at the same time prescribed 
measures suited to the exigencies of the churches 
of God. For first of all they recalled those who, 
in consequence of their refusal to join in idol 
worship, had been driven to exile, or ejected from 
their homes by the governors of their respective 
provinces. In the next place, they relieved from 
their burdens those who for the same reason had 
been adjudged to serve in the civil courts, and 
ordained restitution to be made to any who had 
been deprived of property. They too, who in the 
time of trial had signalized themselves by 
fortitude of soul in the cause of God, and had 
therefore been condemned to the painful labor of 
the mines, or consigned to the solitude of 
islands, or compelled to toil in the public works, 
all received an immediate release from these 
burdens; while others, whose religious constancy 
had cost them the forfeiture of their military 
rank, were vindicated by the emperor's generosity 
from this dishonor: for he granted them the 
alternative either of resuming their rank, and 
enjoying their former privileges, or, in the event 
of their preferring a more settled life, of 
perpetual exemption from all service. Lastly, all 
who had been compelled by way of disgrace and 
insult to serve in the employments of women, (1) 
he likewise freed with the rest.

CHAPTER XXI.

His Laws concerning Martyrs, and concerning
Ecclesiastical Property.

Such were the benefits secured by the emperor's  
written mandates to the persons of  those
who had thus suffered for the faith, d his laws 
made ample provision for their property also.
With regard to those holy martyrs of God who had 
laid down their lives in the confession of His 
name, he directed that their estates should be 
enjoyed by their nearest kindred; and, in default 
of any of these, that the right of inheritance 
should be vested in the churches. Farther, 
whatever property had been consigned to other 
parties from the treasury, whether in the way of 
sale or gift, together with that retained in the 
treasury itself, the generous mandate of the 
emperor directed should be restored to the 
original owners. Such benefits did his bounty, 
thus widely diffused, confer on the Church of God.

506

CHAPTER XXII.

How he won the Favor of the People.

But his munificence bestowed still further and 
more numerous favors on the heathen peoples and 
the other nations of his empire. So that the 
inhabitants of our [Eastern] regions, who had 
heard of the privileges experienced in the 
opposite portion of the empire, and had blessed 
the fortunate recipients of them, and longed for 
the enjoyment of a similar lot for themselves, now 
with one consent proclaimed their own happiness, 
when they saw themselves in possession of all 
these blessings; and confessed that the appearance 
of such a monarch to the human race was indeed a 
marvelous event, and such as the world's history 
had never yet recorded. Such were their 
sentiments.

CHAPTER XXIII.

That he declared God to be the Author of his 
Prosperity: and concerning his Rescripts.

AND now that, through the powerful aid of God his 
Saviour, all nations owned their subjection to the 
emperor's authority, he openly proclaimed to all 
the name of Him to whose bounty he owed all his 
blessings, and declared that He, and not himself, 
was the author of his past victories. This 
declaration, written both in the Latin and Greek 
languages, he caused to be transmitted through 
every province of the empire. Now the excellence 
of his style of expression (1) may be known from a 
perusal of his letters themselves which were two 
in number; one addressed to the churches of God; 
the other to the heathen population in the several 
cities of the empire. The latter of these I think 
it well to insert here as connected with my 
present subject, in order on the one hand that a 
copy of this document may be recorded as matter of 
history, and thus preserved to posterity, and on 
the other that it may serve to confirm the truth 
of my present narrative. It is taken from an 
authentic copy of the imperial statute in my own 
possession and the signature in the emperor's own 
handwriting attaches as it were the impress of 
truth to the statement I have made.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Law of Constantine respecting Piety towards God, 
and the Christian Religion. (1)

"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to the 
inhabitants of the province of Palestine.

"To all who entertain just and sound sentiments 
respecting the character of the Supreme Being, it 
has long been most clearly evident, and beyond the 
possibility of doubt, how vast a difference there 
has ever been between those who maintain a careful 
observance of the hallowed duties of the Christian 
religion, and those who treat this religion with 
hostility or contempt. But at this present time, 
we may see by stilt more manifest proofs, and 
still more decisive instances, both how 
unreasonable it were to question this truth, and 
how mighty is the power of the Supreme God: since 
it appears that they who faithfully observe His 
holy laws, and shrink from the transgression of 
His commandments, are rewarded with abundant 
blessings, and are endued with well-grounded hope 
as well as ample power for the accomplishment of 
their undertakings. On the other hand, they who 
have cherished impious sentiments have experienced 
results corresponding to their evil choice. For 
how is it to be expected that any blessing would 
be obtained by one who neither desired to 
acknowledge nor duly to worship that God who is 
the source of all blessing? Indeed, facts 
themselves are a confirmation of what I say.

CHAPTER XXV.

An Illustration from Ancient Times.

"FOR certainly any one who will mentally retrace 
the course of events from the earliest period down 
to the present time, and will reflect on what has 
occurred in past ages, will find that all who have 
made justice and probity the basis of their 
conduct, have not only carried their undertakings 
to a successful issue, but have gathered, as it 
were, a store of sweet fruit as the produce of 
this pleasant root. Again, whoever observes the 
career of those who have been bold in the practice 
of oppression or injustice; who have either 
directed their senseless fury against God himself, 
or have conceived no kindly feelings towards their 
fellow-men, but have dared to afflict them with 
exile, disgrace, confiscation, massacre, or other 
miseries of the like kind, and all this without 
any sense of compunction, or wish to direct 
thoughts to a better course, will find that such 
men have received a recompense proportioned to 
their crimes. And these are results which might 
naturally and reasonably be expected to ensue?

507

CHAPTER XXVI.

Of Persecuted and Persecutors.

"For whoever have addressed themselves with 
integrity of purpose to any course of action, 
keeping the fear of God continually before their 
thoughts, and preserving an unwavering faith in 
him, without allowing present fears or dangers to 
outweigh their hope of future blessings--such 
persons, though for a season they may have 
experienced painful trials, have borne their 
afflictions lightly, being supported by the belief 
of greater rewards in store for them; and their 
character has acquired a brighter luster in  
proportion to the severity of their past 
suffer-rags. With regard, on the other hand, to 
those who have either dishonorably slighted the 
principles of justice, or refused to acknowledge 
the Supreme God themselves, and yet have dared to 
subject others who have faithfully maintained his 
worship to the most cruel insults and punishments; 
who have failed equally to recognize  their own 
wretchedness in oppressing others on such grounds, 
and the happiness and blessing of those who 
preserved their devotion to God even in the midst 
of such sufferings: with regard, I say, to such 
men, many a time have their armies been 
slaughtered, many a time have they been put to 
flight; and their warlike preparations have ended 
in total ruin and defeat.

CHAPTER XXVII.

How the Persecution became the Occasion of
Calamities to the Aggressors.

"From the causes I have described, grievous wars 
arose, and destructive devastations. Hence 
followed a scarcity of the common necessaries of 
life, and a crowd of consequent miseries: hence, 
too, the authors of these impieties have either 
met a disastrous death of extreme suffering, or 
have dragged out an ignominious existence, and 
confessed it to be worse than death itself, thus 
receiving as it were a measure of punishment 
proportioned to the heinousness of their crimes. 
(1) For each experienced a degree of calamity 
according to the blind fury with which he had been 
led to combat, and as he thought, defeat the 
Divine will: so that they not only felt the 
pressure of the ills of this present life, but 
were tormented also by a most lively apprehension 
of punishment in the future world. (2)

CHAPTER XXVIII.

That God chose Constantine to be the Minister
of Blessing.

"AND now, with such a mass of impiety oppressing 
the human race, and the commonwealth in danger of 
being utterly destroyed, as if by the agency of 
some pestilential disease, and therefore needing 
powerful and effectual aid; what was the relief, 
and what the remedy which the Divinity devised for 
these evils? (And by Divinity is meant the one who 
is alone and truly God, the possessor of almighty 
and eternal power: and surely it cannot be deemed 
arrogance in one who has received benefits from 
God, to acknowledge them in the loftiest terms of 
praise.) I myself, then, was the instrument whose 
services He chose, and esteemed suited for the 
accomplishment of his will. Accordingly, beginning 
at the remote Britannic ocean, and the regions 
where, according to the law of nature, the sun 
sinks beneath the horizon, through the aid of 
divine power I banished and utterly removed every 
form of evil which prevailed, in the hope that the 
human race, enlightened through my 
instrumentality, might be recalled to a due 
observance of the holy laws of God, and at the 
same time our most blessed faith might prosper 
under the guidance of his almighty hand.

CHAPTER XXIX.

Constantine's Expressions of Piety towards God; 
and Praise of the Confessors.

"I said, (1) under the guidance of his hand; for I 
would desire never to be forgetful of the 
gratitude due to his grace. Believing, therefore, 
that this most excellent service had been confided 
to me as a special gift, I proceeded as far as the 
regions of the East, which, being under the 
pressure of severer calamities, seemed to demand 
still more effectual remedies at my hands. At the 
same time I am most certainly persuaded that I 
myself owe my life, my every breath, in short, my 
very inmost and secret thoughts, entirely to the 
favor of the Supreme God. Now I am well  aware 
that they who are sincere in the pursuit  of the 
heavenly hope, and have fixed this hope in heaven 
itself as the peculiar and predominant principle 
of their lives, have no need to depend on human 
favor, but rather have enjoyed higher honors in 
proportion as they have separated themselves from 
the inferior and evil things of this earthly 
existence. Nevertheless I deem it

508

incumbent on me to remove at once and most 
completely from all such persons the hard 
necessities laid upon them for a season, and the 
unjust inflictions under which they have suffered, 
though free from any guilt or just liability. For 
it would be strange indeed, that the fortitude and 
constancy of soul displayed by such men should be 
fully apparent during the reign of those whose 
first object it was to persecute them on account 
of their devotion to God, and yet that the glory 
of their character should not be more bright and 
blessed, under the administration of a prince who 
is His servant.

CHAPTER XXX.

A Law granting Release from Exile, from Service in 
the Courts, and from the Confiscation of Property.

"LET all therefore who have exchanged their 
country for a foreign land, because they would not 
abandon that reverence and faith toward God to 
which they had devoted themselves with their whole 
hearts, and have in consequence at different times 
been subject to the cruel sentence of the courts; 
together with any who have been enrolled in the 
registers of the public courts though in time past 
exempt from such office let these, I say, now 
render thanks to God the Liberator of all, in that 
they are restored to their hereditary property, 
and their wonted tranquility. Let those also who 
have been despoiled of their goods, and have 
hitherto passed a wretched existence, mourning 
under the loss of all that they possessed, once 
more be restored to their former homes, their 
families, and estates, and receive with joy the 
bountiful kindness of God.

CHAPTER XXXI.

Release likewise granted to Exiles in the Islands.

"FURTHERMORE, it is our command that all those who 
have been detained in the islands against their 
will should receive the benefit of this present 
provision; in order that they who rill now have 
been surrounded by rugged mountains and the 
encircling barrier of the ocean, being now set 
free from that gloomy and desolate solitude, may 
fulfill their fondest wish by revisiting their 
dearest friends. Those, too, who have prolonged a 
miserable life in the midst of abject and wretched 
squalor, welcoming their restoration as an 
unlooked-for gain, and discarding henceforth all 
anxious thoughts, may pass their lives with us in 
freedom from all fear. For that any one could live 
in a state of fear under our government, when we 
boast and believe ourselves to be the servants of 
God, would surely be a thing most extraordinary 
even to hear of, and quite incredible; and our 
mission is to rectify the errors of the others.

CHAPTER XXXII.

And to those ignominiously employed in the
Mines and_Public Works.

"AGAIN, with regard to those who have been 
condemned either to the grievous labor of the 
mines, or to service in the public works, let them 
enjoy the sweets of leisure in place of these 
long-continued toils, and henceforth lead a far 
easier life, and more accordant with the wishes of 
their hearts, exchanging the incessant hardships 
of their tasks for quiet relaxation. And if any 
have forfeited the common privilege of liberty, or 
have unhappily suffered dishonor, (1) let them 
hasten back every one to the country of his 
nativity, and resume with becoming joy their 
former positions in society, from which they have 
been as it were separated by long residence 
abroad.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

Concerning those Confessors engaged in Military
Service.

"ONCE more, with respect to those who had 
previously been preferred to any military 
distinction, of which they were afterwards 
deprived, for the cruel and unjust reason that 
they chose rather to acknowledge their allegiance 
to God than to retain the rank they held; we leave 
them perfect liberty of choice, either to occupy 
their former stations, should they be content 
again to engage in military service, or after an 
honorable discharge, to live in undisturbed 
tranquillity. For it is fair and consistent that 
men who have displayed such magnanimity and 
fortitude in meeting the perils to which they have 
been exposed, should be allowed the choice either 
of enjoying peaceful leisure, or resuming their 
former rank.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

The Liberation of Free _Persons condemned to labor 
in the Women's Apartments, or to Servitude.

"LASTLY, if any have wrongfully been deprived of 
the privileges of noble lineage, and subjected to 
a judicial sentence which has consigned them

509

to the women's apartments (1) and to the linen 
making, there to undergo a cruel and miserable 
labor, or reduced them to servitude for the 
benefit of the public treasury, without any 
exemption on the ground of superior birth; let 
such persons, resuming the honors they had 
previously enjoyed, and their proper dignities, 
henceforward exult in the blessings of liberty, 
and lead a glad life. Let the free man, (2) too, 
by some injustice and inhumanity, or even madness, 
made a slave, who has felt the sudden transition 
from liberty to bondage, and ofttimes bewailed his 
unwonted labors, return to his family once more a 
free man in virtue of this our ordinance, and seek 
those employments which befit a state of freedom; 
and let him dismiss from his remembrance those 
services which he found so oppressive, and which 
so ill became his condition.

CHAPTER XXXV.

Of the Inheritance of the Property of Martyrs and 
Confessors, also of those who had suffered 
Banishment or Confiscation of Property.

" Nor must we omit to notice those estates of 
which individuals have been deprived on various 
pretenses. For if any of those who have engaged 
with dauntless and resolute determination in the 
noble and divine conflict of martyrdom have also 
been stripped of their fortunes; or if the same 
has been the lot of the confessors, who have won 
for themselves the hope of eternal treasures; or 
if the loss of property has befallen those who 
were driven from their native land because they 
would not yield to the persecutors, and betray 
their faith; lastly, if any who have escaped the 
sentence of death have yet been despoiled of their 
worldly goods; we ordain that the inheritances of 
all such persons be transferred to their nearest 
kindred. And whereas the laws expressly assign 
this right to those most nearly related, it will 
be easy to ascertain to whom these inheritances 
severally belong. And it is evidently reasonable 
that the succession in these cases should belong 
to those who would have stood in the place of 
nearest affinity, had the deceased experienced a 
natural death.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

The Church is declared Heir of those who leave no 
Kindred; and the Free Gifts of such Persons 
Confirmed.

"But should there be no surviving relation to 
succeed in due course to the property of those 
above-mentioned, I mean the martyrs, or 
confessors, or those who for some such cause have 
been banished from their native land; in such 
cases we ordain that the church locally nearest in 
each instance shall succeed to the inheritance. 
And surely it will be no wrong to the departed 
that that church should be their heir, for whose 
sake they have endured every extremity of 
suffering. We think it necessary to add this also, 
that in case any of the above-mentioned persons 
have donated any part of their property in the way 
of free gift, possession of such property shall be 
assured, as is reasonable, to those who have thus 
received it.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

Lands, Gardens, or Houses, but not Actual Produce 
from them, are to be given back.

"AND that there may be no obscurity in this our 
ordinance, but every one may readily apprehend its 
requirements, let all men hereby know that if they 
are now maintaining themselves in possession of a 
piece of land, or a house, or garden, or anything 
else which had appertained to the before-mentioned 
persons, it will be good and advantageous for them 
to acknowledge the fact, and make restitution with 
the least possible delay. On the other hand, 
although it should appear that some individuals 
have reaped abundant profits from this unjust 
possession, we do not consider that justice 
demands the restitution of such profits. They 
must, however, declare explicitly what amount of 
benefit they have thus derived, and from what 
sources, and entreat our pardon for this offense; 
in order that their past covetousness may in some 
measure be atoned for, and that the Supreme God 
may accept this compensation as a token of 
contrition, and be pleased graciously to pardon 
the sin.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

In what Manner Requests should be made for
these.

"BUT it is possible that those who have become 
masters of such property (if it be right or 
possible to allow them such a title) will assure 
us by way of apology for their conduct, that it 
was not in their power to abstain from this 
appropriation at a time when a spectacle of misery 
in all its forms everywhere met the view; when men 
were cruelly driven from their homes, slaughtered 
without mercy, thrust forth without remorse: when 
the confiscation of the property of innocent 
persons was a common thing, and

510

when persecutions and property seizures were 
unceasing. If any defend their conduct by such 
reasons as these, and still persist in their 
avaricious temper, they shall be made sensible 
that such a course will bring punishment on 
themselves, and all the more because this 
correction of evil is the very characteristic of 
our service to the Supreme God. So that it will 
henceforth be dangerous to retain what dire 
necessity may in time past have compelled men to 
take; especially because it is in any case 
incumbent on us to discourage covetous desires, 
both by persuasion, and by warning exam-pies.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

The Treasury must restore Lands, Gardens, and 
Houses to the Churches.

"Nor shall the treasury itself, should it have any 
of the things we have spoken of, be permitted to 
keep them; but, without venturing as it were to 
raise its voice against the holy churches, it 
shall justly relinquish in their favor what it has 
for a time unjustly retained. We ordain, 
therefore, that all things whatsoever which shall 
appear righteously to belong to the churches, 
whether the property consist of houses or fields 
and gardens, or whatever the nature of it may be, 
shall be restored in their full value and 
integrity, and with undiminished right of 
possession.

CHAPTER XL.

The Tombs of Martyrs and the Cemeteries to be 
transferred to the Possession of the Churches.

"Again, with respect to those places which are 
honored in being the depositories of the remains 
of martyrs, and continue to be memorials of their 
glorious departure; how can we doubt that they 
rightly belong to the churches, or refrain from 
issuing our injunction to that effect? For surely 
there can be no better liberality, no labor more 
pleasing or profitable, than to be thus employed 
under the guidance of the Divine Spirit, in order 
that those things which have been appropriated on 
false pretenses by unjust and wicked men, may be 
restored, as justice demands, and once more 
secured to the holy churches.

CHAPTER XLI.

Those who have purchased Property belonging to the 
Church, or received it as a Gift, are to restore 
it.

"AND since it would be wrong in a provision 
intended to include all cases, to pass over those 
who have either procured any such property by 
right of purchase from the treasury, or have 
retained it when conveyed to them in the form of a 
gift; let all who have thus rashly indulged their 
insatiable thirst of gain be assured that, 
although by daring to make such purchases they 
have done all in their power to alienate our 
clemency from themselves, they shall nevertheless 
not fail of obtaining it, so far as is possible 
and consistent with propriety in each case. So 
much then is determined.

CHAPTER XLII.

An Earnest Exhortation to worship God.

"AND now, since it appears by the clearest and 
most convincing evidence, that the miseries which 
erewhile oppressed the entire human race are now 
banished from every part of the world, through the 
power of Almighty God, and at the same time the 
counsel and aid which he is pleased on many 
occasions to administer through our agency; it 
remains for all, both individually and unitedly, 
to observe and seriously consider how great this 
power and how efficacious this grace are, which 
have annihilated and utterly destroyed this 
generation, as I may call them, of most wicked and 
evil men; have restored joy to the good, and 
diffused it over all countries; and now guarantee 
the fullest authority both to honor the Divine law 
as it should be honored, with all reverence, and 
pay due observance to those who have dedicated 
themselves to the service of that law. These 
rising as from some dark abyss and, with an 
enlightened knowledge of the present course of 
events, will henceforward render to its precepts 
that becoming reverence and honor which are 
consistent with their pious character.
Let this ordinance be published in our Eastern 
provinces." (1)

CHAPTER XLIII.

How the Enactments of Constantine were carried 
into Effect.

Such were the injunctions contained in the first 
letter which the emperor addressed to us. And the 
provisions of this enactment were speedily carried 
into effect, everything being conducted in a 
manner quite different from the atrocities which 
had but lately been daringly perpetrated during 
the cruel ascendancy of the tyrants. Those persons 
also who were legally entitled to it, received the 
benefit of the emperor's liberality.

CHAPTER XLIV.

That he promoted Christians to Offices of 
Government, and forbade Gentiles in Such Stations 
to offer Sacrifice.

After this the emperor continued to address 
himself to matters of high importance, and first 
he sent governors to the several provinces, mostly 
such as were devoted to the saving faith; and if 
any appeared inclined to adhere to Gentile 
worship, he forbade them to offer sacrifice. This 
law applied also to those who surpassed the 
provincial governors in rank and dignity, (1) and 
even to those who occupied the highest station, 
and held the authority of the Praetorian 
Praefecture. (2) If they were Christians, they 
were free to act consistently with their 
profession; if otherwise, the law required them to 
abstain from idolatrous sacrifices.

CHAPTER XLV.

Statutes which forbade Sacrifice, and enjoined
the Building of Churches.

Soon after this, two laws were promulgated about 
the same time; one of which was intended to 
restrain the idolatrous abominations which in time 
past had been practiced in every city and country; 
and it provided that no one should erect images, 
or practice divination and other false and foolish 
arts, or offer sacrifice in any way. (1) The other 
statute commanded the heightening of the 
oratories, and the enlargement in length and 
breadth of the churches of God; as though it were 
expected that, now the madness of polytheism was 
wholly removed, pretty nearly all mankind would 
henceforth attach themselves to the service of 
God. His own personal piety induced the emperor to 
devise and write these instructions to the 
governors of the several provinces: and the law 
farther admonished them not to spare the 
expenditure of money, but to draw supplies from 
the imperial treasury itself. Similar instructions 
were written also to the bishops of the several 
churches; and the emperor was pleased to transmit 
the same to myself, being the first letter which 
he personally addressed to me.

CHAPTER XLVI.

Constantine's Letter to Eusebius and Other 
Bishops, respecting the Building of Churches, with 
Instructions to repair the Old, and erect New Ones 
on a Larger Scale, with the Aid of the Provincial 
Governors.

"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to 
Eusebius.
"Forasmuch as the unholy and willful rule of 
tyranny has persecuted the servants of our Saviour 
until this present time, I believe and have fully 
satisfied myself, best beloved brother, that the 
buildings belonging to all the churches have 
either become ruinous through actual neglect, or 
have received inadequate attention from the dread 
of the violent spirit of the times.
"But now, that liberty is restored, and that 
serpent (1) driven from the administration of 
public affairs by the providence of the Supreme 
God, and our instrumentality, we trust that all 
can see the efficacy of the Divine power, and that 
they who through fear of persecution or through 
unbelief have fallen into any errors, will now 
acknowledge the true God, and adopt in future that 
course of life which is according to truth and 
rectitude. With respect, therefore, to the 
churches over which you yourself preside, as well 
as the bishops, presbyters, and deacons of other 
churches with whom you are acquainted, do you 
admonish all to be zealous in their attention to 
the buildings of the churches, and either to 
repair or enlarge those which at present exist, 
or, in cases of necessity, to erect new ones.
"We also empower you, and the others through you, 
to demand what is needful for the work, both from 
the provincial governors and from the Praetorian 
Praefect. For they have received instructions to 
be most diligent in obedience to your Holiness's 
orders. God preserve you, beloved brother." A copy 
of this charge was transmitted throughout all the 
provinces to the bishops of the several churches: 
the provincial governors received directions 
accordingly, and the imperial statute was speedily 
carried into effect.

512

CHAPTER XLVII.

That he wrote a Letter in Condemnation of
Idolatry.

MOREOVER, the emperor, who continually made 
progress in piety towards God, dispatched an 
admonitory letter to the inhabitants of every 
province, respecting the error of idolatry into 
which his predecessors in power bad fallen, in 
which he eloquently exhorts his subjects to 
acknowledge the Supreme God, and openly to profess 
their allegiance to his Christ as their Saviour. 
This letter also, which is in his own handwriting, 
I have judged it necessary to translate from the 
Latin for the present work, in order that we may 
hear, as it were, the voice the emperor himself 
uttering these sentiments in the audience of all 
mankind.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

Constantine's Edict to the People of the Provinces 
concerning the Error of Polytheism, commencing 
with Some General Remarks on Virtue and Vice.

"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to the 
people of the Eastern provinces.
"Whatever is comprehended under the sovereign (1) 
laws of nature, seems to convey to all men an 
adequate idea of the forethought and intelligence 
of the divine order. Nor can any, whose minds are 
directed in the true path of knowledge to the 
attainment of that end, entertain a doubt that the 
just perceptions of sound l reason, as well as 
those of the natural vision itself, through the 
sole influence of genuine virtue, lead to the 
knowledge of God. Accordingly no wise man will 
ever be surprised when he sees the mass of mankind 
influenced by opposite sentiments. For the beauty 
of virtue would be useless (2) and unperceived, 
did not vice display in contrast with it the 
course of perversity and folly. Hence it is that 
the one is crowned with reward, while the most 
high God is himself the administrator of judgment 
to the other.
"And now I will endeavor to lay before you all as 
explicitly as possible, the nature of my own hopes 
of future happiness. (3)

CHAPTER XLIX.

Concerning Constantine's Pious Father, and the 
Persecutors Diocletian and Maximian.

"The former emperors I have been accustomed to 
regard as those with whom I could have no 
sympathy, (1) on account of the savage cruelty of 
their character. Indeed, my father was the only 
one who uniformly practiced the duties of 
humanity, and with admirable piety called for the 
blessing of God the Father on all his actions, but 
the rest, unsound in mind, were more zealous of 
cruel than gentle measures; and this disposition 
they indulged without restraint, and thus 
persecuted the true doctrine during the whole 
period of their reign. Nay, so violent did their 
malicious fury become, that in the midst of a 
profound peace, as regards both the religious and 
ordinary interests of men, they kindled, as it 
were, the flames of a civil war. (2)

CHAPTER L.

That the Persecution originated an Account of the 
Oracle of Apollo, who, it was said, could not give 
Oracles because of "the Righteous Men."

"About that time it is said that Apollo spoke from 
a deep and gloomy cavern, and through the medium 
of no human voice, and declared that the righteous 
men on earth were a bar to his speaking the truth, 
and accordingly that the oracles from the tripod 
were fallacious. Hence it was that he suffered his 
tresses to droop in token of grief, (1) and 
mourned the evils which the loss of the oracular 
spirit would entail on mankind. But let us mark 
the consequences of this.

CHAPTER LI.

That Constantine, when a Youth, heard from him who 
wrote the Persecution Edict that "the Righteous 
Men" were the Christians.

"I call now on thee, most high God, to witness 
that, when young, I heard him who at that time was 
chief among the Roman emperors, unhappy, truly 
unhappy as he was, and laboring under mental 
delusion, make earnest enquiry of his attendants 
as to who these righteous ones on earth were, and 
that one of the Pagan priests then

513

present replied that they were doubtless the 
Christians. This answer he eagerly received, like 
some honeyed draught, and unsheathed the  sword 
which was ordained for the punishment of crime, 
against those whose holiness was beyond reproach. 
Immediately, therefore, he issued those sanguinary 
edicts, traced, if I may so express myself, with a 
sword's point dipped in blood; at the same time 
commanding his judges to tax their ingenuity for 
the invention of new and more terrible 
punishments.

CHAPTER LII.

The Manifold Forms of Torture and Punishment 
practiced against the Christians.

"Then, indeed, one might see with what arrogance 
those venerable worshipers of God were daily 
exposed, with continued and relentless cruelty, to 
outrages of the most grievous kind, and how that 
modesty of character (1) which no enemy had ever 
treated with disrespect, became the mere sport of 
their infuriated fellow-citizens. Is there any 
punishment by fire, are there any tortures or 
forms of torment, which were not applied to all, 
without distinction of age or sex? Then, it may be 
truly said, the earth shed tears, the 
all-encircling compass of heaven mourned because 
of the pollution of blood; and the very light of 
day itself was darkened in grief at the spectacle.

CHAPTER LIII.

That the Barbarians kindly received the
Christians.

"But what is the consequence of this? Why, the 
barbarians themselves may boast now of the 
contrast their conduct presents to these creel 
deeds; for they received and kept in gentlest 
captivity those who then fled from amongst us, and 
secured to them not merely safety from danger, but 
also the free exercise of their holy religion. And 
now the Roman people bear that lasting stain which 
the Christians, at that time driven from the Roman 
world, and taking refuge with the barbarians, have 
branded on them.

CHAPTER LIV.

What Vengeance overtook those who on Account of 
the Oracle raised the Persecution.

"But why need I longer dwell on these lamentable 
events, and the general sorrow which in 
consequence pervaded the world? The perpetrators 
of this dreadful guilt are now no more: they have 
experienced a miserable end, and are consigned to 
unceasing punishment in the depths of the lower 
world. They encountered each other in civil 
strife, and have left neither name nor race 
behind. And surely this calamity would never have 
befallen them, had not that impious deliverance of 
the Pythian oracle exercised a delusive power over 
them. (1)

CHAPTER LV.

Constantine gives Glory to God, makes Grateful 
Acknowledgment of the Sign of the Cross, and prays 
for the Churches and People.

"AND now I beseech thee, most mighty God, to be 
merciful and gracious to thine Eastern nations, to 
thy people in these provinces, worn as they are by 
protracted miseries; and grant them healing 
through thy servant. Not without cause, O holy 
God, do I prefer this prayer to thee, the Lord of 
all. Under thy guidance have I devised and 
accomplished measures fraught with blessings: 
preceded by thy sacred sign I have led thy armies 
to victory: and still, on each occasion of public 
danger, I follow the same symbol of thy 
perfections while advancing to meet the foe. 
Therefore have I dedicated to thy service a soul 
duly attempered by love and fear. For thy name I 
truly love, while I regard with reverence that 
power of which thou hast given abundant proofs, to 
the confirmation and increase of my faith. I 
hasten, then, to devote all my powers to the 
restoration of thy most holy dwelling-place, which 
those profane and impious men have defiled by the 
contamination of violence.

CHAPTER LVI.

He prays that All may be Christians, but
compels None.

"MY own desire is, for the common good of the 
world and the advantage of all mankind, that thy 
people should enjoy a life of peace and 
undisturbed concord. Let those, therefore, who 
still delight in error, be made welcome to the 
same degree of peace and tranquillity which they 
have who believe. For it may be that this 
restoration of equal privileges to all will 
prevail to lead them into the straight path. Let 
no one molest another, but let every one do as his 
soul desires. Only let men of sound judgment be 
assured of this, that those only can live a life 
of  holiness and purity, whom thou callest to a 
reli-

514

ance on thy holy laws. With regard to those who 
will hold themselves aloof from us, let them have, 
if they please, their temples (1) of lies: we have 
the glorious edifice of thy truth, which thou hast 
given us as our native home. (2) We pray, however, 
that they too may receive the same blessing, and 
thus experience that heartfelt joy which unity of 
sentiment inspires.

CHAPTER LVII.

gives Glory to God, who has given Light by his Son 
to those who were in Error.

"And truly our worship is no new or recent thing, 
but one which thou hast ordained for thine own due 
honor, from the time when, as we believe, this 
system of the universe was first established. And, 
although mankind have deeply fallen, and have been 
seduced by manifold errors, yet hast thou revealed 
a pure light in the person of thy Son, that the 
power of evil should not utterly prevail, and hast 
thus given testimony to all men concerning 
thyself.

CHAPTER LVIII.

He glorifies him again for his Government of
the Universe.

"THE truth of this is assured to us by thy works. 
It is thy power which removes our guilt, and makes 
us faithful. The sun and the moon have their 
settled course. The stars move in no uncertain 
orbits round this terrestrial globe. The 
revolution of the seasons recurs according to 
unerring laws. The solid fabric of the earth was 
established by thy word: the winds receive their 
impulse at appointed times; and the course of the 
waters continues with ceaseless flow, (1) the 
ocean is circumscribed by an immovable barrier, 
and whatever is comprehended within the compass of 
earth and sea, is all contrived for wondrous and 
important ends.

"Were it not so, were not all regulated by the 
determination of thy will, so great a diversity, 
so manifold a division of power, would 
unquestionably have brought ruin on the whole race 
and its affairs. For those agencies which have 
maintained a mutual strife (2) would thus have 
carried to a more deadly length that hostility 
against the human race which they even now 
exercise, though unseen by mortal eyes.

CHAPTER LIX.

He gives Glory to God, as the Constant Teacher
of Good.

"ABUNDANT thanks, most mighty God, and Lord of 
all, be rendered to thee, that, by so much as our 
nature becomes known from the diversified pursuits 
of man, by so much the more are the precepts of 
thy divine doctrine confirmed to those whose 
thoughts are directed aright, and who are 
sincerely devoted to true virtue. As for those who 
will not allow themselves to be cured of their 
error, let them not attribute this to any but 
themselves. For that remedy which is of sovereign 
and healing virtue is openly placed within the 
reach of all. Only let not any one inflict an 
injury on that religion which experience itself 
testifies to be pure and undefiled. Henceforward, 
therefore, let us all enjoy in common the 
privilege placed within our reach, I mean the 
blessing of peace, endeavoring to keep our 
conscience pure from all that is contrary.

CHAPTER LX.

An Admonition at the Close of the Edict, that No 
One should trouble his Neighbor.

"ONCE more, let none use that to the detriment of 
another which he may himself have received on 
conviction of its truth; but let every, one, if it 
be possible, apply what he has understood and 
known to the benefit of his neighbor; if 
otherwise, let him relinquish the attempt. For it 
is one thing voluntarily to undertake the conflict 
for immortality, another to compel others to do so 
from the fear of punishment.
"These are our words; and we have enlarged on 
these topics more than our ordinary clemency would 
have dictated, because we were unwilling to 
dissemble or be false to the true faith; and the 
more so, since we understand there are some who 
say that the rites of the heathen temples, and the 
power of darkness, have been entirely removed. We 
should indeed have earnestly

515

recommended such removal to all men, were it not 
that the rebellious spirit of those wicked errors 
still continues obstinately fixed in the minds of 
some, so as to discourage the hope of any general 
restoration of mankind to the ways of truth." (1)

CHAPTER LXI.

How Controversies originated at Alexandria through 
Matters relating to Arius. (1)

In this manner the emperor, like a powerful herald 
of God, addressed himself by his own letter to all 
the provinces, at the same time warning his 
subjects against superstitious 2 error, and 
encouraging them in the pursuit of true godliness. 
But in the midst of his joyful anticipations of 
the success of this measure, he received tidings 
of a most serious disturbance which had invaded 
the peace of the Church. This intelligence he 
heard with deep concern, and at once endeavored to 
devise a remedy for the evil. The origin of this 
disturbance may be thus described. The people of 
God were in a truly flourishing state, and 
abounding in the practice of good works. No terror 
from without assailed them, but a bright and most 
profound peace, through the favor of God, 
encompassed his Church on every side. Meantime, 
however, the spirit of envy was watching to 
destroy our blessings, which at first crept in 
unperceived, but soon revelled in the midst of the 
assemblies of the saints. At length it reached the 
bishops themselves, and arrayed them in angry 
hostility against each other, on pretense of a 
jealous regard for the doctrines of Divine truth. 
Hence it was that a mighty fire was kindled as it 
were from a little spark, and which, originating 
in the first instance in the Alexandrian church, 
(3) overspread the whole of Egypt and Libya, and 
the further Thebaid. Eventually it extended its 
ravages to the other provinces and cities of the 
empire; so that not only the prelates of the 
churches might be seen encountering each other in 
the strife of words, but the people themselves 
were completely divided, some adhering to one 
faction and others to another. Nay, so notorious 
did the scandal of these proceedings become, that 
the sacred matters of inspired teaching were 
exposed to the most shameful ridicule in the very 
theaters of the unbelievers.

CHAPTER LXII.

Concerning the Same Arius, and the Melitians. (1)

Some thus at Alexandria maintained an obstinate 
conflict on the highest questions. Others 
throughout Egypt and the Upper Thebaid, were at 
variance on account of an earlier controversy: so 
that the churches were everywhere distracted by 
divisions. The body therefore being thus diseased, 
the whole of Libya caught the contagion; and the 
rest of the remoter provinces became affected with 
the same disorder. For the disputants at 
Alexandria sent emissaries to the bishops of the 
several provinces, who accordingly ranged 
themselves as partisans on either side, and shared 
in the same spirit of discord.

CHAFFER LXIII.

How Constantine sent a Messenger and a Letter
concerning Peace.

As soon as the emperor was informed of these 
facts, which he heard with much sorrow of heart, 
considering them in the light of a calamity 
personally affecting himself, he forthwith 
selected  from the Christians in his train one 
whom he well knew to be approved for the sobriety 
and genuineness of his faith, (1) and who had 
before this time distinguished himself by the 
boldness. of his religious profession, and sent 
him to negotiate peace (2) between the dissentient 
parties at Alexandria. He also made him the bearer 
of a most needful and appropriate letter to the 
original movers of the strife: and this letter, as 
exhibiting a specimen of his watchful care over 
God's people, it may be well to introduce into 
this our narrative of his life. Its purport was as 
follows.

CHAPTER LXIV.

Constantine's Letter to Alexander the Bishop,
and Arius the Presbyter.

" VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to 
Alexander and Arius.
"I call that God to witness, as well I may, who is 
the helper of my endeavors, and the Preserver of 
all men, that I had a twofold reason for 
undertaking that duty which I have
now performed.

516

CHAPTER LXV.

His Continual Anxiety for Peace.

"MY design then was, first, to bring the diverse 
judgments formed by all nations respecting the 
Deity to a condition, as it were, of settled 
uniformity; and, secondly, to restore to health 
the system of the world, then suffering under the 
malignant power of a grievous distemper. Keeping 
these objects in view, I sought to accomplish the 
one by the secret eye of thought, while the other 
I tried to rectify by the power of military 
authority. For I was aware that, if I should 
succeed in establishing, according to my hopes, a 
common harmony of sentiment among all the servants 
of God, the general course of affairs would also 
experience a change correspondent to the pious 
desires of them all.

CHAPTER LXVI.

That he also adjusted the Controversies which
had arisen in Africa.

"Finding, then, that the whole of Africa was 
pervaded by an intolerable spirit of mad folly, 
through the influence of those who with heedless 
frivolity had presumed to rend the religion of the 
people into diverse sects; I was anxious to check 
this disorder, and could discover no other remedy 
equal to the occasion, except in sending some of 
yourselves to aid in restoring mutual harmony 
among the disputants, after I had removed that 
common enemy (1) of mankind who had interposed his 
lawless sentence for the prohibition of your holy 
synods.

CHAFFER LXVII.

That Religion began in the East.

"For since the power of Divine light, and the law 
of sacred worship, which, proceeding in the first 
instance, through the favor of God, from the 
bosom, as it were, of the East, have illumined the 
world, by their sacred radiance, I naturally 
believed that you would be the first to promote 
the salvation of other nations, and resolved with 
all energy of thought and diligence of enquiry to 
seek your aid. As soon, therefore, as I had 
secured my decisive victory and unquestionable 
triumph over my enemies, my first enquiry was 
concerning that object which I felt to be of 
paramount interest and importance.

CHAPTER LXVIII.

Being grieved by the Dissension, he counsels
Peace.

"BUT, O glorious Providence of God! how deep a 
wound did not my ears only, but my very heart 
receive in the report that divisions existed among 
yourselves more grievous still than those which 
continued in that country! (1) so that you, 
through whose aid I had hoped to procure a remedy 
for the errors of others, are in a state which 
needs healing even more than theirs. And yet, 
having made a careful enquiry into the origin and 
foundation of these differences, I find the cause 
to be of a truly insignificant character, and 
quite unworthy of such fierce contention. Feeling 
myself, therefore, compelled to address you in 
this letter, and to appeal at the same time to 
your unanimity (2) and sagacity, I call on Divine 
Providence to assist me in the task, while I 
interrupt your dissension in the character of a 
minister of peace. And with reason: for if I might 
expect, with the help of a higher Power, to be 
able without difficulty, by a judicious appeal to 
the pious feelings of those who heard me, to 
recall them to a better spirit, even though the 
occasion of the disagreement were a greater one, 
how can I refrain from promising myself a far 
easier and more speedy adjustment of this 
difference, when the cause which hinders general 
harmony of sentiment is intrinsically trifling and 
of little moment?

CHAPTER LXIX.

Origin of the Controversy between Alexander and 
Arius, and that these Questions ought not to have 
been discussed.

"I UNDERSTAND, then, that the origin of the 
present controversy is this. When you, Alexander, 
demanded of the presbyters what opinion they 
severally maintained respecting a certain passage 
in the Divine law, (1) or rather, I should say, 
that you asked them something connected with an 
unprofitable question, then you, Arius, 
inconsiderately insisted on (2) what ought never 
to have been conceived at all, or if conceived, 
should have been buried in profound silence. Hence 
it was that a dissension arose between you, 
fellowship was withdrawn, (3) and


517

the holy people, rent into diverse parties, no 
longer preserved the unity of the one body. Now, 
therefore, do ye both exhibit an equal degree of 
forbearance, (4) and receive the advice which your 
fellow-servant righteously gives. What then is 
this advice? It was wrong in the first instance to 
propose such questions as these, or to reply to 
them when propounded. For those points of 
discussion which are enjoined by the authority of 
no law, but rather suggested by the contentious 
spirit which is fostered by misused leisure, even 
though they may be intended merely as an 
intellectual exercise, ought certainly to be 
confined to the region of our own thoughts, and 
not hastily produced in the popular assemblies, 
nor unadvisedly intrusted to the general ear. For 
how very few are there able either accurately to 
comprehend, or adequately to explain subjects so 
sublime and abstruse in their nature? Or, granting 
that one were fully competent for this, how many 
people will he convince? Or, who, again, in 
dealing with questions of such subtle nicety as 
these, can secure himself against a dangerous 
declension from the truth? It is incumbent 
therefore on us in these cases to be sparing of 
our words, lest, in case we ourselves are unable, 
through the feebleness of our natural faculties, 
to give a clear explanation of the subject before 
us, or, on the other hand, in case the slowness of 
our hearers' understandings disables them from 
arriving at an accurate apprehension of what we 
say, from one or other of these causes the people 
be reduced to the alternative either of blasphemy 
or schism.

CHAPTER LXX.

An Exhortation to Unanimity.

"LET therefore both the unguarded question and the 
inconsiderate answer receive your mutual 
forgiveness. (1) For the cause of your difference 
has not been any of the leading doctrines or 
precepts of the Divine law, nor has any new heresy 
respecting the worship of God arisen among you. 
You are in truth of one and the same judgment: (2) 
you may therefore well join in communion and 
fellowship.

CHAPTER LXXI.

	  There	should be no Contention in Matters which 
are in themselves of Little Moment.

"For as long as you continue to contend about 
these small and very insignificant questions, it 
is not fitting that so large a portion of God's 
people should be under the direction of your 
judgment, since you are thus divided between 
yourselves. I believe it indeed to be not merely 
unbecoming, but positively evil, that such should 
be the case. But I will refresh your minds by a 
little illustration, as follows. You know that 
philosophers, though they all adhere to one 
system, are yet frequently at issue on certain 
points, and differ, perhaps, in their degree of 
knowledge: yet they are recalled to harmony of 
sentiment by the uniting power of their common 
doctrines. If this be true, is it not far more 
reasonable that you, who are the ministers of the 
Supreme God, should be of one mind respecting the 
profession of the same religion? But let us still 
more thoughtfully and with closer attention 
examine what I have said, and see whether it be 
right that, on the ground of some trifling and 
foolish verbal difference between ourselves, 
brethren should assume towards each other the 
attitude of enemies, and the august meeting of the 
Synod be rent by profane disunion, because of you 
who wrangle together on points so trivial and 
altogether unessential? This is vulgar, and rather 
characteristic of childish ignorance, than 
consistent I with the wisdom of priests and men of 
sense. Let us withdraw ourselves with a good will 
from these temptations of the devil. Our great God 
and common Saviour of all has granted the same 
light to us all. Permit me, who am his servant, to 
bring my task to a successful issue, under the 
direction of his Providence, that I may be 
enabled, through my exhortations, and diligence, 
and earnest admonition, to recall his people to 
communion and fellowship. For since you have, as I 
said, but one faith, and one sentiment respecting 
our religion, and since the Divine commandment in 
all its parts enjoins on us all the duty of 
maintaining a spirit of concord, let not the 
circumstance which has led to a slight difference 
between you, since it does not affect the validity 
of the whole, cause any division or schism among 
you. And this I say without in any way desiring to 
force you to entire unity of  judgment in regard 
to this truly idle question, whatever its real 
nature may be. For the dignity of your synod may 
be preserved, and the communion of your whole body 
maintained unbroken, however wide a difference may 
exist among you as to unimportant matters. For we 
are not all of us like-minded on every subject,


518

nor is there such a thing as one disposition and 
judgment common to all alike. As far, then, as 
regards the Divine Providence, let there be one 
faith, and one understanding among you, one united 
judgment in reference to God. But as to your 
subtle disputations on questions of little or no 
significance, though you may be unable to 
harmonize in sentiment, such differences should be 
consigned to the secret custody of your own minds 
and thoughts. And now, let the preciousness of 
common affection, let faith in the truth, let the 
honor due to God and to the observance of his law 
continue immovably among you. Resume, then, your 
mutual feelings of friendship, love, and regard: 
restore to the people their wonted embracings; and 
do ye yourselves, having purified your souls, as 
it were, once more acknowledge one another. For it 
often happens that when a reconciliation is 
effected by the removal of the causes of enmity, 
friendship becomes even sweeter than it was 
before.

CHAPTER LXXII.

	  The Excess of his Pious Concern caused him to 
shed Tears; and his Intended Journey to the East 
was postponed because of These Things.

"RESTORE me then my quiet days, and untroubled 
nights, that the joy of undimmed light, the 
delight of a tranquil life, may henceforth be my 
portion. Else must I needs mourn, with constant 
tears, nor shall I be able to pass the residue of 
my days in peace. For while the people of God, 
whose fellow-servant I am, are thus divided 
amongst themselves by an unreasonable and 
pernicious spirit of contention, how is it 
possible that I shall be able to maintain 
tranquillity of mind? And I will give you a proof 
how great my sorrow has been on this behalf. Not 
long since I had visited Nicomedia, and intended 
forthwith to proceed from that city to the East. 
It was while I was hastening towards you, and had 
already accomplished the greater part of the 
distance, that the news of this matter reversed my 
plan, that I might not be compelled to see with my 
own eyes that which I felt myself scarcely able 
even to hear. Open then for me henceforward by 
your unity of judgment that road to the regions of 
the East which your dissensions have closed 
against me, and permit me speedily to see 
yourselves and all other peoples rejoicing 
together, and render due acknowledgment to God in 
the language of praise and thanksgiving for the 
restoration of general concord and liberty to 
all."

CHAPTER LXXIII.

The	Controversy continues without Abatement, even 
after the Receipt of This Letter.

IN this manner the pious emperor endeavored by 
means of the foregoing letter to promote the peace 
of the Church of God. And the excellent man (1) to 
whom it was intrusted performed his part not 
merely by communicating the letter itself, but 
also by seconding the views of him who sent it; 
for he was, as I have said, in all respects a 
person of pious character. The evil, however, was 
greater than could be remedied by a single letter, 
insomuch that the acrimony of the contending 
parties continually increased, and the effects of 
the mischief extended to all the Eastern 
provinces. These things jealousy and some evil 
spirit who looked with an envious eye on the 
prosperity of the Church, wrought.


BOOK III.

CHAPTER I.

A Comparison of Constantine's Piety with the 
Wickedness of the Persecutors.

IN this manner that spirit who is the hater of 
good, actuated by envy at the blessing enjoyed by 
the Church, continued to raise against her the 
stormy troubles of intestine discord, in the midst 
of a period of peace and joy. Meanwhile, however, 
the divinely-favored emperor did not slight the 
duties befitting him, but exhibited in his whole 
conduct a direct contrast to those atrocities of 
which the cruel tyrants had been lately guilty, 
(1) and thus triumphed over every enemy that 
opposed him. For in the first place, the tyrants, 
being themselves alienated from the true God, had 
enforced by every compulsion the worship of false 
deities: Constantine convinced mankind by actions 
as well as words, (2) that these bad but an 
imaginary existence, and exhorted them to 
acknowledge the only true God. They had derided 
his Christ with words of blasphemy: he assumed 
that as his safeguard a against which they 
directed their blasphemies, and gloried in the 
symbol of the Saviour's passion. They had 
persecuted and driven from house and home the 
servants of Christ: he recalled them every one, 
and restored them to their native homes. They had 
covered them with dishonor: he made their 
condition honorable and enviable in the eyes of 
all. They had shamefully plundered and sold the 
goods of godly men: Constantine not only replaced 
this loss, but still further enriched them with 
abundant presents. They had circulated injurious 
calumnies, through their written ordinances, 
against the prelates of the Church: he on the 
contrary, conferred dignity on these individuals 
by personal marks of honor, and by his edicts and 
statutes raised them to higher distinction than 
before. They had utterly demolished and razed to 
the ground the houses of prayer: he commanded that 
those which still existed should be enlarged, and 
that new ones should be raised on a magnificent 
scale at the expense of

the imperial treasury. They had ordered the 
inspired records to be burnt and utterly 
destroyed: he decreed that copies of them should 
be multiplied, and magnificently adorned (4) at 
the charge of the imperial treasury. They had 
strictly forbidden the prelates, anywhere or on 
any occasion, to convene synods; whereas he 
gathered them to his court from every province, 
received them into his palace, and even to his own 
private apartments and thought them worthy to 
share his home and table. They had honored the 
demons with offerings: Constantine exposed their 
error, and continually distributed the now useless 
materials for sacrifice, to those who would apply 
them to a better use. They had ordered the pagan 
temples to be sumptuously adorned: he razed to 
their foundations those of them which had been the 
chief objects of superstitious reverence. They had 
subjected God's servants to the most ignominious 
punishments: he took vengeance on the persecutors, 
and inflicted on them just chastisement in the 
name of God, while he held the memory of his holy 
martyrs in constant veneration. They had driven 
God's Worshipers from the imperial palaces: he 
placed full confidence in them at all times, and 
knowing them to be the better disposed and more 
faithful than any beside. They, the victims of 
avarice, voluntarily subjected themselves as it 
were to the pangs of Tantalus: he with royal 
magnificence unlocked all his treasures, and 
distributed his gifts with rich and high-souled 
liberality-They committed countless murders, that 
they might plunder or confiscate the wealth of 
their victims; while throughout the reign of 
Constantine the sword of justice hung idle 
everywhere, and both people and municipal 
magistrates (5) in every provence were governed 
rather by paternal authority than by any 
constraining. (6) Surely


520

it must seem to all who duly regard these facts, 
that a new and fresh era of existence had begun to 
appear, and a light heretofore unknown suddenly to 
dawn from the midst of darkness on the human race: 
and all must confess that these things were 
entirely the work of God, who raised up this pious 
emperor to withstand the multitude of the ungodly.

CHAPTER II.

Father Remarks on Constantine's Piety, and
his Open Testimony to the Sign of the Cross.

AND when we consider that their iniquities were 
without example, and the atrocities which they 
dared to perpetrate against the Church such as had 
never been heard of in any age of the world, well 
might God himself bring before us something 
entirely new, and work thereby effects such as had 
hitherto been never either recorded or observed. 
And what miracle was ever more marvelous than the 
virtues of this our emperor, whom the wisdom of 
God has vouchsafed as a gift to the human race? 
For truly he maintained a continual testimony to 
the Christ of God with all boldness, and before 
all men; and so far was he from shrinking from an 
open profession of the Christian name, that he 
rather desired to make it manifest to all that he 
regarded this as his highest honor, now impressing 
on his face the salutary sign, and now glorying in 
it as the trophy which led him on to victory. (1)

CHAPTER III.

Of his Picture surmounted by a Cross and hav-
ing beneath it a Dragon.

AND besides this, he caused to be painted on a 
lofty tablet, and set up in the front of the 
portico of his palace, so as to be visible to all, 
a representation of the salutary sign placed above 
his head, and below it that hateful and savage 
adversary of mankind, who by means of the tyranny 
of the ungodly had wasted the Church of God, 
falling headlong, under the form of a dragon, to 
the abyss of destruction. For the sacred oracles 
in the books of God's prophets have described him 
as a dragon and a crooked serpent; (1) and for 
this reason the emperor thus publicly displayed a 
painted (2) resemblance of the dragon beneath his 
own and his children's feet, stricken through with 
a dart, and cast headlong into the depths of the 
sea.
In this manner he intended to represent the secret 
adversary of the human race, and to indicate that 
he was consigned to the gulf of perdition by 
virtue of the salutary trophy placed above his 
head. This allegory, then, was thus conveyed by 
means of the colors of a picture: and I am filled 
with wonder at the intellectual greatness of the 
emperor, who as if by divine inspiration thus 
expressed what the prophets had foretold 
concerning this monster, saying that "God would 
bring his great and strong and terrible sword 
against the dragon, the flying serpent; and would 
destroy the dragon that was in the sea.'' (3) This 
it was of which the emperor gave a true and 
faithful representation in the picture above 
described.

CHAPTER IV.

A Farther Notice of the Controversies raised
in Egypt by Arius.

IN such occupations as these he employed himself 
with pleasure: but the effects of that envious 
spirit which so troubled the peace of the churches 
of God in Alexandria, together with the Theban and 
Egyptian schism, continued to cause him no little 
disturbance of mind. For in fact, in every city 
bishops were engaged in obstinate conflict with 
bishops, and people rising against people; and 
almost like the fabled Symplegades, (1) coming 
into violent collision with each other. Nay, some 
were so far transported beyond the bounds of 
reason as to be guilty of reckless and outrageous 
conduct, and even to insult the statues of the 
emperor. This state of things had little power to 
excite his anger, but rather caused in him sorrow 
of spirit; for he deeply deplored the folly thus 
exhibited by deranged men.

CHAPTER V.

Of the Disagreement respecting the Celebration
of Easter.

BUT before this time another most virulent 
disorder had existed, and long afflicted the


521

Church; I mean the difference respecting the 
salutary feast of Easter. (1) For while one party 
asserted that the Jewish custom should be adhered 
to, the other affirmed that the exact recurrence 
of the period should be observed without following 
the authority of those who were in error, and 
strangers to gospel grace.
Accordingly, the people being thus in every place 
divided in respect of this, (1) and the sacred 
observances of religion confounded for a long 
period (insomuch that the diversity of judgment in 
regard to the time for celebrating one and the 
same feast caused the greatest disagreement 
between those who kept it, some afflicting 
themselves with fastings and austerities, while 
others devoted their time to festive relaxation), 
no one appeared who was capable of devising a 
remedy for the evil, because the controversy 
continued equally balanced between both parties. 
To God alone, the Almighty, was the healing of 
these differences an easy task; and Constantine 
appeared to be the only one on earth capable of 
being his minister for this good end. For as soon 
as he was made acquainted with the facts which I 
have described, and perceived that his letter to 
the Alexandrian Christians had failed to produce 
its due effect, he at once aroused the energies of 
his mind, and declared that he must prosecute to 
the utmost this war also against the secret 
adversary who was disturbing the peace of the 
Church.

CHAFFER VI.

How he ordered a Council to be held at Nicoea.

THEN as if to bring a divine array against this 
enemy, he convoked a general council, and invited 
the speedy attendance of bishops from all 
quarters, in letters expressive of the honorable 
estimation in which he held them. Nor was this 
merely the issuing of a bare command but the 
emperor's good will contributed much to its being 
carried into effect: for he allowed some the use 
of the public means of conveyance, while he 
afforded to others an ample supply of horses (1) 
for their transport. The place, too, selected for 
the synod, the city Nicaea in Bithynia (named from 
"Victory"), was appropriate to the occasion. (2) 
As soon then as the imperial injunction was 
generally made known, all with  the utmost 
willingness hastened thither, as though they would 
outstrip one another in a race; for they were 
impelled by the anticipation of a happy result to 
the conference, by the hope of enjoying present 
peace, and the desire of beholding something new 
and strange in the person of so admirable an 
emperor. Now when they were all assembled, it 
appeared evident that the proceeding was the work 
of God, inasmuch as men who had been most widely 
separated, not merely in sentiment but also 
personally, and by difference of country, place, 
and nation, were here brought together, and 
comprised within the walls of a single city, 
forming as it were a vast garland of priests, 
composed of a variety of the choicest flowers.

CHAPTER VII.

Of the General Council, at which Bishops from
all Nations were Present. (1)

IN effect, the most distinguished of God's 
ministers from all the churches which abounded in 
Europe, Lybia, (2) and Asia were here assembled. 
And a single house of prayer, as though divinely 
enlarged, sufficed to contain at once Syrians and 
Cilicians, Phoenicians and Arabians, delegates 
from Palestine, and others from Egypt; Thebans and 
Libyans, with those who came from the region of 
Mesopotamia. A Persian bishop too was present at 
this conference, nor was even a Scythian found 
wanting to the number. (3) Pontus, Galatia, and 
Pamphylia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Phrygia, 
furnished their most distinguished prelates; while 
those who dwelt in the remotest districts of 
Thrace and Macedonia, of Achaia and Epirus, were 
notwithstanding in attendance. Even from Spain 
itself, one whose fame was widely spread took his 
seat as an individual in the great assembly. (4) 
The prelate of the imperial city (5) was prevented 
from attending by extreme old age; but his 
presbyters were present, and supplied his place. 
Constantine is the first prince of any age who 
bound together such a garland as this with the 
bond of peace, and presented it to his Saviour as 
a thank-offering for the victories he had obtained 
over every foe, thus exhibiting in our own times a 
similitude of the apostolic company.


522

CHAPTER VIII.

	  That the Assembly was composed, as in the dots 
of the Apostles, of Individuals from Various 
Nations.

FOR it iS said (1) that in the Apostles' age, 
there were gathered "devout men from every nation 
under heaven"; among whom were Parthians, and 
Medes, and Elamites, and the dwellers in 
Mesopotamia, in Judea, and Cappadocia, in Pontus 
and Asia, in Phrygia and Pamphylia, in Egypt, and 
the parts of Libya about Cyrene; and sojourners 
from Rome, both Jews and proselytes, Cretans and 
Arabians. But that assembly was less, in that not 
all who composed it were ministers of God; but in 
the present company, the number of bishops 
exceeded two hundred and fifty, (2) while that of 
the presbyters and deacons in their train, and the 
crowd of acolytes and other attendants was 
altogether beyond computation.

CHAPTER IX.

Of the Virtue and Age of the Two Hundred and
Fifty Bishops.

Of these ministers of God, some were distinguished 
by wisdom and eloquence, others by the gravity of 
their lives, and by patient fortitude of 
character, while others again united in themselves 
all these graces. (1) There were among them men 
whose years demanded veneration: others were 
younger, and in the prime of mental vigor; and 
some had but recently entered on the course of 
their ministry. For the maintenance of all ample 
provision was daily furnished by the emperor's 
command.

CHAPTER X.

	  Council	in the Palace. Constantine, entering, 
took his Seat in the Assembly.

Now when the appointed day arrived on which the 
council met for the final solution of the 
questions in dispute, each member was present for 
this in the central building of the palace, (1) 
which appeared to exceed the rest in magnitude. On 
each side of the interior of this were many seats 
disposed in order, which were occupied by those 
who had been invited to attend, according to their 
rank. As soon, then, as the whole assembly had 
seated themselves with becoming orderliness, a 
general silence prevailed, in expectation of the 
emperor's arrival. And first of all, three of his 
immediate family entered in succession, then 
others also preceded his approach, not of the 
soldiers or guards who usually accompanied him, 
but only friends in the faith. And now, all rising 
at the signal which indicated the emperor's 
entrance, at last he himself proceeded through the 
midst of the assembly, like some heavenly 
messenger of God, clothed in raiment which 
glittered as it were with rays of light, 
reflecting the glowing radiance of a purple robe, 
and adorned with the brilliant splendor of gold 
and precious stones. Such was the external 
appearance of his person; and with regard to his 
mind, it was evident that he was distinguished by 
piety and godly fear. This was indicated by his 
downcast eyes, the blush on his countenance, and 
his gait. For the rest of his personal 
excellencies, he surpassed all present in height 
of stature and beauty of form, as well as in 
majestic dignity of mien, and invincible strength 
and vigor. All these graces, united to a suavity 
of manner, and a serenity becoming his imperial 
station, declared the excellence of his mental 
qualities to be above all praise. (2) As soon as 
he had advanced to the upper end of the seats, at 
first he remained standing, and when a low chair 
of wrought gold had been set for him, he waited 
until the bishops had beckoned to him, and then 
sat down, and after him the whole assembly did the 
same.

CHAPTER XI.

Silence of the Council, after Some Words by the
the Bishop Eusebius.

The bishop who occupied the chief place in the 
right division of the assembly (1) then rose, and, 
addressing the emperor, delivered a concise 
speech, in a strain of thanksgiving to Almighty 
God on his behalf. When he had resumed his seat, 
silence ensued, and all regarded the emperor with 
fixed attention; on which he looked serenely round 
on the assembly with a cheerful aspect, and, 
having collected his thoughts, in a calm and 
gentle tone gave utterance to the following words.


523

CHAPTER XII.

"It was once my chief desire, dearest friends, to 
enjoy the spectacle of your united presence; and 
now that this desire is fulfilled, I feel myself 
bound to render thanks to God the universal King, 
because, in addition to all his other benefits, he 
has granted me a blessing higher than all the 
rest, in permitting me to see you not only all 
assembled together, but all united in a common 
harmony of sentiment. I pray therefore that no 
malignant adversary may henceforth interfere to 
mar our happy state; I pray that, now the impious 
hostility of the tyrants has been forever removed 
by the power of God our Saviour, that spirit who 
delights in evil may devise no other means for 
exposing the divine law to blasphemous calumny; 
for, in my judgment, intestine strife within the 
Church of God, is far more evil and dangerous than 
any kind of war or conflict; and these our 
differences appear to me more grievous than any 
outward trouble. Accordingly, when, by the will 
and with the co-operation of God, I had been 
victorious over my enemies, I thought that nothing 
more remained but to render thanks to him, and 
sympathize in the joy of those whom he had 
restored to freedom through my instrumentality; as 
soon as I heard that intelligence which I had 
least expected to receive, I mean the news of your 
dissension, I judged it to be of no secondary 
importance, but with the earnest desire that a 
remedy for this evil also might be found through 
my means, I immediately sent to require your 
presence. And now I rejoice in beholding your 
assembly; but I feel that my desires will be most 
completely fulfilled when I can see you all united 
in one judgment, and that common spirit of peace 
and concord prevailing amongst you all, which it 
becomes you, as consecrated to the service of God, 
to commend to others. Delay not, then, dear 
friends: delay not, ye ministers of God, and 
faithful servants of him who is our common Lord 
and Saviour: begin from this moment to discard the 
causes of that disunion which has existed among 
you, and remove the perplexities of controversy by 
embracing the principles of peace. For by such 
conduct you will at the same time be acting in a 
manner most pleasing to the supreme God, and you 
will confer an exceeding favor on me who am your 
fellow-servant."

CHAPTER XIII.

How he led the Dissentient Bishops to Har-
mony of Sentiment.

As soon as the emperor had spoken these words in 
the Latin tongue, which another interpreted, he 
gave permission to those who presided in the 
council to deliver their opinions. On this some 
began to accuse their neighbors, who defended 
themselves, and recriminated in their turn. In 
this manner numberless assertions were put forth 
by each party, and a violent controversy arose at 
the very commencement. Notwithstanding this, the 
emperor gave patient audience to all alike, and 
received every proposition with steadfast 
attention, and by occasionally assisting the 
argument of each party in turn, he gradually 
disposed even the most vehement disputants to a 
reconciliation. At the same time, by the 
affability of his address to all, and his use of 
the Greek language, with which he was not 
altogether unacquainted, he appeared in a truly 
attractive and amiable light, persuading some, 
convincing others by his reasonings, praising 
those who spoke well, and urging all to unity of 
sentiment, until at last he succeeded in bringing 
them to one mind and judgment respecting every 
disputed question.

CHAPTER XIV.

Unanimous Declaration of the Council concerning 
Faith, and the Celebration of Easter.

The result was that they were not only united as 
concerning the faith, but that the time for the 
celebration of the salutary feast of Easter was 
agreed on by all. Those points also which were 
sanctioned by the resolution of the whole body 
were committed to writing, and received the 
signature of each several member. (1) Then the 
emperor, believing that he had thus obtained a 
second victory over the adversary of the Church, 
proceeded to solemnize a triumphal festival in 
honor of God.

CHAPTER XV.

How Constantine entertained the Bishops on the
Occasion of his Vicennalia.

About this time he completed the twentieth year of 
his reign. (1) On this occasion public festivals 
were celebrated by the people of the provinces 
generally, but the emperor himself invited and 
feasted with those ministers of God


524

whom he had reconciled, and thus offered as it 
were through them a suitable sacrifice to God. Not 
one of the bishops was wanting at the imperial 
banquet, (2) the circumstances of which were 
splendid beyond description. Detachments of the 
body-guard and other troops surrounded the 
entrance of the palace with drawn swords, and 
through the midst of these the men of God 
proceeded without fear into the innermost of the 
imperial apartments, in which some were the 
emperor's own companions at table, while others 
reclined on couches arranged on either side. (3) 
One might have thought that a picture of Christ's 
kingdom was thus shadowed forth, and a dream 
rather than reality.

CHAPTER XVI.

Presents to the Bishops, and Letters to the People
generally.

AFTER the celebration of this brilliant festival, 
the emperor courteously received all his guests, 
and generously added to the favors he had already 
bestowed by personally presenting gifts to each 
individual according to his rank. He also gave 
information of the proceedings of the synod to 
those who had not been present, by a letter in his 
own hand-writing. And this letter also I will 
inscribe as it were on some monument by inserting 
it in this my narrative of his life. It was as 
follows:

CHAPTER XVII.

Constantine's Letter to the Churches respecting
the Council at Nicoea.

"CONSTANTINUS AUGUSTUS, to the Churches. "Having 
had full proof, in the general prosperity of the 
empire, how great the favor of God has been 
towards us, I have judged that it ought to be the 
first object of my endeavors, that unity of faith, 
sincerity of love, and community of feeling in 
regard to the worship of Almighty God, might be 
preserved among the highly favored multitude who 
compose the Catholic Church. And, inasmuch as this 
object could not be effectually and certainly 
secured, unless all, or at least the greater 
number of the bishops were to meet together, and a 
discussion of all particulars relating to oar most 
holy religion to take place; for this reason as 
numerous an assembly as possible has been 
convened, at which I myself was present, as one 
among yourselves (and far be it from me to deny 
that which is my greatest joy, that I am your 
fellow-servant), and every question received due 
and full examination, until that judgment which 
God, who sees all things, could approve, and which 
tended to unity and concord, was brought to light, 
so that no room was left for further discussion or 
controversy in relation to the faith.

CHAPTER XVIII.

	  He speaks of their Unanimity respecting the 
Feast of Easter, and against the Practice of the 
Jews.

"AT this meeting the question concerning the most 
holy day of Easter was discussed, and it was 
resolved by the united judgment of all present, 
that this feast ought to be kept by all and in 
every place on one and the same day. For what can 
be more becoming or honorable to us than that this 
feast from which we date our hopes of immortality, 
should be observed unfailingly by all alike, 
according to one ascertained order and 
arrangement? And first of all, it appeared an 
unworthy thing that in the celebration of this 
most holy feast we should follow the practice of 
the Jews, who have impiously defiled their hands 
with enormous sin, and are, therefore, deservedly 
afflicted with blindness of soul. For we have it 
in our power, if we abandon their custom, to 
prolong the due observance of this ordinance to 
future ages, by a truer order, which we have 
preserved from the very day of the passion until 
the present time. Let us then have nothing in 
common with the detestable Jewish crowd; for we 
have received from our Saviour a different way. A 
course at once legitimate and honorable lies open 
to our most holy religion. Beloved brethren, let 
us with one consent adopt this course, and 
withdraw ourselves from all participation in their 
baseness. (1) For their boast is absurd indeed, 
that it is not in our power without instruction 
from them to observe these things. For how should 
they be capable of forming a sound judgment, who, 
since their parricidal guilt in slaying their 
Lord, have been subject to the direction, not of 
reason, but of ungoverned passion, and are swayed 
by every impulse of the mad spirit that is in 
them? Hence it is that on this point as well as 
others they have no perception of the truth, so 
that,
	
being altogether ignorant of the true adjustment 
of this question, they sometimes celebrate


525

Easter twice in the same year. Why then should we 
follow those who are confessedly in grievous 
error? Surely we shall never consent to keep this 
feast a second time in the same year. But 
supposing these reasons were not of sufficient 
weight, still it would be incumbent on your 
Sagacities (2) to strive and pray continually that 
the purity of your souls may not seem in anything 
to be sullied by fellowship with the customs of 
these most wicked men. We must consider, too, that 
a discordant judgment in a case of such 
importance, and respecting such religious 
festival, is wrong. For our Saviour has left us 
one feast in commemoration of the day of our 
deliverance, I mean the day of his most holy 
passion; and he has willed that his Catholic 
Church should be one, the members of which, 
however scattered in many and diverse places, are 
yet cherished by one pervading spirit, that is, by 
the will of God. And let your Holinesses' sagacity 
reflect how grievous and scandalous it is that on 
the self-same days some should be engaged in 
fasting, others in festive enjoyment; and again, 
that after the days of Easter some should be 
present at banquets and amusements, while others 
are fulfilling the appointed fasts. It is, then, 
plainly the will of Divine Providence (as I 
suppose you all clearly see), that this usage 
should receive fitting correction, and be reduced 
to one uniform rule.

CHAPTER XIX.

Exhortation to follow the Example of the
Greater Part of the World.

"Since, therefore, it was needful that this matter 
should be rectified, so that we might have nothing 
in common with that nation of parricides who slew 
their Lord: and since that arrangement is 
consistent with propriety which is observed by all 
the churches of the western, southern, and 
northern parts of the world, and by some of the 
eastern also: for these reasons all are unanimous 
on this present occasion in thinking it worthy of 
adoption. And I myself have undertaken that this 
decision should meet with the approval of your 
Sagacities, (1) in the hope that your Wisdoms (1) 
will gladly admit that practice which is observed 
at once in the city of Rome, and in Africa; 
throughout Italy, and in Egypt, in Spain, the 
Gauls, Britain, Libya, and the whole of Greece; in 
the dioceses of Asia and Pontus, and in Cilicia, 
with entire unity of judgment. And you will 
consider not only that the number of churches is 
far greater in the regions I have enumerated than 
in any other, but also that it is most fitting 
that all should unite in desiring that which sound 
reason appears to demand, and in avoiding all 
participation in the perjured conduct of the Jews. 
(2) In fine, that I may express my meaning in as 
few words as possible, it has been determined by 
the common judgment of all, that the most holy 
feast of Easter should be kept on one and the same 
day. For on the one hand a discrepancy of opinion 
on so sacred a question is unbecoming, and on the 
other it is surely best to act on a decision which 
is free from strange folly and error.

CHAPTER XX.

Exhortation to obey the Decrees of the Council.

"RECEIVE, then, with all willingness this truly 
Divine injunction, and regard it as in truth the 
gift of God. For whatever is determined in the 
holy assemblies of the bishops is to be regarded 
as indicative of the Divine will. As soon, 
therefore, as you have communicated these 
proceedings to all our beloved brethren, you are 
bound from that time forward to adopt for 
yourselves, and to enjoin on others the 
arrangement above mentioned, and the due 
observance of this most sacred day; that whenever 
I come into the presence of your love, which I 
have long desired, I may have it in my power to 
celebrate the holy feast with you on the same day, 
and may rejoice with you on all accounts, when I 
behold the cruel power of Satan removed by Divine 
aid through the agency of our endeavors, while 
your faith, and peace, and concord ever? where 
flourish. God preserve you, beloved brethren
The emperor transmitted a faithful copy (1) of 
this letter to every province, wherein they who 
read it might discern as in a mirror the pure 
sincerity of his thoughts, and of his piety toward 
God.

CHAPTER XXI.

Recommendation to the Bishops, on their Depar-
ture, to Preserve Harmony.

AND now, when the council was on the point of 
being finally dissolved, he summoned all the 
bishops to meet him on an appointed day, and on 
their arrival addressed them in a farewell


526

speech, in which he recommended them to be 
diligent in the maintenance of peace, to avoid 
contentious disputations, amongst themselves and 
not to be jealous, if any one of their number 
should appear pre-eminent for wisdom and 
eloquence, but to esteem the excellence of one a 
blessing common to all. On the other hand he 
reminded them that the more gifted should forbear 
to exalt themselves to the prejudice of their 
humbler brethren, since it is God's prerogative to 
judge of real superiority. Rather should they 
considerately condescend to the weaker, 
remembering that absolute perfection in any case 
is a rare quality indeed. Each then, should be 
willing to accord indulgence to the other for 
slight offenses, to regard charitably and pass 
over mere human weaknesses; holding mutual harmony 
in the highest honor, that no occasion of mockery 
might be given by their dissensions to those who 
are ever ready to blaspheme the word of God: whom 
indeed we should do all in our power to save, and 
this cannot be unless our conduct seems to them 
attractive. But you are well aware of the fact 
that testimony is by no means productive of 
blessing to all, since some who hear are glad to 
secure the supply of their mere bodily 
necessities, while others court the patronage of 
their superiors; some fix their affection on those 
who treat them with hospitable kindness, others 
again, being honored with presents, love their 
benefactors in return; but few are they who really 
desire the word of testimony, and rare indeed is 
it to find a friend of truth. Hence the necessity 
of endeavoring to meet the case of all, and, 
physician-like, to administer to each that which 
may tend to the health of the soul, to the end 
that the saving doctrine may be fully honored by 
all. Of this kind was the former part of his 
exhortation; (1) and in conclusion he enjoined 
them to offer diligent supplications to God on his 
behalf. Having thus taken leave of them, he gave 
them all permission to return to their respective 
countries; and this they did with joy, and 
thenceforward that unity of judgment at which they 
had arrived in the emperor's presence continued to 
prevail, and those who had long been divided were 
bound together as members of the same body.

CHAPTER XXII.

How he dismissed Some, and wrote Letters to
Others; also his Presents.

Full of joy therefore at this success, the emperor 
presented as it were pleasant fruits in the way of 
letters to those who had not been present at the 
council. He commanded also that ample gifts of 
money should be bestowed on all the people, both 
in the country and the cities, being pleased thus 
to honor the festive occasion of the twentieth 
anniversary of his reign.

CHAPTER XXIII.

How he wrote to the Egyptians, exhorting them
to Peace.

And now, when all else were at peace, among the 
Egyptians alone an implacable contention still 
raged, (1) so as once more to disturb the 
emperor's tranquillity, though not to excite his 
anger. For indeed he treated the contending 
parties with all respect, as fathers, nay rather, 
as prophets of God; and again he summoned them to 
his presence, and again patiently acted as 
mediator between them, and honored them with 
gifts, and communicated also the result of his 
arbitration by letter. He confirmed and sanctioned 
the decrees of the council, and called on them to 
strive earnestly for concord, and not to distract 
and rend the Church, but to keep before them the 
thought of God's judgment. And these injunctions 
the emperor sent by a letter written with his own 
hand.

CHAPTER XXIV.

How	he wrote Frequent Letters of a Religious 
Character to the Bishops and People.

But besides these, his writings are very numerous 
on kindred subjects, and he was the author of a 
multitude of letters, some to the bishops, in 
which he laid injunctions on them tending to the 
advantage of the churches of God; and sometimes 
the thrice blessed one addressed the people of the 
churches generally, calling them his own brethren 
and fellow-servants. But perhaps we may hereafter 
find leisure to collect these despatches in a 
separate form, in order that the integrity of our 
present history may not be impaired by their 
insertion.

CHAPTER XXV.

How he ordered the Erection of a Church at
Jerusalem, in the Holy Place of our Saviour's 
Resurrection.

AFTER these things, the pious emperor addressed 
himself to another work truly worthy of record, in 
the province of Palestine. What


527

then was this work? He judged it incumbent on him 
to render the blessed locality of our Saviour's 
resurrection an object of attraction and 
veneration to all. He issued immediate 
injunctions, therefore, for the erection in that 
spot of a house of prayer: and this he did, not on 
the mere natural impulse of his own mind, but 
being moved in spirit by the Saviour himself.

CHAPTER XXVI.

That the Holy Sepulchre had been covered with 
Rubbish and with Idols by the Ungodly.

For it had been in time past the endeavor of 
impious men (or rather let me say of the whole 
race of evil spirits through their means), to 
consign to the darkness of oblivion that divine 
monument of immortality to which the radiant angel 
had descended from heaven, and rolled away the 
stone for those who still had stony hearts, and 
who supposed that the living One still lay among 
the dead; and had declared glad tidings to the 
women also, and removed their stony-hearted 
unbelief by the conviction that he whom they 
sought was alive. This sacred cave, then, certain 
impious and godless persons had thought to remove 
entirely from the eyes of men, supposing in their 
folly that thus they should be able effectually to 
obscure the truth. Accordingly they brought a 
quantity of earth from a distance with much labor, 
and covered the entire spot; then, having raised 
this to a moderate height, they paved it with 
stone, concealing the holy cave beneath this 
massive mound. Then, as though their purpose had 
been effectually accomplished, they prepare on 
this foundation a truly dreadful sepulchre of 
souls, by building a gloomy shrine of lifeless 
idols to the impure spirit whom they call Venus, 
and offering detestable oblations therein on 
profane and accursed altars. For they supposed 
that their object could not otherwise be fully 
attained, than by thus burying the sacred cave 
beneath these foul pollutions. Unhappy men! they 
were unable to comprehend how impossible it was 
that their attempt should remain unknown to him 
who had been crowned with victory over death, any 
more than the blazing sun, when he rises above the 
earth, and holds his wonted course through the 
midst of heaven, is unseen by the whole race of 
mankind. Indeed, his saving power, shining with 
still greater brightness, and illumining, not the 
bodies, but the souls of men, was already filling 
the world with the effulgence of its own light. 
Nevertheless, these devices of impious and wicked 
men against the truth had prevailed for a long 
time, nor had any one of the governors, or 
military commanders, or even of the emperors 
themselves ever yet appeared, with ability to 
abolish these daring impieties, save only that one 
who enjoyed the favor of the King of kings. And 
now, acting as he did under the guidance of the 
divine Spirit, he could not consent to see the 
sacred spot of which we have spoken, thus buried, 
through the devices of the adversaries, under 
every kind of impurity, and abandoned to 
forgetfulness and neglect; nor would he yield to 
the malice of those who had contracted this guilt, 
but calling on the divine aid, gave orders that 
the place should be thoroughly purified, thinking 
that the parts which had been most polluted by the 
enemy ought to receive special tokens, through his 
means, of the greatness of the divine favor. As 
soon, then, as his commands were issued, these 
engines of deceit were cast down from their proud 
eminence to the very ground, and the 
dwelling-places of error, with the statues and the 
evil spirits which they represented, were 
overthrown and utterly destroyed.

CHAPTER XXVII.

How Constantine commanded the Materials of
the Idol Temple, and the Soil itself, to be 
removed at a Distance.

Nor did the emperor's zeal stop here; but he gave 
further orders that the materials of what was thus 
destroyed, both stone and timber, should be 
removed and thrown as far from the spot as 
possible; and this command also was speedily 
executed. The emperor, however, was not satisfied 
with having proceeded thus far: once more, fired 
with holy ardor, he directed that the ground 
itself should be dug up to a considerable depth, 
and the soil which had been polluted by the foul 
impurities of demon worship transported to a far 
distant place.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Discovery of the Most Holy Sepulchre. (1)

This also was accomplished without delay. But as 
soon as the original surface of the ground, 
beneath the covering of earth, appeared, 
immediately, and contrary to all expectation, the 
venerable and hollowed monument of our Saviour's 
resurrection was discovered. Then indeed did this 
most holy cave present a faithful simili-


528

tude of his return to life, in that, after lying 
buried in darkness, it again emerged to light, and 
afforded to all who came to witness the sight, a 
clear and visible proof of the wonders of which 
that spot had once been the scene, a testimony to 
the resurrection of the Saviour clearer than any 
voice could give.

CHAPTER XXIX.

	  How he wrote concerning the Erection of a 
Church, both to the Governors of the Provinces, 
and to the Bishop Macarius.

IMMEDIATELY after the transactions I have 
recorded, the emperor sent forth injunctions which 
breathed a truly pious spirit, at the same time 
granting ample supplies of money, and commanding 
that a house of prayer worthy of the worship of 
God should be erected near the Saviour's tomb on a 
scale of rich and royal greatness. This object he 
had indeed for some time kept in view, and had 
foreseen, as if by the aid of a superior 
intelligence, that which should afterwards come to 
pass. He laid his commands, therefore, on the 
governors of the Eastern provinces, that by an 
abundant and unsparing expenditure they should 
secure the completion of the work on a scale of 
noble and ample magnificence. He also despatched 
the following letter to the bishop who at that 
time presided over the church at Jerusalem, in 
which he clearly asserted the saving doctrine of 
the faith, writing in these terms.

CHAPTER XXX.

Constantine's Letter to Macarius respecting the 
Building of the Church of our Saviour.

"VICTOR CONSTANTIUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, tO
Macarius.
"Such is our Saviour's grace, that no power of 
language seems adequate to describe the wondrous 
circumstance to which I am about to refer. For, 
that the monument of his most holy Passion, so 
long ago buried beneath the ground, should have 
remained unknown for so long a series of years, 
until its reappearance to his servants now set 
free through the removal of him (1) who was the 
common enemy of all, is a fact which truly 
surpasses all admiration. For if all who are 
accounted wise throughout the world were to unite 
in their endeavors to say somewhat worthy of this 
event, they would be unable to attain their object 
in the smallest degree. Indeed, the nature of this 
miracle as far transcends the capacity of human 
reason as heavenly things are superior to human 
affairs. For this cause it is ever my first, and 
indeed my only object, that, as the authority of 
the truth is evincing itself daily by fresh 
wonders, so our souls may all become more zealous, 
with all sobriety and earnest unanimity, for the 
honor  of the Divine law. I desire, therefore, 
especially, that you should be persuaded of that 
which I suppose is evident to all beside, namely, 
that I have no greater care than how I may best 
adorn with a splendid structure that sacred spot, 
which, under Divine direction, I have 
disencumbered as it were of the heavy weight of 
foul idol worship; a spot which has been accounted 
holy from the beginning in God's judgment, but 
which now appears holier still, since it has 
brought to light a clear assurance of our 
Saviour's passion.

CHAPTER XXXI.

	  That the Building should surpass all the 
Churches in the World in the Beauty of its Walls, 
its Columns, and Marbles.

"IT will be well, therefore, for your sagacity to 
make such arrangements and provision of all things 
needful for the work, that not only the church 
itself as a whole may surpass all others 
whatsoever in beauty, but that the details of the 
building may be of such a kind that the fairest 
structures in any city of the empire may be 
excelled by this. And with respect to the erection 
and decoration of the walls, this is to inform you 
that our friend Dracilianus, the deputy of the  
Praetorian Praefects, and the governor of the 
province, have received a charge from us. For our 
pious directions to them are to the effect that 
artificers and laborers, and whatever they shall 
understand from your sagacity to be needful for 
the advancement of the work, shall forthwith be 
furnished by their care. And as to the columns and 
marbles, whatever you shall judge, after actual 
inspection of the plan, to be especially precious 
and serviceable, be diligent to send information 
to us in writing, in order that whatever quantity 
or sort of materials we shall esteem from your 
letter to be needful, may be procured from every 
quarter, as required, for it is fitting that the 
most marvelous place in the world should be 
worthily decorated.

CHAPTER XXXII.

That he instructed the Governors concerning the
Beautifying of the Roof; also concerning Workmen, 
and Materials.

"WITH respect to the ceiling (1) of the church,
529

I wish to know from you whether in your judgment 
it should be panel-ceiled, (2) or finished with 
any other kind of workmanship. If the panel 
ceiling be adopted, it may also be ornamented with 
gold. For the rest, your Holiness will give 
information as early as possible to the 
before-mentioned magistrates how many laborers and 
artificers, and what expenditure of money is 
required. You will also be careful to send us a 
report without delay, not only respecting the 
marbles and columns, but the paneled ceiling also, 
should this appear to you to be the most beautiful 
form. God preserve you, beloved brother !"

CHAPTER XXXIII.

How the Church of our Saviour, the New Jerusalem 
prophesied of in Scripture, was built.

This was the emperor's letter; and his directions 
were at once carried into effect. Accordingly, on 
the very spot which witnessed the Saviour's 
sufferings, a new Jerusalem was constructed, over 
against the one so celebrated of old, which, since 
the foul stain of guilt brought on it by the 
murder of the Lord, had experienced the last 
extremity of desolation, the effect of Divine 
judgment on its impious people. It was opposite 
this city that the emperor now began to rear a 
monument to the Saviour's victory over death, with 
rich and lavish magnificence. And it may be that 
this was that second and new Jerusalem spoken of 
in the predictions of the prophets, (1) concerning 
which such abundant testimony is given in the 
divinely inspired records.
First of all, then, he adorned the sacred cave 
itself, as the chief part of the whole work, and 
the hallowed monument at which the angel radiant 
with light had once declared to all that 
regeneration which was first manifested in the 
Saviour's person.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Description of the Structure of the Holy Sepul-
chre.

This monument, therefore, first of all, as the 
chief part of the whole, the emperor's zealous 
magnificence beautified with rare columns, anti 
profusely enriched with the most splendid 
decorations of every kind.

CHAPTER XXXV.

Description of the Atrium and Porticos.

The next object of his attention was a space of 
ground of great extent, and open to the pure air 
of heaven. This he adorned with a pavement of 
finely polished stone, and enclosed it on three 
sides with porticos of great length.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

Description of the Walls, Roof, Decoration, and 
Gilding of the Body of the Church.

For at the side opposite to the cave, which was 
the eastern side, the church itself was erected; a 
noble work rising to a vast height, and of great 
extent both in length and breadth. The interior of 
this structure was floored with marble slabs of 
various colors; while the external surface of the 
walls, which shone with polished stones exactly 
fitted together, exhibited a degree of splendor in 
no respect inferior to that of marble. With regard 
to the roof, it was covered on the outside with 
lead, as a protection against the rains of winter. 
But the inner part of the roof, which was finished 
with sculptured panel work, extended in a series 
of connected compartments, like a vast sea, over 
the whole church; (1) and, being overlaid 
throughout with the purest gold, caused the entire 
building to glitter as it were with rays of light.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

Description of the Double Porticos on Either Side, 
and of the Three Eastern Gates.

BESIDES this were two porticos on each side, with 
upper and lower ranges of pillars, (1) 
corresponding in length with the church itself; 
and these also had their roofs ornamented with 
gold. Of these porticos, those which were exterior 
to the church were supported by columns of great 
size, while those within these rested on piles (2) 
of


530

stone beautifully adorned on the surface. Three 
gates, placed exactly east, were intended to 
receive the multitudes who entered the church.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

	  Description	of the Hemisphere, the Twelve 
Columns, and their Bowls.

OPPOSITE these gates the crowning part of the 
whole was the hemisphere, (1) which rose to the 
very summit of the church. This was encircled by 
twelve columns (according to the number of the 
apostles of our Saviour), having their capitals 
embellished with silver bowls of great size, which 
the emperor himself presented as a splendid 
offering to his God.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

Description of the Inner Court, the Arcades
and Porches.

In the next place he enclosed the atrium which 
occupied the space leading to the entrances in 
front of the church. This comprehended, first the 
court, then the porticos on each side, and lastly 
the gates of the court. After these, in the midst 
of the open market-place, (1) the general 
entrance-gates, which were of exquisite 
workmanship, afforded to passers-by on the outside 
a view of the interior which could not fail to 
inspire astonishment.

CHAPTER XL.

Of the Number of his Offerings.

This temple, then, the emperor erected as a 
conspicuous monument of the Saviour's 
resurrection, and embellished it throughout on an 
imperial scale of magnificence. He further 
enriched it with numberless offerings of 
inexpressible beauty and various materials,--gold, 
silver, and precious stones, the skillful and 
elaborate arrangement of which, in regard to their 
magnitude, number, and variety, we have not 
leisure at present to describe particularly. (1)

CHAPTER XLI.

Of the Erection of Churches in Bethlehem, and
an the Mount of Olives.

In the same country he discovered other places, 
venerable as being the localities of two sacred 
caves: and these also he adorned with lavish 
magnificence. In the one case, he rendered due 
honor to that which had been the scene of the 
first manifestation of our Saviour's divine 
presence, when he submitted to be born in mortal 
flesh; while in the case of the second cavern he 
hallowed the remembrance of his ascension to 
heaven from the mountain top. And while he thus 
nobly testified his reverence for these places, he 
at the same time eternized the memory of his 
mother, (1) who had been the instrument of 
conferring so valuable a benefit on mankind.

CHAPTER XLII.

	  That the Empress Helena, (1) Constantine's 
Mother, having visited this Locality for 
Devotional Purposes, built these Churches.

For she, having resolved to discharge the duties 
of pious devotion to the God, the King of kings, 
and feeling it incumbent on her to render 
thanksgivings with prayers on behalf both of her 
own son, now so mighty an emperor, and of his 
sons, her own grandchildren, the divinely favored 
Caesars, though now advanced m years, yet gifted 
with no common degree of wisdom, had hastened with 
youthful alacrity to survey this venerable land; 
and at the same time to visit the eastern 
provinces, cities, and people, with a truly 
imperial solicitude. As soon, then, as she had 
rendered due reverence to the ground which the 
Saviour's feet had trodden, according to the 
prophetic word which says (2) "Let us worship at 
the place whereon his feet have stood," she 
immediately bequeathed the fruit of her piety to 
future generations.

CHAPTER XLIII.

A Farther Notice of the Churches at Bethlehem.

FOR without delay she dedicated two churches to 
the God whom she adored, one at the grotto which 
had been the scene of the Saviour's birth; the 
other on the mount of his ascension. For


531

he who was "God with us" had submitted to be born 
even in a cave (1) of the earth, and the place of 
his nativity was called Bethlehem by the Hebrews. 
Accordingly the pious empress honored with rare 
memorials the scene of her travail who bore this 
heavenly child, and beautified the sacred cave 
with all possible splendor. The emperor himself 
soon after testified his reverence for the spot by 
princely offerings, and added to his mother's 
magnificence by costly presents of silver and 
gold, and embroidered hangings. And farther, the 
mother of the emperor raised a stately structure 
on the Mount of Olives also, in memory of his 
ascent to heaven who is the Saviour of mankind, 
erecting a sacred church and temple on the very 
summit of the mount. And indeed authentic history 
informs us that in this very cave the Saviour 
imparted his secret revelations to his disciples. 
(2) And here also the emperor testified his 
reverence for the King of kings, by diverse and 
costly offerings. Thus did Helena Augusta, the 
pious mother of a pious emperor, erect over the 
two mystic caverns these two noble and beautiful 
monuments of devotion, worthy of everlasting 
remembrance, to the honor of God her Saviour, and 
as proofs of her holy zeal, receiving from her son 
the aid of his imperial power. Nor was it long ere 
this aged woman reaped the due reward of her 
labors. After passing the whole period of her 
life, even to declining age, in the greatest 
prosperity, and exhibiting both in word and deed 
abundant fruits of obedience to the divine 
precepts, and having enjoyed in consequence an 
easy and tranquil existence, with unimpaired 
powers of body and mind, at length she obtained 
from God an end befitting her pious course, and a 
recompense of her good deeds even in this present 
life.

CHAPTER XLIV.

Of Helena's Generosity and Beneficent Acts.

For on the occasion of a circuit which she made of 
the eastern provinces, in the splendor of imperial 
authority, she bestowed abundant proofs of her 
liberality as well on the inhabitants of the 
several cities collectively, as on individuals who 
approached her, at the same time that she 
scattered largesses among the soldiery with a 
liberal hand. But especially abundant were the 
gifts she bestowed on the naked and unprotected 
poor. To some she gave money, to others an ample 
supply of clothing: she liberated some from 
imprisonment, or from the bitter servitude of the 
mines; others she delivered from unjust 
oppression, and others again, she restored from 
exile.

CHAPTER XLV.

Helena's Pious Conduct in the Churches.

WHILE, however, her character derived luster
from such deeds as I have described, she was far 
from neglecting personal piety toward God. (1) She 
might be seen continually frequenting his Church, 
while at the same time she adorned the houses of 
prayer with splendid offerings, not overlooking 
the churches of the smallest cities. In short, 
this admirable woman was to be seen, in simple and 
modest attire, mingling with the crowd of 
worshipers, and testifying her devotion to God by 
a uniform course of pious conduct.

CHAPTER XLVI.

How she made her Will, and died at the Age of
Eighty Years.

AND when at length at the close of a long life, 
she was called to inherit a happier lot, having 
arrived at the eightieth year of her age, and 
being very near the time of her departure, she 
prepared and executed her last will in favor of 
her only son, the emperor and sole monarch of the 
world, and her grandchildren, the Caesars his 
sons, to whom severally she bequeathed whatever 
property she possessed in any part of the world. 
Having thus made her will, this thrice blessed 
woman died in the presence of her illustrious son, 
who was in attendance at her side, caring for her 
and held her hands: so that, to those who rightly 
discerned the truth,  the thrice blessed one 
seemed not to die, but to experience a real change 
and transition from an earthly to a heavenly 
existence, since her soul, remoulded as it were 
into an incorruptible and angelic essence, (1) was 
received up into her Saviour's presence. (2)


532

CHAPTER XLVII.

How Constantine buried his Mother, and how
he honored her during her Life.

HER body, too, was honored with special tokens of 
respect, being escorted on its way to the imperial 
city by a vast train of guards, and there 
deposited in a royal tomb. Such were the last days 
of our emperor's mother, a person worthy of being 
had in perpetual remembrance, both for her own 
practical piety, and because she had given birth 
to so extraordinary and admirable an offspring. 
And well may his character be styled blessed, for 
his filial piety as well as on other grounds. He 
rendered her through his influence so devout a 
worshiper of God, (though she had not previously 
been such,) that she seemed to have been 
instructed from the first by the Saviour of 
mankind: and besides this, he had honored her so 
fully with imperial dignities, that in every 
province, and in the very ranks of the soldiery, 
she was spoken of under the titles of Augusta and 
empress, and her likeness was impressed on golden 
coins. (1) He had even granted her authority over 
the imperial treasures, to use and dispense them 
according to her own will and discretion in every 
case for this enviable distinction also she 
received at the hands of her son. Hence it is that 
among the qualities which shed a luster on his 
memory, we may rightly include that surpassing 
degree of filial affection whereby he rendered 
full obedience to the Divine precepts which enjoin 
due honor from children to their parents. In this 
manner, then, the emperor executed in Palestine 
the noble works I have above described: and indeed 
in every province he raised new churches on a far 
more imposing scale than those which had existed 
before his time.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

How he built Churches in Honor of Martyrs, and 
abolished Idolatry at Constantinople.

And being fully resolved to distinguish the city 
which bore his name with especial honor, he 
embellished it with numerous sacred edifices, both 
memorials of martyrs on the largest scale, and 
other buildings of the most splendid kind, not 
only within the city itself, but in its vicinity: 
and thus at the same time he rendered honor to the 
memory of the martyrs, and consecrated his city to 
the martyrs' God. Being filled, too, with Divine 
wisdom, he determined to purge  the city which was 
to be distinguished by his own name from idolatry 
of every kind, that henceforth no statues might be 
worshiped there in the temples of those falsely 
reputed to be gods, nor any altars defiled by the 
pollution of blood: that there might be no 
sacrifices consumed by fire, no demon festivals, 
nor any of the other ceremonies usually observed 
by the superstitious.

CHAPTER XLIX.

Representation of the Cross in the Palace, and of 
Daniel at the Public Fountains.

On the other hand one might see the fountains in 
the midst of the market place graced with figures 
representing the good Shepherd, well known to 
those who study the sacred oracles, and that of 
Daniel also with the lions, forged in brass, and 
resplendent with plates of gold. Indeed, so large 
a measure of Divine love possessed the emperor's 
soul, that in the principal apartment of the 
imperial palace itself, on a vast tablet (1) 
displayed in the center of its gold-covered 
paneled ceiling, he caused the symbol of our 
Saviour's Passion to be fixed, composed of a 
variety of precious stones richly inwrought with 
gold. This symbol he seemed to have intended to be 
as it were the safeguard of the empire itself.

CHAPTER L.

That he erected Churches in Nicomedia, and in
Other Cities.

HAVING thus embellished the city which bore
	his name, he next distinguished the capital of 
Bithynia (1) by the erection of a stately and 
magnificent church, being desirous of raising in 
this city also, in honor of his Saviour and at his 
own charges, a memorial of his victory over his 
own enemies and the adversaries of God. He also 
decorated the principal cities of the other 
provinces with sacred edifices of great beauty; 
as, for example, in the case of that metropolis of 
the East which derived its name from Antiochus, in 
which, as the head of that portion of the empire, 
he consecrated to the service of God a church of 
unparalleled size and beauty. The entire building 
was encompassed by an enclosure of great extent, 
within which the church itself rose to a vast 
elevation, being of an octagonal form, and 
surrounded on all sides by


533

many chambers, courts, and upper and lower 
apartments; the whole richly adorned with a 
profusion of gold, brass, and other materials of 
the most costly kind.

CHAPTER LI.

That he ordered a Church to be built at Mambre.

Such was the principal sacred edifices erected by 
the emperor's command. But having heard that the 
self-same Saviour who erewhile had appeared on 
earth (1) had in ages long since past afforded a 
manifestation of his Divine presence to holy men 
of Palestine near the oak of Mambre, (2) he 
ordered that a house of prayer should be built 
there also in honor of the God who had thus 
appeared. Accordingly the imperial commission was 
transmitted to the provincial governors by letters 
addressed to them individually, enjoining a speedy 
completion of the appointed work. He sent moreover 
to the writer of this history an eloquent 
admonition, a copy of which I think it well to 
insert in the present work, in order to convey a 
just idea of his pious diligence and zeal. To 
express, then, his displeasure at the evil 
practices which he had heard were usual in the 
place just referred to, he addressed me in the 
following terms.

CHAPTER LII.

Constantine's Letter to Eusebius concerning
Mambre.

"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to 
Macarius, and the rest of the bishops in 
Palestine. (2)
"One benefit, and that of no ordinary importance, 
has been conferred on us by my truly pious 
mother-in-law, (2) in that she has made known to 
us by letter that abandoned folly of impious men 
which has hitherto escaped detection by you: so 
that the criminal conduct thus overlooked may now 
through our means obtain fitting correction and 
remedy, necessary though ardy. For surely it is a 
grave impiety indeed, that holy places should be 
defiled by the stain of unhallowed impurities. 
What then is this, dearest brethren, which, though 
it has eluded your sagacity, she of whom I speak 
was impelled by a pious sense of duty to disclose?

CHAPTER LIII.

That the Saviour appeared in this Place to
Abraham.

"SHE assures me, then, that the place which takes 
its name from the oak of Mambre, where we find 
that Abraham dwelt, is defiled by certain of the 
slaves of superstition in every possible way. She 
declares that idols (1) which should be utterly 
destroyed have been erected on the site of that 
tree; that an altar is near the spot; and that 
impure sacrifices are continually performed. Now 
since it is evident that these practices are 
equally inconsistent with the character of our 
times, and unworthy the sanctity of the place 
itself, I wish your Gravities (2) to be informed 
that the illustrious Count Acacius, our friend, 
has received instructions by letter from me, to 
the effect that every idol which shall be found in 
the place above-mentioned shall immediately be 
consigned to the flames; that the altar be utterly 
demolished; and that if any one, after this our 
mandate, shall be guilty of impiety of any kind in 
this place, he shall be visited with condign 
punishment. The place itself we have directed to 
be adorned with an unpolluted structure, I mean a 
church; in order that it may become a fitting 
place of assembly for holy men. Meantime, should 
any breach of these our commands occur, it should 
be made known to our clemency without the least 
delay by letters from you, that we may direct the 
person detected to be dealt with, as a 
transgressor of the law, in the severest manner. 
For you are not ignorant that the Supreme God 
first appeared to Abraham, and conversed with him, 
in that place. There it was that the observance of 
the Divine law first began; there first the 
Saviour himself, with the two angels, vouchsafed 
to Abraham a manifestation of his presence; there 
God first appeared to men; there he gave promise 
to Abraham concerning his future seed, and 
straightway fulfilled that promise; there he 
foretold that he should be the father of a 
multitude of nations.


534

For these reasons, it seems to me right that this 
place should not only be kept pure through your 
diligence from all defilement, but restored also 
to its pristine sanctity; that nothing hereafter 
may be done there except the performance of 
fitting service to him who is the Almighty God, 
and our Saviour, and Lord of all. And this service 
it is incumbent on you to care for with due 
attention, if your Gravities be willing (and of 
this I feel confident) to gratify my wishes, which 
are especially interested in the worship of God. 
May he preserve you, beloved brethren!"

CHAPTER LIV.

Destruction of Idol Temples and Images every-
where.

ALL these things the emperor diligently performed 
to the praise of the saving power of Christ, and 
thus made it his constant aim to glorify his 
Saviour God. On the other hand he used every means 
to rebuke the superstitious errors of the heathen. 
Hence the entrances of their temples in the 
several cities were left exposed to the weather, 
being stripped of their doors at his command; the 
tiling of others was removed, and their roofs 
destroyed. From others again the venerable statues 
of brass, of which the superstition of antiquity 
had boasted for a long series of years, were 
exposed to view in all the public places of the 
imperial city: so that here a Pythian, there a 
Sminthian Apollo, excited the contempt of the 
beholder: while the Delphic tripods were deposited 
in the hippodrome and the Muses of Helicon in the 
palace itself. In short, the city which bore his 
name was everywhere filled with brazen statues of 
the most exquisite workmanship, which had been 
dedicated in every province, and which the deluded 
victims of superstition had long vainly honored as 
gods with numberless victims and burnt sacrifices, 
though now at length they learnt to renounce their 
error, when the emperor held up the very objects 
of their worship to be the ridicule and sport of 
all beholders. With regard to those images which 
were of gold, he dealt with them in a different 
manner. For as soon as he understood that the 
ignorant multitudes were inspired with a vain and 
childish dread of these bugbears of error, wrought 
in gold and silver, he judged it right to remove 
these also, like stumbling-stones thrown in the 
way of men walking in the dark, and henceforward 
to open a royal road, plain and unobstructed to 
all. Having formed this resolution, he considered 
no soldiers or military force of any sort needful 
for the suppression of the evil: a few of his own 
friends sufficed for this service, and these he 
sent by a simple expression of his will to visit 
each several province. Accordingly, sustained by 
confidence in the emperor's pious intentions and 
their own personal devotion to God, they passed 
through the midst of numberless tribes and 
nations, abolishing this ancient error in every 
city and country. They ordered the priests 
themselves, amidst general laughter and scorn, to 
bring their gods from their dark recesses to the 
light of day: they then stripped them of their 
ornaments, and exhibited to the gaze of all the 
unsightly reality which had been hidden beneath a 
painted exterior. Lastly, whatever part of the 
material appeared valuable they scraped off and 
melted in the fire to prove its worth, after which 
they secured and set apart whatever they judged 
needful for their purpose, leaving to the 
superstitious worshipers that which was altogether 
useless, as a memorial of their shame. Meanwhile 
our admirable prince was himself engaged in a work 
similar to what we have described. For at the same 
time that these costly images of the dead were 
stripped, as we have said, of their precious 
materials, he also attacked those composed of 
brass; causing those to be dragged from their 
places with ropes and as it were carried away 
captive, whom the dotage of mythology had esteemed 
as gods.

CHAPTER LV.

	  Overthrow of an Idol Temple, and Abolition of 
Licentious Practices, at Aphaca in Phoenicia.

THE emperor's next care was to kindle, as it were, 
a brilliant torch, by the light of which he 
directed his imperial gaze around, to see if any 
hidden vestiges of error might still exist. And as 
the keen-sighted eagle in its heavenward flight is 
able to descry from its lofty height the most 
distant objects on the earth, so did he, while 
residing in the imperial palace of his own fair 
city, discover as from a watch-tower a hidden and 
fatal snare of souls in the province of Phoenicia. 
This was a grove and temple, not situated in the 
midst of any city, nor in any public place, as for 
splendor of effect is generally the case, but 
apart from the beaten and frequented road, at 
Aphaca, on part of the summit of Mount Lebanon, 
and dedicated to the foul demon known by the name 
of Venus. It was a school of wickedness for all 
the votaries of impurity, and such as destroyed 
their bodies with effeminacy. Here men undeserving 
of the name forgot the dignity of their sex, and 
propitiated the demon by their effeminate conduct; 
here too unlawful commerce of women and adulterous 
intercourse, with other horrible and infamous 
practices, were

535

perpetrated in this temple as in a place beyond 
the scope and restraint of law. Meantime these 
evils remained unchecked by the presence of any 
observer, since no one of fair character ventured 
to visit such scenes. These proceedings, however, 
could not escape the vigilance of our august 
emperor, who, having himself inspected them with 
characteristic forethought, and judging that such 
a temple was unfit for the light of heaven, gave 
orders that the building with its offerings should 
be utterly destroyed. Accordingly, in obedience to 
the imperial command, these engines of an impure 
superstition were immediately abolished, and the 
hand of military force was made instrumental in 
purging the place. And now those who had 
heretofore lived without restraint learned 
self-control through the emperor's threat of 
punishment, as likewise those superstitious 
Gentiles wise in their own conceit, who now 
obtained experimental proof of their own folly.

CHAFFER LVI.

Destruction of the Temple of AEsculapius at

FOR since a wide-spread error of these pretenders 
to wisdom concerned the demon worshiped in 
Cilicia, whom thousands regarded with reverence as 
the possessor of saving and healing power, who 
sometimes appeared to those who passed the night 
in his temple, sometimes restored the diseased to 
health, though on the contrary he was a destroyer 
of souls, who drew his easily deluded worshipers 
from the true Saviour to involve them in impious 
error, the emperor, consistently with his 
practice, and desire to advance the worship of him 
who is at once a jealous God and the true Saviour, 
gave directions that this temple also should be 
razed to the ground. In prompt obedience to this 
command, a band of soldiers laid this building, 
the admiration of noble philosophers, prostrate in 
the dust, together with its unseen inmate, neither 
demon nor god, but rather a deceiver of souls, who 
had seduced mankind for so long a time through 
various ages. And thus he who had promised to 
others deliverance from misfortune and distress, 
could find no means for his own security, any more 
than when, as is told in myth, he was scorched by 
the lightning's stroke. (2) Our emperor's pious 
deeds, however, had in them nothing fabulous or 
feigned; but by virtue of the manifested power of 
his Saviour, this temple as well as others was so 
utterly overthrown, that not a vestige of the 
former follies was left behind.

CHAPTER LVII.

How the Gentiles abandoned Idol Worship, and 
turned to the Knowledge of God.

HENCE it was that, of those who had been the 
slaves of superstition, when they saw with their 
own eyes the exposure of their delusion, and 
beheld the actual ruin of the temples and images 
in every place, some applied themselves to the 
saving doctrine of Christ; while others, though 
they declined to take this step, yet reprobated 
the folly which they had received from their 
fathers, and laughed to scorn what they had so 
long been accustomed to regard as gods. Indeed, 
what other feelings could possess their minds, 
when they witnessed the thorough uncleanness 
concealed beneath the fair exterior of the objects 
of their worship? Beneath this were found either 
the bones of dead men or dry skulls, fraudulently 
adorned by the arts of magicians, (1) or filthy 
rags full of abominable impurity, or a bundle of 
hay or stubble. On seeing all these things heaped 
together within their lifeless images, they 
denounced their fathers' extreme folly and their 
own, especially when neither in the secret 
recesses of the temples nor in the statues 
themselves could any inmate be found; neither 
demon, nor utterer of oracles, neither god nor 
prophet, as they had heretofore supposed: nay, not 
even a dim and shadowy phantom could be seen. 
Accordingly, every gloomy cavern, every hidden 
recess, afforded easy access to the emperor's 
emissaries: the inaccessible and secret chambers, 
the innermost shrines of the temples, were 
trampled by the soldiers' feet; and thus the 
mental blindness which had prevailed for so many 
ages over the gentile world became clearly 
apparent to the eyes of all.

CHAFFER LVIII.

	  How he destroyed the Temple of Venus at 
Heliopolis, and built the First Church in that 
City.
SUCH actions as I have described may well be 
reckoned among the emperor's noblest achievements, 
as also the wise arrangements which he made 
respecting each particular province. We may 
instance the Phoenician city Heliopolis, in which 
those who dignify licentious pleasure with a 
distinguishing title of honor, had permitted their 
wives and daughters to commit shameless 
fornication. But now a new statute, breathing the 
very spirit of modesty, proceeded from the 
emperor, which peremptorily forbade the con-


536

tinuance of former practices. And besides this he 
sent them also written exhortations, as though he 
had been especially ordained by God for this end, 
that he might instruct all men in the principles 
of chastity. Hence, he disdained not to 
communicate by letter even with these persons, 
urging them to seek diligently the knowledge of 
God. At the same time he followed up his words by 
corresponding deeds, and erected even in this city 
a church of great size and magnificence: so that 
an event unheard of before in any age, now for the 
first time came to pass, namely, that a city which 
had hitherto been wholly given up to superstition 
now obtained the privilege of a church of God, 
with presbyters and deacons, and its people were 
placed under the presiding care of a bishop 
consecrated to the service of the supreme God. And 
further, the emperor, being anxious that here also 
as many as possible might be won to the truth, 
bestowed abundant provision for the necessities of 
the poor, desiring even thus to invite them to 
seek the doctrines of salvation, as though he were 
almost adopting the words of him who said, 
"Whether in pretense, or in truth, let Christ be 
preached." (1)

CHAPTER LIX.

Of the Disturbance at Antioch by Eustathius.

IN the midst, however, of the general happiness 
occasioned by these events, and while the Church 
of God was every where and every way flourishing 
throughout the empire, once more that spirit of 
envy, who ever watches for the ruin of the good, 
prepared himself to combat the greatness of our 
prosperity, in the expectation, perhaps, that the 
emperor himself, provoked by our tumults and 
disorders, might eventually become estranged from 
us. Accordingly, he kindled a furious controversy 
at Antioch, and thereby involved the church in 
that place in a series of tragic calamities, which 
had well-nigh occasioned the total overthrow of 
the city. The members of the Church were divided 
into two opposite parties; while the people, 
including even the magistrates and soldiery, were 
roused to such a pitch, that the contest would 
have been decided by the sword, had not the 
watchful providence of God, as well as dread of 
the emperor's displeasure, controlled the fury of 
the multitude. On this occasion, too, the emperor, 
acting the part of a preserver and physician of 
souls, applied with much forbearance the remedy of 
persuasion to those who needed it. He gently 
pleaded, as it were by an embassy, with his 
people, sending among them one  of the best 
approved and most faithful of those who were 
honored with the dignity of Count; (1) at the same 
time that he exhorted them to a peaceable spirit 
by repeated letters, and instructed them in the 
practice of true godliness, Having prevailed by 
these remonstrances, he excused their conduct in 
his subsequent letters, alleging that he had 
himself heard the merits of the case from him on 
whose account the disturbance had arisen. (2) And 
these letters of his, which are replete with 
learning and instruction of no ordinary kind, I 
should have inserted in this present work, were it 
not that they might affix a mark of dishonor to 
the character of the persons accused. I will 
therefore omit these, being unwilling to revive 
the memory of past grievances, and will only annex 
those to my present narrative which he wrote to 
testify his satisfaction at the re-establishment 
of peace and concord among the rest. In these 
letters, he cautioned them against any desire to 
claim the ruler of another district, (3) through 
whose intervention peace had been restored, as 
their own, and exhorted them, consistently with 
the usage of the Church, to choose him as their 
bishop, whom the common Saviour of all should 
point out as suited for the office. His letter, 
then, is addressed to the people and to the 
bishops, severally, in the following terms.

CHAPTER LX.

	  Constantine's Letter to the Antiochians, 
directing them not to withdraw Eusebius from 
Coesarea, but to seek some one else.

"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to the 
people of Antioch.
"How pleasing to the wise and intelligent portion 
of mankind is the concord which exists among you! 
And I myself, brethren, am disposed to love you 
with an enduring affection, inspired both by 
religion, and by your own manner of life and zeal 
on my behalf. It is by the exercise of right 
understanding and sound discretion, that we are 
enabled really to enjoy our blessings. And what 
can become you so well as i this discretion? No 
wonder, then, if I affirm that your maintenance of 
the truth has tended rather to promote your 
security than to draw on you the hatred of others. 
Indeed, amongst brethren, whom the selfsame 
disposition to walk


537

in the ways of truth and righteousness promises, 
through the favor of God, to register among his 
pure and holy family, what can be more honorable 
than gladly to acquiesce in the prosperity of all 
men? Especially since the precepts of the divine 
law prescribe a better direction to your proposed 
intention, and we ourselves desire that your 
judgment should be confirmed by proper sanction. 
(1) It may be that you are surprised, and at a 
loss to understand the meaning of this 
introduction to my present address. The cause of 
it I will not hesitate to explain without reserve. 
I confess, then, that on reading your records I 
perceived, by the highly eulogistic testimony 
which they bear to Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, 
whom I have myself long well known and esteemed 
for his learning and moderation, that you are 
strongly attached to him, and desire to 
appropriate him as your own. What thoughts, then, 
do you suppose that I entertain on this subject, 
desirous as I am to seek for and act on the strict 
principles of right? What anxiety do you imagine 
this desire of yours has caused me? O holy faith, 
who givest us in our Saviour's words and precepts 
a model, as it were, of what our life should be, 
how hardly wouldst thou thyself resist the sins of 
men, were it not that thou refusest to subserve 
the purposes of gain! In my own judgment, he whose 
first object is the maintenance of peace, seems to 
be superior to Victory herself; and where a right 
and honorable course lies open to one's choice, 
surely no one would hesitate to adopt it. I ask 
then, brethren, why do we so decide as to inflict 
an injury on others by our choice? Why do we covet 
those objects which will destroy the credit of our 
own reputation? I myself highly esteem the 
individual whom ye judge worthy of your respect 
and affection: notwithstanding, it cannot be right 
that those principles should be entirely 
disregarded which should be authoritative and 
binding on all alike, so that each should not be 
content with his own circumstances, and all enjoy 
their proper privileges: nor can it be right, in 
considering the claims of rival candidates, to 
suppose but that not one only, but many, may 
appear worthy of comparison with this person. For 
as long as no violence or harshness are suffered 
to disturb the dignities of the church, they 
continue to be on an equal footing, and worthy of 
the same consideration everywhere. Nor is it 
reasonable that an inquiry into the qualifications 
of this one should be made to the detriment of 
others; since the judgment of all churches, 
whether reckoned of greater or less importance in 
themselves, is equally capable of receiving and 
maintaining the

divine ordinances, so that one is in no way 
inferior to another, if we will but boldly declare 
the truth, in regard to that standard of practice 
which is common to all. If this be so, we must say 
that you will be chargeable, not with retaining 
this prelate, but with wrongfully removing him; 
your conduct will be characterized rather by 
violence than justice; and whatever may be 
generally thought by others, I dare clearly and 
boldly affirm that this measure will furnish 
ground of accusation against you, and will provoke 
factious disturbances of the most mischievous 
kind: for even timid flocks can show the use and 
power of their teeth, when the watchful care of 
their shepherd declines, and they find themselves 
bereft of his accustomed guidance. If this then be 
really so, if I am not deceived in my judgment, 
let this, brethren, be your first consideration, 
for many and important considerations will 
immediately present themselves, whether, should 
you persist in your intention, that mutual kindly 
feeling and affection which should subsist among 
you will suffer no diminution? In the next place, 
remember that he, who came among you for the 
purpose of offering disinterested counsel, (2) now 
enjoys the reward which is due to him in the 
judgment of heaven; for he has received no 
ordinary recompense in the high testimony you have 
borne to his equitable conduct. Lastly, in 
accordance with your usual sound judgment, do ye 
exhibit a becoming diligence in selecting the 
person of whom you stand in need, carefully 
avoiding all factious and tumultuous clamor; for 
such clamor is always wrong, and from the 
collision of discordant elements both sparks and 
flame will arise. I protest, as I desire to please 
God and you, and to enjoy a happiness commensurate 
with your kind wishes, that I love you, and the 
quiet haven of your gentleness, now that you have 
cast from you that which defiled, (3) and received 
in its place at once sound morality and concord, 
firmly planting in the vessel the sacred standard, 
and guided, as one may say, by a helm of iron in 
your course onward to the light of heaven. Receive 
then on board that merchandise which is 
incorruptible, since, as it were, all


538

bilge water has been drained from the vessel; and 
be careful henceforth so to secure the enjoyment 
of all your present blessing, that you may not 
seem at any future time either to have determined 
any measure on the impulse of inconsiderate or 
ill-directed zeal, or in the first instance rashly 
to have entered on an inexpedient course. May God 
preserve you, beloved brethren!"

CHAPTER LXI.

The	Emperor's Letter to Eusebius praising him for 
refusing the Bishopric of Antioch.

The Emperor's Letter to me an my refusing the
Bishopric of Antioch.

"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Eusebius.
"I have most carefully perused your letter, and 
perceive that you have strictly conformed to the 
rule enjoined by the discipline of the Church. Now 
to abide by that which appears at the same time 
pleasing to God, and accordant with apostolical 
tradition, is a proof of true piety. You have 
reason to deem yourself happy on this behalf, that 
you are counted worthy, in the judgment, I may 
say, of all the world, to have the oversight of 
any church. For the desire which all feel to claim 
you for their own, undoubtedly enhances your 
enviable fortune in this respect. Notwithstanding, 
your Prudence whose resolve it is to observe the 
ordinances of God and the apostolic canon of the 
Church, (1) has done excellently well in declining 
the bishopric of the church at Antioch, and 
desiring to continue in that church of which you 
first received the oversight by the will of God. I 
have written on this subject to the people of 
Antioch, and also to your colleagues in the 
ministry who had themselves consulted me in regard 
to this question; on reading which letters, your 
Holiness will easily discern, that, inasmuch as 
justice itself opposed their claims, I have 
written to them under divine direction. It will be 
necessary that your Prudence should be present at 
their conference, in order that this decision may 
be ratified in the church at Antioch. God preserve 
you, beloved brother!"

CHAPTER LXII.

Constantine's Letter to the Council, depreciating 
the Removal of Eusebius from Coesarea.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Theodotus, Theodorus, Narcissus, Aëtius, 
Alpheus, and the rest of the bishops who are at 
Antioch.

"I have perused the letters written by your 
Prudences, and highly approve of the wise 
resolution of your colleague in the ministry, 
Eusebius. Having, moreover, been informed of the 
circumstances of the case, partly by your letters, 
partly by those of our illustrious counts, (1) 
Acacius and Strategius, after sufficient 
investigation I have written to the people of 
Antioch, suggesting the course which will be at 
once pleasing to God and advantageous for the 
Church. A copy of this I have ordered to be 
subjoined to this present letter, in order that ye 
yourselves may know what I thought fit, as an 
advocate of the cause of justice, to write to that 
people: since I find in your letter this proposal, 
that, in consonance with the choice of the people, 
sanctioned by your own desire, Eusebius the holy 
bishop of Caesarea should preside over and take 
the charge of the church at Antioch. Now the 
letters of Eusebius himself on this subject 
appeared to be strictly accordant with the order 
prescribed by the Church. Nevertheless it is 
expedient that your Prudences should be made 
acquainted with my opinion also. For I am 
'informed that Euphronius the presbyter, who is  a 
citizen of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and George of 
Arethusa, likewise a presbyter, and appointed to 
that office by Alexander at Alexandria, (2) are 
men of tried faith. It was right, therefore, to 
intimate to your Prudences, that in proposing 
these men and any others whom you may deem worthy 
the episcopal dignity, you should decide this 
question in a manner conformable to the tradition 
of the apostles. For in that case, your Prudences 
will be able, according to the rule of the Church 
and apostolic tradition, to direct this election 
in the manner which true ecclesiastical discipline 
shall prescribe. God preserve you, beloved 
brethren!"

CHAPTER LXIII.

How he displayed his Zeal for the Extirpation
of Heresies.

Such were the exhortations to do all things to the 
honor of the divine religion which the emperor 
addressed to the rulers of the churches. Having by 
these means banished dissension, and


539

reduced the Church of God to a state of uniform 
harmony, he next proceeded to a different duty, 
feeling it incumbent on him to extirpate another 
sort of impious persons, as pernicious enemies of 
the human race. These were pests of society, who 
ruined whole cities under the specious garb of 
religious decorum; men whom our Saviour's warning 
voice somewhere terms false prophets and ravenous 
wolves: "Beware of false prophets, which will come 
to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are 
ravening wolves. By their fruits ye shall know 
them." (1) Accordingly, by an order transmitted to 
the governors of the several provinces, he 
effectually banished all such offenders. In 
addition to this ordinance he addressed to them 
personally a severely awakening admonition, 
exhorting them to an earnest repentance, that they 
might still find a haven of safety in the true 
Church of God. Hear, then, in what manner he 
addressed them in this letter.

CHAPTER LXIV.

Constantine's Edict against the Heretics.

"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to the heretics.
"Understand now, by this present statute, ye 
Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionites, Paulians, ye 
who are called Cataphrygians, (1) and all ye who 
devise and support heresies by means of your 
private assemblies, with what a tissue of 
falsehood and vanity, with what destructive and 
venomous errors, your doctrines are inseparably 
interwoven; so that through you the healthy soul 
is stricken with disease, and the living becomes 
the prey of everlasting death. Ye haters and 
enemies of truth and life, in league with 
destruction! All your counsels are opposed to the 
truth, but familiar with deeds of baseness; full 
of absurdities and fictions: and by these ye frame 
falsehoods, oppress the innocent, and withhold the 
light from them that believe. Ever trespassing 
under the mask of godliness, ye fill all things 
with defilement: ye pierce the pure and guileless 
conscience with deadly wounds, while ye withdraw, 
one may almost say, the very light of day from the 
eyes of men. But why should I particularize, when 
to speak of your criminality as it deserves 
demands more time and leisure than I can give? For 
so long and unmeasured is the catalogue of your 
offenses, so hateful and altogether atrocious are 
they, that a single day would not suffice to 
recount them all. And, indeed, it is well to turn 
one's ears and eyes from such a subject, lest by a 
description of each particular evil, the pure 
sincerity and freshness of one's own faith be 
impaired. Why then do I still bear with such 
abounding evil; especially since this protracted 
clemency is the cause that some who were sound are 
become tainted with this pestilent disease? Why 
not at once strike, as it were, at the root of so 
great a mischief by a public manifestation of 
displeasure?

CHAPTER LXV.

The Heretics are deprived of their Meeting
Places.

"FORASMUCH, then, as it is no longer possible to 
bear with your pernicious errors, we give warning 
by this present statute that none of you 
henceforth presume to assemble yourselves 
together. (1) We have directed, accordingly, that 
you be deprived of all the houses in which you are 
accustomed to hold your assemblies: and our care 
in this respect extends so far as to forbid the 
holding of your superstitious and senseless 
meetings, not in public merely, but in any private 
house or place whatsoever. Let those of you, 
therefore, who are desirous of embracing the true 
and pure religion, take the far better course of 
entering the catholic Church, and uniting with it 
in holy fellowship, whereby you will be enabled to 
arrive at the knowledge of the truth. In any case, 
the delusions of your perverted understandings 
must entirely cease to mingle with and mar the 
felicity of our present times: I mean the impious 
and wretched double-mindedness of heretics and 
schismatics. For it is an object worthy of that 
prosperity which we enjoy through the favor of 
God, to endeavor to bring back those who in time 
past were living in the hope of future blessing, 
from all irregularity and error to the right path, 
from darkness to light, from vanity to truth, from 
death to salvation. And in order that this remedy 
may be applied with effectual power, we have 
commanded, as before said, that you be positively 
deprived of every gathering point for your 
superstitious meetings, I mean all the houses of 
prayer, if such be worthy of the name, which 
belong to


540

heretics, and that these be made over without 
delay to the catholic Church; that any other 
places be confiscated to the public service, and 
no facility whatever be left for any future 
gathering; in order that from this day forward 
none of your unlawful assemblies may presume to 
appear in any public or private place. Let this 
edict be made public."

CHAPTER LXVI.

	  How on the Discovery of Prohibited Books among 
the Heretics, Many of them return to the Catholic 
Church.

THUS were the lurking-places of the heretics 
broken up by the emperor's command, and the savage 
beasts they harbored (I mean the chief authors of 
their impious doctrines) driven to flight. Of 
those whom they had deceived, some, intimidated by 
the emperor's threats, disguising their real 
sentiments, crept secretly into the Church. For 
since the law directed that search should be made 
for their books, those of them who practiced evil 
and forbidden arts were detected, and, these were 
ready to secure their own safety by dissimulation 
of every kind. (1) Others, however, there were, 
who voluntarily

and with real sincerity embraced a better hope. 
Meantime the prelates of the several churches. 
continued to make strict inquiry, utterly 
rejecting those who attempted an entrance under 
the specious disguise of false pretenses, while 
those who came with sincerity of purpose were 
proved for a time, and after sufficient trial 
numbered with the congregation. Such was the 
treatment of those who stood charged with rank 
heresy: those, however, who maintained no impious 
doctrine, but had been separated from the one body 
through the influence of schismatic advisers, were 
received without difficulty or delay. Accordingly, 
numbers thus revisited, as it were, their own 
country after an absence in a foreign land, and 
acknowledged the Church as a mother from whom they 
had wandered long, and to whom they now returned 
with joy and gladness. Thus the members of the 
entire body became united, and compacted in one 
harmonious whole; and the one catholic Church, at 
unity with itself, shone with full luster, while 
no heretical or schismatic body anywhere continued 
to exist. (2) And the credit of having achieved 
this mighty work our Heaven-protected emperor 
alone, of all who had gone before him, was able to 
attribute to himself.

BOOK IV.

CHAPTER I.

How he honored Many by Presents and Promo-
tions.

WHILE thus variously engaged in promoting

Saviour's doctrine, the emperor was far from 
neglecting secular affairs; but in this respect 
also he was unwearied in bestowing benefits of 
every kind and in quick succession on the people 
of every province. On the one hand he manifested a 
paternal anxiety for the general welfare of his 
subjects; on the other he would distinguish 
individuals of his own acquaintance with various 
marks of honor; conferring his benefits in every 
instance in a truly noble spirit. No one could 
request a favor from the emperor, and fail of 
obtaining what he sought: no one expected a boon 
from him, and found that expectation vain. (1) 
Some received presents in money, others in land; 
some obtained the Praetorian praefecture, others 
senatorial, others again consular rank: many were 
appointed provincial governors: others were made 
counts of the first, second, or third order: in 
numberless instances the title of Most Illustrious 
and many other distinctions were conferred; for 
the emperor devised new dignities, that he might 
invest a larger number with the tokens of his 
favor.

CHAPTER II.

Remission of a Fourth Part of the Taxes.

THE extent to which he studied the general 
happiness and prosperity may be understood from a 
single instance most beneficial and universal in 
its application, and still gratefully remembered. 
He remitted a fourth part of the yearly tribute 
paid for land, and bestowed it on the owners of 
the soil; so that if we compute this yearly 
reduction, we shall find that the cultivators 
enjoyed their produce free of tribute every fourth 
year. (1) This privilege being established by law, 
and secured for the time to come, has given 
occasion for the emperor's beneficence to be held, 
not merely by the then present generation, but by 
their children and descendants, in perpetual 
remembrance.

CHAPTER III.

Equalization of the More Oppressive Taxes.

AND whereas some persons found fault with the 
surveys of land which had been made under former 
emperors, and complained that their property was 
unduly burdened; acting in this case also on the 
principles of justice, he sent commissioners to 
equalize the tribute, and to secure immunity to 
those who had made this. appeal.

CHAPTER IV.

His Liberality, from his private Resources, to the 
Losers in Suits of a Pecuniary Nature.

IN cases of judicial arbitration, in order that 
the loser by his decision might not quit his 
presence less contented than the victorious 
litigant, he himself bestowed, and from his own 
private means in some cases lands, in other money, 
on the defeated party. In this manner he took care 
that the loser, as having appeared in his

ought in any case to retire dejected and sorrowful 
from an interview with such a price. (1) Thus it 
happened that both parties returned from the scene 
of trial with glad and cheerful countenances, 
while the emperor's noble-minded liberality 
excited universal admiration.

CHAPTER V.

Conquest of the Scythians defeated through the
Sign of Our Saviour.

AND why should I relate even briefly and 
incidentally, how he subjected barbarous nations 
to the Roman power; how he was the first who


542

pelled them, how unwilling soever, to own the 
sovereignty of Rome? For the emperors who preceded 
him had actually rendered tribute to the 
Scythians: and Romans, by an annual payment, had 
confessed themselves servants to barbarians; an 
indignity which our emperor could no longer bear, 
nor think it consistent with his victorious career 
to continue the payment his predecessors had made. 
Accordingly, with full confidence in his Saviour's 
aid he raised his conquering standard against 
these enemies also, and soon reduced them all to 
obedience; coercing by military force those who 
fiercely resisted his authority, while, on the 
other hand, he con-

ilization from their lawless and savage life. Thus 
the Scythians at length learned to acknowledge 
subjection to the power of Rome.

CHAPTER VI.

Conquest of the Sarmatians, consequent on the
Rebellion of their Slaves.

WITH respect to the Sarmatians, God himself 
brought them beneath the rule of Constantine, and 
subdued a nation swelling with barbaric pride in 
the following manner. Being attacked by the 
Scythians, they had entrusted their slaves with 
arms, in order to repel the enemy. These slaves 
first overcame the invaders and then, turning 
their weapons against their masters, drove them 
all from their native land. The expelled 
Sarmatians found that their only hope of safety 
was in Constantine's protection: and he, whose 
familiar habit it was to save men's lives, 
received them all within the confines of the Roman 
empire. (1) Those who were capable of serving he 
incorporated with his own troops: to the rest he 
allotted lands to cultivate for their own support 
so that they themselves acknowledged that their 
past misfortune had produced a happy result in 
that they now enjoyed Roman liberty in place of 
savage barbarism. In this manner God added to his 
dominions many and various barbaric tribes.

CHAPTER VII.

Ambassadors from Different Barbarous Nations 
receive Presents from the Emperor.

INDEED, ambassadors were continually arriving from 
all nations, bringing for his acceptance their 
most precious gifts. So that I myself have 
sometimes stood near the entrance of the imperial 
palace, and observed a noticeable array of 
barbarians in attendance, differing from each 
other in costume and decorations, and equally 
unlike in the fashion of their hair and beard. 
Their aspect truculent and terrible, their bodily 
stature prodigious: some of a red complexion, 
others white as snow, others again of an 
intermediate color. For in the number of those I 
have referred to might be seen specimens of the 
Blemmyan tribes, of the Indians, and the 
Ethiopians, (1)" that widely-divided race, 
remotest of mankind." All these in due succession, 
like some painted pageant, presented to the 
emperor those gifts which their own nation held in 
most esteem; some offering crowns of 

goldments embroidered with gold and flowers: some 
appeared with horses, others with shields and long 
spears, with arrows and bows thereby offering 
their services and alliance for the emperors 
acceptance. These presents he separately received 
and carefully laid aside, acknowledging them in so 
munificent a manner as at once to enrich those who 
bore them. He also honored the noblest among them 
with Roman offices of dignity; so that many of 
them thenceforward preferred to continue their 
residence among us, and felt no desire to revisit 
their native land.

CHAPTER VIII.

	  That he wrote also to the King of Persia (1) 
who had sent him an Embassy, on Behalf of the 
Christians in his Realm.

THE king of the Persians also having testified a 
desire to form an alliance with Constantine, by 
sending an embassy and presents as assurances of 
peace and friendship, the emperor, in negotiating 
this treaty, far surpassed the monarch who had 
first done him honor, in the magnificence with 
which he acknowledged his gifts. Having heard, 
too, that there were many churches of God in 
Persia, and that large numbers there were gathered 
into the fold of Christ, full of joy at this 
intelligence, he resolved to extend his anxiety 
for the general welfare to that country also, as 
one whose aim it was to care for all alike in 
every nation.


543

CHAPTER IX.

	  teller of Constantine Augustus to Sapor, King 
of the Persians, containing a truly Pious 
Confession of God and Christ.

Copy of his Letter to the King of Persia.

"By keeping the Divine faith, I am made a partaker 
of the light of truth: guided by the light of 
truth, I advance in the knowledge of the Divine 
faith. Hence it is that, as my actions themselves 
evince, I profess the most holy religion; and this 
worship I declare to be that which teaches me 
deeper acquaintance with the most holy God; aided 
by whose Divine power, beginning from the very 
borders of the ocean, I have aroused each nation 
of the world in succession to a well-grounded hope 
of security; so that those which, groaning in 
servitude to the most cruel tyrants and yielding 
to the pressure of their daily sufferings, had 
well nigh been utterly destroyed, have been 
restored through my agency to a far happier state. 
This God I confess that I hold in unceasing honor 
and remembrance; this God I delight to contemplate 
with pure and guileless thoughts in the height of 
his glory.

CHAPTER X.

The Writer denounces Idols, and glorifies God.

"THIS God I invoke with bended knees, and recoil 
with horror from the blood of sacrifices from 
their foul and detestable odors, and from every 
earth-born magic fire: (1) for the profane and 
impious superstitions which are defiled by these 
rites have cast down and consigned to perdition 
many, nay, whole nations of the Gentile world. For 
he who is Lord of all cannot endure that those 
blessings which, in his own loving-kindness and 
consideration of the wants of men he has revealed 
for the rise of all, should be perverted to serve 
the lusts of any. His only demand from man is 
purity of mind and an undefiled spirit; and by 
this standard he weighs the actions of virtue and 
godliness. For his pleasure is in works of 
moderation and gentleness: he loves the meek, and 
hates the turbulent spirit: delighting in faith, 
he chastises unbelief: by him all presumptuous 
power is broken down, and he avenges the insolence 
of the proud. While the arrogant and haughty are 
utterly overthrown, he requires the humble and 
forgiving with deserved rewards: even so does he 
highly honor and strengthen with his special help 
a kingdom justly governed, and maintains a prudent 
king in the tranquillity of peace.

CHAPTER XI.

Against the Tyrants and Persecutors; and on
the Captivity of Valerian.

"I CANNOT, then, my brother believe that I err in 
acknowledging this one God, the author and parent 
of all things: whom many of my predecessors in 
power, led astray by the madness of error, have 
ventured to deny, but who were all visited with a 
retribution so terrible and so destructive, that 
all succeeding generations have held up their 
calamities as the most effectual warning to any 
who desire to follow in their stops. Of the number 
of these I believe him (1) to have been, whom the 
lightning-stroke of Divine vengeance drove forth 
from hence, and banished to your dominions and 
whose disgrace contributed to the fame of your 
celebrated triumph.

CHAPTER XII.

	  He declares that, having witnessed the Fall of 
the Persecutors, he now rejoices at the Peace 
enjoyed by the Christians.

"AND it iS surely a happy circumstance that the 
punishment of such persons as I have described 
should have been publicly manifested in our own 
times. For I myself have witnessed the end of 
those who lately harassed the worshipers of God by 
their impious edict. And for this abundant 
thanksgivings are due to God that through his 
excellent Providence all men who observe his holy 
laws are gladdened by the renewed enjoyment of 
peace. Hence I am fully persuaded that everything 
is in the best and safest posture, since God is 
vouchsafing, through the influence of their pure 
and faithful religious service, and their unity of 
judgment respecting his Divine character, to 
gather all men to himself.

CHAPTER XIII.

He bespeaks his Affectionate Interest for he
Christians in his Country.

"IMAGINE, then, with what joy I heard tidings so 
accordant with my desire, that the fairest 
districts of Persia are filled with those men on 
whose behalf alone I am at present speaking, I


544

mean the Christians. I pray, therefore, that both 
you and they may enjoy abundant prosperity, and 
that your blessings and theirs may be in equal 
measure; (1) for thus you will experience the 
mercy and favor of that God who is the Lord and 
Father of all. And now, because your power is 
great, I commend these persons to your protection; 
because your piety is eminent, I commit them to 
your care. Cherish them with your wonted humanity 
and kindness; for by this proof of faith you will 
secure an immeasurable benefit both to yourself 
and us."

CHAPTER XIV.

How the Zealous Prayers of Constantine pro-
cured Peace to the Christians.

THUS, the nations of the world being everywhere 
guided in their course as it were by the skill of 
a single pilot, and acquiescing in the 
administration of him who governed as the servant 
of God, the peace of the Roman empire continued 
undisturbed, and all classes of his subjects 
enjoyed a life of tranquillity and repose. At the 
same time the emperor, who was convinced that the 
prayers of godly men contributed powerfully to the 
maintenance of the public welfare, felt himself 
constrained zealously to seek such prayers and not 
only himself implored the help and favor of God, 
but charged the prelates of the churches to offer 
supplications on his behalf.

CHAPTER XV.

	  He causes himself to be represented on his 
Coins, and in his Portraits, in the Attitude of 
Prayer.

How deeply his soul was impressed by the power of 
divine faith may be understood from the 
circumstance that he directed his likeness to be 
stamped on the golden coin of the empire with the 
eyes uplifted as in the posture of prayer to God: 
and this money became current throughout the Roman 
world. His portrait also at full length was placed 
over the entrance gates of the palaces in some 
cities, the eyes upraised to heaven, and the hands 
outspread as if in prayer.

CHAPTER XVI.

He forbids by Law the Plating his Likeness in
Idol Temples.

IN this manner he represented himself, even 
through the medium of painting, as habitually 
engaged in prayer to God. At the same time he 
forbade, by an express enactment, the setting up 
of any resemblance of himself in any idol temple, 
that not even the mere lineaments of his person 
might receive contamination from the error of 
forbidden superstition.

CHAPTER XVII.

Of his Prayers in the Palace, and his Reading
the Holy Scriptures.

STILL nobler proofs of his piety might be 
discerned by those who marked how he modeled as it 
were his very palace into a church of God, and 
himself afforded a pattern of zeal to those 
assembled therein: how he took the sacred 
scriptures into his hands, and devoted himself to 
the study of those divinely inspired oracles; 
after which he would offer up regular prayers with 
all the members of his imperial court.

CHAPTER XVIII.

He enjoins the General Observance of the Lord's 
Day, and the Day of Preparation.

HE ordained, too, that one day should be regarded 
as a special occasion for prayer: I mean that 
which is truly the first and chief of all, the day 
of our Lord and Saviour. The entire care of his 
household was entrusted to deacons and other 
ministers consecrated to the service of God, and 
distinguished by gravity of life and every other 
virtue: while his trusty body guard, strong in 
affection and fidelity to his person, found in 
their emperor an instructor in the practice of 
piety, and like him held the Lord's salutary day 
in honor and performed on that day the devotions 
which he loved. The same observance was 
recommended by this blessed prince to all classes 
of his subjects: his earnest desire being 
gradually to lead all mankind to the worship of 
God. Accordingly he enjoined on all the subjects 
of the Roman empire to observe the Lord's day, as 
a day of rest, and also to honor the day which 
precedes the Sabbath; in memory, I suppose, of 
what the Saviour of mankind is recorded to have 
achieved on that day. (1) And since his desire was 
to teach his whole army zealously to honor the 
Saviour's day (which derives its name from light, 
and from the sun), (2) he freely granted to those


545

among them who were partakers of the divine faith, 
leisure for attendance on the services of the 
Church of God, in order that they might be able, 
without impediment, to perform their religious 
worship.

CHAPTER XIX.
That he directed even his Pagan Soldiers to
pray on the Lord's Day.
WITH regard to those who were as yet ignorant of 
divine truth, he provided by a second statute that 
they should appear on each Lord's day on an open 
plain near the city, and there, at a given signal, 
offer to God with one accord a prayer which they 
had previously learnt. He admonished them that 
their confidence should not rest in their spears, 
or armor, or bodily strength, but that they should 
acknowledge the supreme God as the giver of every 
good, and of victory itself; to whom they were 
bound to offer their prayers with due regularity, 
uplifting

on whom they should call as the Author of victory, 
their Preserver, Guardian, and Helper.  The 
emperor himself prescribed the prayer to  be used 
by all his troops, commanding them, to pronounce 
the following words in the Latin tongue:

CHAPTER XX.
The Form of Prayer given by Constantine to his
Soldiers.
"WE acknowledge thee the only God: we own thee, as 
our King and implore thy succor. By thy favor have 
we gotten the victory through thee are we mightier 
than our enemies. We render thanks for thy past 
benefits, and trust thee for future blessings. 
Together we pray to thee, and beseech thee long to 
preserve to us, safe and triumphant, our emperor 
Constantine and his pious sons." by his troops, 
and such the prayer they were
instructed to offer up to God.

CHAPTER XXI.
He orders the Sign of the Saviour's Cross to be 
engraven on his Soldiers' Shields.
AND not only so, but he also caused the sign

of the salutary trophy to be impressed on the very 
shields of his soldiers; and commanded that his 
embattled forces should be preceded in their 
march, not by golden images, as heretofore, (1) 
but only by the standard of the cross.

CHAPTER XXII.

Of his Zeal in Prayer, and the Honor he paid
to the Feast of Easter.

THE emperor himself, as a sharer in the holy 
mysteries of our religion, would seclude himself 
daily at a stated hour in the innermost chambers 
of his palace; and there in solitary converse with 
his God, would kneel in humble supplication, and 
entreat the blessings of which he stood in need. 
But especially at the salutary feast of Easter, 
his religious diligence was redoubled;  he 
fulfilled as it were the duties of a hierophant 
with every energy of his mind and body, and 
outvied all others in the zealous celebration of 
this feast. He changed, too, the holy night vigil 
into a brightness like that of day, by causing 
waxen tapers of great length to be lighted 
throughout the city: besides which, torches 
everywhere diffused their light, so as to impart 
to this mystic vigil a brilliant splendor beyond 
that of day. (1) As soon as day itself returned, 
in imitation of our Saviour's gracious acts, he 
opened a liberal hand to his subjects of every 
nation, province, and people, and lavished 
abundant bounties on all.

CHAPTER XXIII.

How he forbade Idolatrous Worship, but honored 
Martyrs and the Church Festivals.

SUCH were his sacred ministrations in the service 
of his God. At the same time, his subjects, both 
civil and military, throughout the empire, found a 
barrier everywhere opposed against idol worship, 
and every kind of sacrifice forbidden. (1) A 
statute was also passed, enjoining the due 
observance of the Lord's day, and transmitted to 
the governors of every province, who undertook, at 
the emperors command, to respect the days 
commemorative of martyrs, and duly to

emperors entire satisfaction.


546

CHAPTER XXIV.

That he described himself to be a Bishop, in 
Charge of Affairs External to the Church.

HENCE it was not without reason that once, on the 
occasion of his entertaining a company of bishops, 
he let fall the expression, "that he himself too 
was a bishop," addressing them in my heating in 
the following words: "You are bishops whose 
jurisdiction is within the Church: I also am a 
bishop, ordained by God to overlook whatever is 
external to the Church." (1) And

copal care, and exhorted them as far as in him lay 
to follow a godly life.

CHAPTER XXV.

	  Prohibition of Sacrifices, of Mystic Rites, 
Combats of Gladiators, also the Licentious Worship 
of the Nile.

CONSISTENTLY with this zeal he issued successive 
laws and ordinances, forbidding any to offer 
sacrifice to idols, to consult diviners, to erect 
images, or to pollute the cities with the 
sanguinary combats of gladiators. (1) And inasmuch 
as the Egyptians, especially those of Alexandria, 
had been accustomed to honor their river through a 
priesthood composed of effeminate men, a further 
law was passed commanding the extermination of the 
whole class as vicious, that no one might 
thenceforward be found tainted with the like 
impurity. And whereas the superstitious 
inhabitants apprehended that the river would in 
consequence withhold its customary flood, God 
himself showed his approval of the emperor's law 
by ordering all things in a manner quite contrary 
to their expectation. For those who had defiled 
the cities by their vicious conduct were indeed 
seen no more; but the river, as if the country 
through
rose higher than ever before,
overflowed the country with its fertilizing 
streams: thus effectually admonishing the deluded 
people to turn from impure men, and ascribe their 
prosperity to him alone who is the Giver of all 
good.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Amendment of the Law in Force respecting
Childless Persons, and of the Law of Wills.

So numerous, indeed, were the benefits of this 
kind conferred by the emperor on every province, 
as to afford ample materials to any who might 
desire to record them. Among these may be 
instanced those laws which he entirely remodelled, 
and established on a more equitable basis: the 
nature of which reform may be briefly and easily 
explained. The childless were punished under the 
old law with the forfeiture of their hereditary 
property a merciless stature, which dealt with 
them as positive criminals. The emperor annulled 
this, and decreed that those so circumstanced 
should inherit. He regulated the question on the 
principles of equity and justice, arguing willful 
transgressors should be chastised with the 
penalties their crimes deserve. But nature herself 
denies children to many, who long, perhaps, for a 
numerous offspring, but are disappointed of their 
hope by bodily infirmity. Others continue 
childless, not from any dislike of posterity, but 
because their ardent love of philosophy (1) 
renders them averse to the conjugal union. Women, 
too, consecrated to the service of God, have 
maintained a pure and spotless virginity, and have 
devoted themselves, soul and body to a life of 
entire chastity and holiness. What then? Should 
this conduct be deemed worthy of punishment, or 
rather of admiration and praise; since to desire 
this state is in itself honorable, and to maintain 
it surpasses the power of unassisted nature? 
Surely those whose bodily infirmity destroys their 
hope of offspring are worthy of pity, not of 
punishment: and he who devotes himself to a higher 
object calls not for chastisement, but especial 
admiration. On such

regard to the wills of dying persons, the old laws 
had ordained that they should be expressed, even 
at the latest breath, as it were, in certain 
definite words, and had prescribed the exact form 
and terms to be employed. This practice had 
occasioned many fraudulent attempts to hinder the 
intentions of the deceased from

547

being carried into full effect. As soon as our 
emperor was aware of these abuses, he reformed 
this law likewise, declaring that a dying man 
ought to be permitted to indicate his last wishes 
in as few words as possible, and in whatever terms 
he pleased; and to set forth his will in any 
written form; or even by word of mouth, provided 
it were done in the presence of proper witnesses, 
who might be competent faithfully to discharge 
their trust.

CHAPTER XXVII.

	  Among Other Enactments, he decrees that no 
Christian shall slave to a Jew, and affirms the 
Validity of the Decisions of Councils.

HE also passed a law to the effect that no 
Christian should remain in servitude to a Jewish

master, on the ground that it could not be right 
that those whom the Saviour had ransomed should be 
subjected to the yoke of slavery by a people who 
had slain the prophets and the Lord himself. If 
any were found hereafter in these circumstances, 
the slave was to be set at liberty, and the master 
punished by a fine.
He likewise added the sanction of his authority to 
the decisions of bishops passed at their synods, 
and forbade the provincial governors to annul any 
of their decrees: for he rated the priests of God 
at a higher value than any judge whatever. These 
and a thousand similar provisions did he enact for 
the benefit of his subjects; but there is not time 
now to give a special description of them, such as 
might convey an accurate idea of his imperial 
wisdom in these respects: nor need I now relate at 
length, how, as a devoted servant of the Supreme 
God, he employed himself from morning until night 
in seeking objects for his beneficence, and how 
equally and universally kind he was to all.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

His Gifts to the Churches, and Bounties to
Virgins and to the Poor.

His liberality, however, was most especially 
exercised on behalf of the churches of God. In 
some cases he granted lands, in others he issued 
supplies of food for the support of the poor, of 
orphan children, and widows; besides which, he 
evinced much care and forethought in fully 
providing the naked and destitute with clothing. 
He distinguished, however, with most special honor 
those who had devoted their lives to the practice 
of Divine philosophy. Hence his respect, little 
short of veneration, for God's most holy and ever 
virgin choir: for he felt assured that the God to 
whom such persons devoted themselves was himself 
an inmate of their souls.

CHAPTER XXIX.

Of Constantine's Discourses and Declamations. (1)

FOR himself, he sometimes passed sleepless nights 
in furnishing his mind with Divine knowledge: and 
much of his time was spent in composing 
discourses, many of which he delivered in public; 
for he conceived it to be incumbent on him to 
govern his subjects by appealing to their reason, 
and to secure in all respects a rational obedience 
to his authority. Hence he would sometimes himself 
evoke an assembly, on which occasions vast 
multitudes attended, in the hope of hearing an 
emperor sustain the part of a philosopher. And if 
in the course of his speech any occasion offered 
of touching on sacred topics, he immediately stood 
erect, and with a grave aspect and subdued tone of 
voice seemed reverently to be initiating his 
auditors in the mysteries of the Divine doctrine: 
and when they greeted him with shouts of 
acclamation, he would direct them by his gestures 
to raise their eyes to heaven, and reserve their 
admiration for the Supreme King alone, and honor 
him with adoration and praise. He

usually divided the subjects of his address, first 
thoroughly exposing the error of polytheism, and 
proving the superstition of the Gentiles to be 
mere fraud, and a cloak for impiety. He then would 
assert the sole sovereignty of God: passing thence 
to his Providence, both general and particular. 
Proceeding next to the dispensation of salvation, 
he would demonstrate its necessity, and adaptation 
to the nature of the case; entering next in order 
on the doctrine of the Divine judgment. (2) And 
here especially he appealed most powerfully to the 
consciences of his hearers, while he denounced the 
rapacious and violent, and those who were slaves 
to an inordinate thirst of gain. Nay, he caused 
some of his own acquaintance who were present to 
feel the severe lash of his words, and to stand 
with downcast eyes in the consciousness of guilt, 
while he testified against them in the clearest 
and most impressive terms that they would have an 
account to render of their deeds to God. He 
reminded them that God himself had given him the 
empire of the world, portions of which he himself, 
acting on the same Divine principle, had intrusted 
to their government; but that all would in due 
time be alike summoned to give account of their 
actions to the Supreme Sovereign of all. Such was 
his constant testimony;


548

such his admonition and instruction. And he 
himself both felt and uttered these sentiments in 
the genuine confidence of faith: but-his hearers 
were little disposed to learn, and deaf to sound 
advice; receiving his words indeed with loud 
applause, but induced by insatiable cupidity 
practically to disregard them.

CHAPTER XXX.

	  That he marked out before a Covetous Man the 
Measure of a Grave, and so put him to Shame.

ON one occasion he thus personally addressed one 
of his courtiers: "How far, my friend, are we to 
carry our inordinate desires?" Then drawing the 
dimensions of a human figure with a lance which he 
happened to have in his hand, he continued: 
"Though thou couldst obtain the whole wealth of 
this world, yea, the whole world itself, thou wilt 
carry with thee at last no more than this little 
spot which I have marked out, if indeed even that 
be thine." (1) Such were the words and actions of 
this blessed prince; and though at the time he 
failed to reclaim any from their evil ways, yet 
notwithstanding the course of events afforded 
evident proof that his admonitions were more like 
Divine prophecies than mere words.

CHAPTER XXXI.

That he was derided because of his EXcessive
Clemency. (1)

MEANTIME, since there was no fear of capital 
punishment to deter from the commission of crime, 
for the emperor himself was uniformly inclined to 
clemency, and none of the provincial governors 
visited offenses with their proper penalties, this 
state of things drew with it no small degree of 
blame on the general administration of the empire; 
whether justly or not, let every one form his own 
judgment: for myself, I only ask permission to 
record the fact.

CHAPTER XXXII.

Of Constantine's Oration which he wrote to the
Assembly of the Saints. (1)

THE emperor was in the habit of composing his 
orations in the Latin tongue, from which they were 
translated into Greek by interpreters appointed 
for this special service. One of the discourses 
thus translated I intend to annex, by way of 
specimen, to this present work, that one, I mean, 
which he inscribed "To the assembly of the 
saints," and dedicated to the Church of God, that 
no one may have ground for deeming my testimony on 
this head mere empty praise.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

	  How he listened standing to Eusebius' 
Declamation in Honor of our Saviour's Sepulchre.

ONE act, however, I must by no means omit to 
record, which this admirable prince performed in 
my own presence. On one occasion, emboldened by 
the confident assurance I entertained of his 
piety, I had begged permission to pronounce a 
discourse on the subject of our Saviour's 
sepulchre in his hearing. With this request he 
most readily complied, and in the midst of a large 
number of auditors, in the interior of the palace 
itself, he stood and listened with the rest. I 
entreated him, but in vain, to seat himself on the 
imperial throne which stood near: he continued 
with fixed attention to

weigh the topics of my discourse, and gave his own 
testimony to the truth of the theological 
doctrines it contained. After some time had 
passed, the oration being of considerable length, 
I was myself desirous of concluding; but this he 
would not permit, and exhorted me to proceed to 
the very end. On my again entreating him to sit, 
he in his turn was displeased and said that it was 
not right to listen in a careless manner to the 
discussion of doctrines relating to God; and 
again, that this posture was good and profitable 
to himself, since it was reverent to stand while 
listening to sacred truths. Having, therefore, 
concluded my discourse, I returned home, and 
resumed my usual occupations.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

That he wrote to Eusebius respecting Easter, and 
respecting Copies of the Holy Scriptures.

EVER careful for the welfare of the churches of 
God, the emperor addressed me personally in a 
letter on the means of providing copies of the 
inspired oracles, and also on the subject of the 
most holy feast of Easter. For I had myself 
dedicated to him an exposition of the mystical 
import of that feast; and the manner in which he 
honored me with a reply may be understood by any 
one who reads the following letter.


549

CHAPTER XXXV.

Constantine's Letter to Eusebius, in praise of
his Discourse concerning Easter.

"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Eusebius.
"It is indeed an arduous task, and beyond the 
power of language itself, worthily to treat of the 
mysteries of Christ, and to explain in a fitting 
manner the controversy respecting the feast of 
Easter, its origin as well as its precious and 
toilsome accomplishment. (1) For it is not in the 
power even of those who are able to apprehend 
them, adequately to describe the things of God. I 
am, notwithstanding, filled with admiration of 
your learning and zeal, and have not only myself 
read your work with pleasure, but have given 
directions, according to your own desire, that it 
be communicated to many sincere followers of our 
holy religion. Seeing, then, with what pleasure we 
receive favors of this kind from your Sagacity, be 
pleased to gladden us more frequently with those 
compositions, to the practice of which, indeed, 
you confess yourself to have been trained from an 
early period, so that I am urging a willing man, 
as they say, in exhorting you to your customary 
pursuits. And certainly the high and confident 
judgment we entertain is a proof that the person 
who has translated your writings into the Latin 
tongue

is in no respect incompetent to the task, 
impossible though it be that such version should 
fully equal the excellence of the works 
themselves. God preserve you, beloved brother." 
Such was his letter on this subject: and that 
which related to the providing of copies of the 
Scriptures for reading in the churches was to the 
following purport.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

Constantine' s Letter to Eusebius on the Prepara-
tion of Copies of the Holy Scriptures.

"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Eusebius.
"It happens, through the favoring providence of 
God our Saviour, that great numbers have united 
themselves to the most holy church in the city 
which is called by my name. It seems, therefore, 
highly requisite, since that city is rapidly 
advancing in prosperity in all other respects, 
that the number of churches should also he 
increased. Do you, therefore, receive with all 
readiness my determination on this behalf. I have 
thought it expedient to instruct your Prudence to 
order fifty copies of the sacred Scriptures, the 
provision and use of which you know to be most 
needful for the instruction of the Church, to be 
written on prepared parchment in a legible manner, 
and in a convenient, portable form, by 
professional transcribers thoroughly practiced in 
their art. (1) The catholicus (2) of the diocese 
has also received instructions by letter from our 
Clemency to be careful to furnish all things 
necessary for the preparation of such copies; and 
it will be for you to take special care that they 
be completed with as little delay as possible. (3) 
You have authority also, in virtue of this letter, 
to use two of the public carriages for their 
conveyance, by which arrangement the copies when 
fairly written will most easily be forwarded for 
my personal inspection; and one of the deacons of 
your church may be intrusted with this service, 
who, on his arrival here, shall experience my 
liberality. God preserve you, beloved brother!"

CHAPTER XXXVII.

How the Copies were provided.

SUCH were the emperor's commands, which were 
followed by the immediate execution of the work 
itself, which we sent him in magnificent and 
elaborately bound volumes of a threefold and 
fourfold form. (1) This fact is attested by 
another letter, which the emperor wrote in 
acknowledgment, in which, having heard that the 
city Constantia in our country, the inhabitants of 
which had been more than commonly devoted to 
superstition, had been impelled by a sense of 
religion to abandon their past idolatry, he 
testified his joy, and approval of their conduct.


550

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

	  How the Market-town of Gaza was made a City far 
its Profession of Christianity, and received the 
Name of Constantia.

FOR in fact the place now called Constantia, in 
the province of Palestine, having embraced the 
saving religion, was distinguished both by the 
favor of God, and by special honor from the 
emperor, being now for the first time raised to 
the rank of a city, and receiving the more honored 
name of his pious sister in exchange for its 
former appellation.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

	  That a Place in Phoenicia also was made a City, 
and in Other Cities Idolatry was abolished, and 
Churches built.

A SIMILAR change was effected in several other 
cities; for instance, in that town of Phoenicia 
which received its name from that of the emperor, 
and the inhabitants of which committed their 
innumerable idols to the flames, and adopted in 
their stead the principles of the saving faith. 
Numbers, too, in the other provinces, both in the 
cities and the country, became willing inquirers 
after the saving knowledge of God; destroyed as 
worthless things the images of every kind which 
they had heretofore held most sacred; voluntarily 
demolished the lofty temples and shrines which 
contained them; and, renouncing their former 
sentiments, or rather errors, commenced and 
completed entirely new churches. But since it is 
not so much my province to give a circumstantial 
detail of the actions of this pious prince, as it 
is theirs who have been privileged to enjoy his 
society at all times, I shall content myself with 
briefly recording such facts as have come to my 
own personal knowledge, before I proceed to notice 
the last days of his life.

CHAPTER XL.

	  That having conferred the Dignity of Caesars on 
his Three Sans at the Three Decennial Periods of 
his Reign, he dedicated the Church at
Jerusalem.

By this time the thirtieth year of his reign was 
completed. In the course of this period, his three 
sons had been admitted at different times as his 
colleagues in the empire. The first, Constantinus, 
who bore his father's name, obtained this 
distinction about the tenth year of his reign. 
Constantius, the second son, so called from his 
grandfather, was proclaimed Caesar about the 
twentieth, while Constans, the third, whose name 
expresses the firmness and stability of his 
character, was advanced to the same dignity at the 
thirtieth anniversary of his father's reign. (1) 
Having thus reared a threefold offspring, a 
Trinity, (2) as it were, of pious sons, and having 
received them severally at each decennial period 
to a participation in his imperial authority, he 
judged the festival of his Tricennalia to be a fit 
occasion for thanksgiving to the Sovereign Lord of 
all, at the same time believing that the 
dedication of the church which his zealous 
magnificence had erected at Jerusalem might 
advantageously be performed.

CHAPTER XLI.

	  That in the meantime he ordered a Council to be 
convened at Tyre, because of Controversies raised 
in Egypt.
MEANWHILE that spirit of envy which is the enemy 
of all good, like a dark cloud intercepting the 
sun's brightest rays, endeavored to mar the joy of 
this festivity, by again raising contentions to 
disturb the tranquillity of the Egyptian churches. 
Our divinely favored emperor, however, once more 
convened a synod composed of many bishops, and set 
them as it were in armed array, like the host of 
God, against this malignant spirit, having 
commanded their presence from the whole of Egypt 
and Libya, from Asia, and from Europe, in order, 
first, to decide the questions in dispute, and 
afterwards to perform the dedication of the sacred 
edifice above mentioned. He enjoined them, by the 
way, to adjust their differences at the capital 
city of Phoenicia, reminding them that they had no 
right, while harboring feelings of mutual 
animosity, to engage in the service of God, since 
his law expressly forbids those who are at 
variance to offer their gift until they have first 
become reconciled and mutually disposed to peace. 
Such were the salutary precepts which the emperor 
continually kept vividly before his own mind, and 
in accordance with which he admonished them to 
undertake their present duties in a spirit of 
perfect unanimity and concord, in a letter to the 
following purport.

CHAPTER XLII.
Constantine's Letter to the Council at Tyre.

"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to the holy Council at Tyre.


551

"Surely it would best consist with and best become 
the prosperity of these our times, that the 
Catholic Church should be undivided, and the 
servants of Christ be at this present moment clear 
from all reproach. Since, however, there are those 
who, carried away by a baleful and furious spirit 
of contention (for I will not charge them with 
intentionally leading a life unworthy of their 
profession), are endeavoring to create that 
general confusion which, in my judgment, is the 
most pernicious of all evils; I exhort you, 
forward as you already are, to meet together and 
form a synod without delay: to defend those who 
need protection; to administer remedies to your 
brethren who are in peril; to recall the divided 
members to unity of judgment; to rectify errors 
while opportunity is yet allowed: that thus you 
may restore to so many provinces that due measure 
of concord which, strange and sad anomaly! the 
arrogance of a few individuals has destroyed. And 
I believed that all are alike persuaded that this 
course is at the same time pleasing to Almighty 
God (as well as the highest object of my own 
desires), and will bring no small honor to 
yourselves, should you be successful in restoring 
peace. Delay not, then, but hasten with redoubled 
zeal to terminate the present dissensions in a 
manner becoming the occasion, by assembling 
together in that spirit of true sincerity and 
faith which the Saviour whom we serve especially 
demands from us, I may almost say with an audible 
voice, on all occasions. No proof of pious zeal on 
my part shall be wanting. Already have I done all 
to which my attention was directed by your 
letters. I have sent to those bishops whose 
presence you desired, that they may share your 
counsels. I have despatched Dionysius, a man of 
consular rank, who will both remind those prelates 
of their duty who are bound to attend the Council 
with you, and will himself be there to superintend 
the proceedings, but especially to maintain good 
order. Meantime should any one, though I deem it 
most improbable, venture on this occasion to 
violate my command, and refuse his attendance, a 
messenger shall be despatched forthwith to banish 
that person in virtue of an imperial edict, and to 
teach him that it does not become him to resist an 
emperor's decrees when issued in defense of truth. 
For the rest, it will be for your Holinesses, 
unbiased either by enmity or favor, but 
consistently with ecclesiastical and apostolic 
order, to devise a fitting remedy whether it be 
for positive offenses or for unpremeditated 
errors; in order that you may at once free the 
Church from all reproach, relieve my anxiety, and, 
by restoring the blessings of peace to those who 
are now divided, procure the highest honor for 
yourselves. God preserve you, beloved brethren!" 
(1)

CHAPTER XLIII.

Bishops from all the Provinces attended the 
Dedication of the Church at Jerusalem.

No sooner had these injunctions been carded into 
effect, than another emissary arrived with 
despatches from the emperor, and an urgent 
admonition to the Council to hasten their journey 
to Jerusalem without delay. (1) Accordingly they 
all took their departure from the province of 
Phoenicia, and proceeded to their destination, 
availing themselves of the public means of 
transport. Thus Jerusalem became the gathering 
point for distinguished prelates from every 
province, and the whole city was thronged by a 
vast assemblage of the servants of God. The 
Macedonians had sent the bishop of their 
metropolis; (2) the Pannonians and Moesians the 
fairest of God's youthful flock among them. A holy 
prelate from Persia too was there, deeply versed 
in the sacred oracles; while Bithynian and 
Thracian bishops graced the Council with their 
presence; nor were the most illustrious from 
Cilicia wanting, nor the chief of the 
Cappadocians, distinguished above all for learning 
and eloquence. In short, the whole of Syria and 
Mesopotamia, Phoenicia and Arabia, Palestine, 
Egypt, and Libya, with the dwellers in the 
Thebaid, all contributed to swell the mighty 
concourse of God's ministers, followed as they 
were by vast numbers from every province. They 
were attended by an imperial escort, (3) and 
officers of trust had also been sent from the 
palace itself, with instructions to heighten the 
splendor of the festival at the emperor's expense.

CHAPTER XLIV.

	  Of their Reception by the Notary Marianus; the 
Distribution of Money to the Poor; and Offerings 
to the Church.

THE director and chief of these officers was a 
most useful servant of the emperor, a man eminent 
for faith and piety, and thoroughly acquainted 
with the Divine word, who had been honorably 
conspicuous by his profession of godliness during 
the time of the tyrants' power, and therefore was 
deservedly entrusted with the arrangement of the 
present proceedings. Accordingly, in faithful 
obedience to the emperor's commands, he received 
the assembly with courteous hospitality, and 
entertained them with


552

feasts and banquets on a scale of great splendor. 
He also distributed lavish supplies of money and 
clothing among the naked and destitute, and the 
multitudes of both sexes who suffered from want of 
food and the common necessaries of life. Finally, 
he enriched and beautified the church itself 
throughout with offerings of imperial 
magnificence, and thus fully accomplished the 
service he had been commissioned to perform.

CHAPTER XLV.

Various Discourses by the Assembled Bishops; ala 
by Eusebius, the Writer of this History.

MEANTIME the festival derived additional luster 
both from the prayers and discourses of the 
ministers of God, some of whom extolled the pious 
emperor's willing devotion to the Saviour of 
mankind, and dilated on the magnificence of the 
edifice which he had raised to his memory. Others 
afforded, as it were, an intellectual feast to the 
ears of all present, by public disquisitions on 
the sacred doctrines of our religion. Others 
interpreted passages of holy Scripture, and 
unfolded their hidden meaning; while such as were 
unequal to these efforts presented a bloodless 
sacrifice and mystical service to God in the 
prayers which they offered for general peace, for 
the Church of God, for the emperor himself as the 
instrumental cause of so many blessings, and

for his pious sons. I myself too, unworthy as I 
was of such a privilege, pronounced various public 
orations in honor of this solemnity, wherein I 
partly explained by a written description the 
details of the imperial edifice, and partly 
endeavored to gather from the prophetic visions 
apt illustrations of the symbols it displayed. (1) 
Thus joyfully was the festival of dedication 
celebrated in the thirtieth year of our emperor's 
reign.

CHAPTER XLVI.

That Eusebius afterwards delivered his Descrip-
tion of the Church of the Saviour, and a Tri-
cennial Oration before Constantine himself.

THE structure of the church of our Saviour, the 
form of his sacred cave, the splendor of the work 
itself, and the numberless offerings in gold, and 
silver, and precious stones, I have described to 
the best of my ability, and dedicated to the 
emperor in a separate treatise, which on a fitting 
opportunity I shall append to this present work. I 
shall add to it also that oration on his 
Tricennalia which shortly afterwards, having 
traveled to the city which bears his name, I 
delivered in the emperor's own presence. (1) This 
was the second opportunity afforded me of 
glorifying the Supreme God in the imperial palace 
itself: and on this occasion my pious hearer 
evinced the greatest joy, as he afterwards 
testified, when he entertained the bishops then 
present, and loaded them with distinctions of 
every kind.

CHAFFER XLVII.

That the Council at Nicaea was held in the
Twentieth, the Dedication of the Church at 
Jerusalem in the Thirtieth, Year of Constantine's 
Reign.

THIS second synod the emperor convened at 
Jerusalem, being the greatest of which we have any 
knowledge, next to the first which he had summoned 
at the famous Bithynian city. That indeed was a 
triumphal assembly, held in the twentieth year of 
his reign, an occasion of thanksgiving for victory 
over his enemies in the very city which bears the 
name of victory. (1) The present meeting added 
luster to the thirtieth anniversary, during which 
the emperor dedicated the church at the sepulchre 
of our Saviour, as a peace-offering to God, the 
giver of all good.

CHAFFER XLVIII.

That Constantine was displeased with one who
praised him excessively.

AND now that all these ceremonies were completed, 
and the divine qualities of the emperor's 
character continued to be the theme of universal 
praise, one of God's ministers presumed so far as 
in his own presence to pronounce him blessed, as 
having been counted worthy to hold absolute and 
universal empire in this life, and as being 
destined to share the empire of the Son of God in 
the world to come. These words, however, 
Constantine heard with indignation, and forbade 
the speaker to hold such language, exhorting him 
rather to pray earnestly on his behalf, that 
whether in this life or in that which is to come, 
he might be found worthy to be a servant of God. 
(1)

553

CHAPTER XLIX.

Marriage of his Son Constantius Coesar.

ON the completion of the thirtieth year of his 
reign he solemnized the marriage of his second 
son, (1) having concluded that of his first-born 
long before. This was an occasion of great joy and 
festivity, the emperor himself attending on his 
son at the ceremony, and entertaining the guests 
of both sexes, the men and women in distinct and 
separate companies, with sumptuous hospitality. 
Rich presents likewise were liberally distributed 
among the cities and people.

CHAPTER L.

Embassy and Presents from the Indians.

ABOUT this time ambassadors from the Indians, who 
inhabit the distant regions of the East, arrived 
with presents consisting of many varieties of 
brilliant precious stones, and animals differing 
in species from those known to us. These offerings 
they presented to the emperor, thus allowing that 
his sovereignty extended even to the Indian Ocean, 
and that the princes of their country, who 
rendered homage to him both by paintings and 
statues, acknowledged his imperial and paramount 
authority. Thus the Eastern Indians now submitted 
to his sway, as the Britons of the Western Ocean 
had done at the commencement of his reign.

CHAPTER LI.

	  That Constantine divided the Empire between his 
Three Sons, whom he had instructed in Politics and 
Religion.

HAVING thus established his power in the opposite 
extremities of the world, he divided the whole 
extent of his dominions, as though he were 
allotting a patrimonial inheritance to the dearest 
objects of his regard, among his three sons. To 
the eldest he assigned his grandfather's portion; 
to the second, the empire of the East; to the 
third, the countries which lie between these two 
divisions. (1) And being desirous of furnishing 
his children with an inheritance truly valuable 
and salutary to their souls, he had been careful 
to imbue them

with true religious principles, being himself 
their guide to the knowledge of sacred things, and 
also appointing men of approved piety to be their 
instructors. At the same time he assigned them the 
most accomplished teachers of secular learning, by 
some of whom they were taught the arts of war, 
while they were trained by others in political, 
and by others again in legal science. To each 
moreover was granted a truly royal retinue, 
consisting of infantry, spearmen, and body guards, 
with every other kind of military force; commanded 
respectively by captains, tribunes, and generals 
(2) of whose warlike skill and devotion to his 
sons the emperor had had previous experience.

CHAPTER LII.

That after they had reached Man's Estate he
was their Guide in Piety.

As long as the Caesars were of tender years, they 
were aided by suitable advisers in the management 
of public affairs; but on their arrival at the age 
of manhood their father's instructions alone 
sufficed. When present he proposed to them his own 
example, and admonished them to follow his pious 
course: in their absence he furnished them by 
letter with rules of conduct suited to their 
imperial station, the first and greatest of which 
was an exhortation to value the knowledge and 
worship of the Sovereign Lord of all more than 
wealth, nay, more than empire itself. At length he 
permitted them to direct the public administration 
of the empire without control, making it his first 
request that they would care for the interests of 
the Church of God, and boldly profess themselves 
disciples of Christ. Thus trained, and excited to 
obedience not so much by precept as by their own 
voluntary desire for virtue, his sons more than 
fulfilled the admonitions of their father, 
devoting their earnest attention to the service of 
God, and observing the ordinances of the Church 
even in the palace itself, with all the members of 
their households. (1) For their father's 
forethought had provided that all the attendants 
of his son's should be Christians. And not only 
so, but the military officers of highest rank, and 
those who had the control of public business, were 
professors of the same faith: for the emperor 
placed confidence in the fidelity of men devoted 
to the service of God, as in a strong and sure 
defense. When our thrice blessed prince had 
completed these arrangements, and thus secured 
order and tranquillity throughout the empire, God, 
the dispenser of all blessings, judged it to be 
the fitting


554

time to translate him to a better inheritance, and 
summoned him to pay the debt of nature.

CHAPTER LIII.

Having reigned about Thirty-two Years, and lived 
above Sixty, he still had a Sound Body.

HE completed the time of his reign in two and 
thirty years, wanting a few months and days, (1) 
and his whole life extended to about twice that 
period. At this age he still possessed a sound and 
vigorous body, free from all blemish, and of more 
than youthful vivacity; a noble mien, and strength 
equal to any exertion; so that he was able to join 
in martial exercises, to fide, endure the fatigues 
of travel, engage in battle, and erect trophies 
over his conquered enemies, besides gaining those 
bloodless victories by which he was wont to 
triumph over those who opposed him. (2)

CHAffER LIV.

Of those who abused his Extreme Benevolence
for Avarice and Hypocrisy.

IN like manner his mental (1) qualities reached 
the highest point of human perfection. Indeed he 
was distinguished by every excellence of 
character, but especially by benevolence; a 
virtue, however, which subjected him to censure 
from many, in consequence of the baseness of 
wicked men, who ascribed their own crimes to the 
emperor's forbearance. In truth I can myself bear 
testimony to the grievous evils which prevailed 
during these times; I mean the violence of 
rapacious and unprincipled men, who preyed on all 
classes of society alike, and the scandalous 
hypocrisy of those who crept into the Church, and 
assumed the name and character of Christians. His 
own benevolence and goodness of heart, the 
genuineness of his own faith, and his truthfulness 
of character, induced the emperor to credit the 
profession of these reputed Christians, who 
craftily preserved the semblance of sincere 
affection for his person. The confidence he 
reposed in such men sometimes forced him into 
conduct unworthy of himself, of which envy took 
advantage to cloud in this respect the luster of 
his character. (2)

CHAPTER LV.

Constantine employed himself in Composition of 
Various Kinds to the Close of his Life.

THESE offenders, however, were soon over-
taken by divine chastisement. To return to our 
emperor. He had so thoroughly trained his mind in 
the art of reasoning that he continued to the last 
to compose discourses on various subjects, to 
deliver frequent orations in public, and to 
instruct his hearers in the sacred doctrines of 
religion. He was also habitually engaged in 
legislating both on political and military 
questions; (1) in short, in devising whatever 
might be conducive to the general welfare of the 
human race. It is well worthy of remark, that, 
very shortly before his departure, he pronounced a 
funeral oration before his usual auditory, in 
which he spoke at length on the immortality of the 
soul, the state of those who had persevered in a 
life of godliness, and the blessings which God has 
laid up in store for them that love him. On the 
other hand he made it appear by copious and 
conclusive arguments what the end of those will be 
who have pursued a contrary career, describing in 
vivid language the final ruin of the ungodly. His 
powerful testimony on these subjects seemed so far 
to touch the consciences of those around him, that 
one of the self-imagined philosophers, of whom he 
asked his opinion of what he had heard, bore 
testimony to the truth of his words, and accorded 
a real, though reluctant, tribute of praise to the 
arguments by which he had exposed the worship of a 
plurality of gods. By converse such as this with 
his friends before his death, the emperor seemed 
as it were to smooth and prepare the way for his 
transition to a happier life.

CHAPTER LVI.

	  How he took Bishops with him on an Expedition 
against the Persians, and look with him a Tent in 
the Form of a Church.

IT is also worthy of record that about the time of 
which I am at present writing, the emperor, having 
heard of an insurrection of some barbarians in the 
East, observed that the conquest of this enemy was 
still in store for him, and resolved on an 
expedition against the Persians. Accordingly he 
proceeded at once to put his forces in motion, at 
the same time communicating his intended march to 
the bishops who happened to be at his court, some 
of whom he judged it right to take with him as 
compan-


555

ions, and as needful coadjutors in the service of 
God. They, on the other hand, cheerfully declared 
their willingness to follow in his train, 
disclaiming any desire to leave him, and engaging 
to battle with and for him by supplication to God 
on his behalf. Full of joy at this answer to his 
request, he unfolded to them his projected line of 
march; (1) after which he caused a tent of great 
splendor, representing in shape the figure of a 
church, to be prepared for his own use in the 
approaching war. In this he intended to unite with 
the bishops in offering prayers to the God from 
whom all victory proceeds.

CHAPTER LVII.

	  How he received an Embassy from the Persians 
and kept the Night Vigil with others at the Feast 
of Easter.

IN the meanwhile the Persians, hearing of the 
emperor's warlike preparations, and not a little 
terrified at the prospect of an engagement with 
his forces, dispatched an embassy to pray for 
conditions of peace. These overtures the emperor, 
himself a sincere lover of peace, at once 
accepted, and readily entered on friendly 
relations with that people. At this time, the 
great festival of Easter was at hand; on which 
occasion he rendered the tribute of his prayers to 
God, and passed the night in watching with the 
rest.

CHAPTER LVIII.

Concerning the Building of a Church in Honor of 
the Apostles at Constantinople.
AFTER this he proceeded to erect a church in 
memory of the apostles, in the city which bears 
his name. This building he carried to a vast 
height, and brilliantly decorated by encasing it 
from the foundation to the roof with marble slabs 
of various colors. He also formed the inner roof 
of finely fretted work, and overlaid it throughout 
with gold. The external covering, which protected 
the building from the rain, was of brass instead 
of tiles; and this too was splendidly and 
profusely adorned with gold, and reflected the 
sun's rays with a brilliancy which dazzled the 
distant beholder. The dome was entirely 
encompassed by a finely carved tracery, wrought in 
brass and gold.

CHAPTER LIX.

Farther Description of the same Church.
SUCH was the magnificence with which the emperor 
was pleased to beautify this church.

The building was surrounded by an open area of 
great extent, the four sides of which were 
terminated by porticos which enclosed the area and 
the church itself. Adjoining these porticos were 
ranges of stately chambers, with baths and 
promenades, and besides many apartments adapted to 
the use of those who had charge of the place.

CHAPTER LX.

He also erected his own Sepulchral Monument
in this Church.

ALL these edifices the emperor consecrated with 
the desire of perpetuating the memory of the 
apostles of our Saviour. He had, however, another 
object in erecting this building: an object at 
first unknown, but which afterwards became evident 
to all. He had in fact made choice of this spot in 
the prospect of his own death, anticipating with 
extraordinary fervor of faith that his body would 
share their title with the apostles themselves, 
and that he should thus even after death become 
the subject, with them, of the devotions which 
should be performed to their honor in this place. 
He accordingly caused twelve coffins to be set up 
in this church, like sacred pillars in honor and 
memory of the apostolic number, in the center of 
which his own was placed, having six of theirs on 
either side of it. Thus, as I said, he had 
provided with prudent foresight an honorable 
resting-place for his body after death, and, 
having long before secretly formed this 
resolution, he now consecrated this church to the 
apostles, believing that this tribute to their 
memory would be of no small advantage to his own 
soul. Nor did God disappoint him of that which he 
so ardently expected and desired. For after he had 
completed the first services of the feast of 
Easter, and had passed this sacred day of our Lord 
in a manner which made it an occasion of joy and 
gladness to himself and to all; the God through 
whose aid he performed all these acts, and whose 
zealous servant he continued to be even to the end 
of life, was pleased at a happy time to translate 
him to a better life.

CHAPTER LXI.

His Sickness at Helenopolis, and Prayers respect-
ing his Baptism.

AT first he experienced some slight bodily 
indisposition, which was soon followed by positive 
disease. In consequence of this he visited the hot 
baths of his own city; and thence proceeded to 
that which bore the name of his mother. Here he 
passed some time in the church of the


556

martyrs, and offered up supplications and prayers 
to God. Being at length convinced that his life 
was drawing to a close, he felt the time was come 
at which he should seek purification from sins of 
his past career, firmly believing that whatever 
errors he had committed as a mortal man, his soul 
would be purified from them through the efficacy 
of the mystical words and the salutary waters of 
baptism. (1) Impressed with these thoughts, he 
poured forth his supplications and confessions to 
God, kneeling on the pavement in the church 
itself, in which he also now for the first time 
received the imposition of hands with prayer. (2) 
After this he proceeded as far as the suburbs of 
Nicomedia, and there, having summoned the bishops 
to meet him, addressed them in the following 
words.

CHAPTER LXII.

Constantine's Appeal to the Bishops, requesting 
them to confer upon him the Rite of Baptism.

"THE time is arrived which I have long hoped for, 
with an earnest desire and prayer that I might 
obtain the salvation of God. The hour is come in 
which I too may have the blessing of that seal 
which confers immortality; the hour in which I may 
receive the seal of salvation. I had thought to do 
this in the waters of the river Jordan, wherein 
our Saviour, for our example, is recorded to have 
been baptized: but God, who knows what is 
expedient for us, is pleased that I should receive 
this blessing here. Be it so, then, without delay: 
(1) for should it be his will who is Lord of life 
and death, that my existence here should be 
prolonged, and should I be destined henceforth to 
associate with the people of God, and unite with 
them in prayer as a member of his. Church, I will 
prescribe to myself from this time such a course 
of life as befits his service." After he had thus 
spoken, the prelates performed the sacred 
ceremonies in the usual manner, and, having given 
him the necessary instructions, made him a 
partaker of the mystic ordinance. Thus was 
Constantine the first of all sovereigns who was 
regenerated and perfected in a church dedicated to 
the martyrs of Christ; thus gifted with the Divine 
seal of baptism, he rejoiced in spirit, was 
renewed, and filled with heavenly  light: his soul 
was gladdened by reason of the fervency of his 
faith, and astonished at the manifestation of the 
power of God. At the conclusion of the ceremony he 
arrayed himself in shining imperial vestments, 
brilliant as the light, (2) and reclined on a 
couch of the purest white, refusing to clothe 
himself with the purple any more.

CHAPTER LXIII.

How after his Baptism he rendered Thanks
God.

HE then lifted his voice and poured forth a strain 
of thanksgiving to God; after which he added these 
words. "Now I know that I am truly blessed: now I 
feel assured that I am accounted worthy of 
immortality, and am made a partaker of Divine 
light." He further expressed his compassion for 
the unhappy condition of those who were strangers 
to such blessings as he enjoyed: and when the 
tribunes and generals of his army appeared in his 
presence with lamentations and tears at the 
prospect of their bereavement, and with prayers 
that his days might yet be prolonged, he assured 
them in reply that he was now in possession of 
true life; that none but himself could know the 
value of the blessings he had received; so that he 
was anxious rather to hasten than to defer his 
departure to God. He then proceeded to complete 
the needful arrangement of his affairs, 
bequeathing an annual donation to the Roman 
inhabitants of his imperial city; apportioning the 
inheritance of the empire, like a patrimonial 
estate, among his own children; in short, making 
every disposition according to his own pleasure. 
(1)


557

CHAFFER LXIV.

Constantinople's Death at Noon on the Feast of
Pentecost.

ALL these events occurred during a most important 
festival, I mean the august and holy solemnity of 
Pentecost, which is distinguished by a period of 
seven weeks, and sealed with that one day on which 
the holy Scriptures attest, the ascension of our 
common Saviour into heaven, and the descent of the 
Holy Spirit among men. In the course of this feast 
the emperor received the privileges I have 
described; and on the last day of all, which one 
might justly call the feast of feasts, he was 
removed about mid-day to the presence of his God, 
leaving his mortal remains to his fellow mortals, 
and carrying into fellowship with God that part of 
his being which was capable of understanding and 
loving him. (1) Such was the close of 
Constantine's mortal life. Let us now attend to 
the circumstances which followed this event.

CHAPTER LXV.

Lamentations of the Soldiery and their Officers.

IMMEDIATELY the assembled spearmen and body-guard 
rent their garments, and prostrated themselves on 
the ground, striking their heads, and uttering 
lamentations and cries of sorrow, calling on their 
imperial lord and master, or rather, like true 
children, on their father, while their tribunes 
and centurions addressed him as their preserver, 
protector, and benefactor. The rest of the 
soldiery also came in respectful order to mourn as 
a flock the removal of their good shepherd. The 
people meanwhile ran wildly throughout the city, 
some expressing the inward sorrow of their hearts 
by loud cries, others appearing confounded with 
grief: each mourning the event as a calamity which 
had befallen himself, and bewailing his death as 
though they felt themselves bereft of a blessing 
common alike to all.

CHAPTER LXVI.

Removal of the Body from Nicomedia to the
Palace at Constantinople.

AFTER this the soldiers lifted the body from its 
couch, and laid it in a golden coffin, which they 
enveloped in a covering of purple, and removed to 
the city which was called by his own name. Here it 
was placed in an elevated position in the 
principal chamber of the imperial palace, and 
surrounded by candles burning in candlesticks of 
gold, presenting a marvelous spectacle, and such 
as no one under the light of the sun had ever seen 
on earth since the world itself began. For in the 
central apartment of the imperial palace, the body 
of the emperor lay in its elevated resting-place, 
arrayed in the symbols of sovereignty, the diadem 
and purple robe, and encircled by a numerous 
retinue of attendants, who watched around it 
incessantly night and day.

CHAPTER LXVII.

He received the same Honors from the Counts and 
other Officers as before his Death.

THE military officers, too, of the highest rank, 
the counts, and the whole order of magistrates, 
who had been accustomed to do obeisance to their 
emperor before, continued to fulfill this duty 
without any change, even after his death entering 
the chamber at the appointed times, and saluting 
their coffined sovereign with bended knee, as 
though he were still alive. After them the 
senators appeared, and all who had been 
distinguished by any honorable office, and 
rendered the same homage. These were followed by 
multitudes of every rank, who came with their 
wives and children to witness the spectacle. These 
honors continued to be rendered for a considerable 
time, the soldiers having resolved thus to guard 
the body until his sons should arrive, and take on 
themselves the conduct of their father's funeral. 
No mortal had ever, like this blessed prince, 
continued to reign even after death, and to 
receive the same homage as during his life: he 
only, of all who have ever lived, obtained this 
reward from God: a suitable reward, since he alone 
of all sovereigns had in all his actions honored 
the Supreme God and his Christ, and God himself 
accordingly was pleased that even his mortal 
remains should still retain imperial authority 
among men; thus indicating to all who were not 
utterly devoid of understanding the immortal and 
endless empire which his soul was destined to 
enjoy. This was the course of events here.

CHAPTER LXVIII.

Resolution of the Army to confer thence-forward 
the Title of Augustus on his Sons.

MEANWHILE the tribunes selected from the troops 
under their command those officers whose fidelity 
and zeal had long been known to the emperor, and 
dispatched them to the Caesars


558

with intelligence of the late event. This service 
they accordingly performed. As soon, however, as 
the soldiery throughout the provinces received the 
tidings of the emperor's decease, they all, as if 
by a supernatural impulse, resolved with one 
consent, as though their great emperor had been 
yet alive, to acknowledge none other than his sons 
as sovereigns of the Roman world: and these they 
soon after determined should no longer retain the 
name of Caesar, but should each be honored with 
the title of Augustus, a name which indicates the 
highest supremacy of imperial power. Such were the 
measures adopted by the army; and these 
resolutions they communicated to each other by 
letter, so that the unanimous desire of the 
legions became known at the same point of time 
throughout the whole extent of the empire.

CHAPTER LXIX.

	  Mourning for Constantine at Rome; and the Honor 
paid him there through Paintings after his Death.

ON the arrival of the news of the emperor's death 
in the imperial city, the Roman senate and people 
felt the announcement as the heaviest and most 
afflictive of all calamities, and gave themselves 
up to an excess of grief. The baths and markets 
were closed, the public spectacles, and all other 
recreations in which men of leisure are accustomed 
to indulge, were interrupted. Those who had 
erewhile lived in luxurious ease, now walked the 
streets in gloomy sadness, while all united in 
blessing the name of the deceased, as the one who 
was dear to God, and truly worthy of the imperial 
dignity. Nor was their sorrow expressed only in 
words: they proceeded also to honor him, by the 
dedication of paintings to his memory, with the 
same respect as before his death. The design of 
these pictures embodied a representation of heaven 
itself, and depicted the emperor reposing in an 
ethereal mansion above the celestial vault. They 
too declared his sons alone to be emperors and 
Augusti, and begged with earnest entreaty that 
they might be permitted to receive the body of 
their emperor, and perform his obsequies in the 
imperial city.

CHAPTER LXX.

His Burial by his San Constantius at Con-
stantinople.

THUS did they there testify their respect for the 
memory of him who had been honored by God. The 
second of his sons, however, who had by this time 
arrived, proceeded to celebrate his father's 
funeral in the city which bears his name, himself 
heading the procession, which was preceded by 
detachments of soldiers in military array, and 
followed by vast multitudes, the body itself being 
surrounded by companies of spearmen and heavy 
armed infantry. On the arrival of the procession 
at the church dedicated to the apostles of our 
Saviour, the coffin was there entombed. Such honor 
did the youthful emperor Constantius render to his 
deceased parent, both by his presence, and by the 
due performance of this sacred ceremony.

CHAPTER LXXI.

Sacred Service in the Church of the Apostles an 
the Occasion of Constantine's Funeral.

As soon as [Constantius] had withdrawn himself 
with the military train, the ministers of God came 
forward, with the multitude and the whole 
congregation of the faithful, and performed the 
rites of Divine worship with prayer. At the same 
time the tribute of their praises was given to the 
character of this blessed prince, whose body 
rested on a lofty and conspicuous monument, and 
the whole multitude united with the priests of God 
in offering prayers for his soul, not without 
tears, -- nay, rather with much weeping; thus 
performing an office consonant with the desires of 
the pious deceased. (1) In this respect also the 
favor of God was manifested to his servant, in 
that he not only bequeathed the succession of the 
empire to his own beloved sons, but that the 
earthly tabernacle of his thrice blessed soul, 
according to his own earnest wish, was permitted 
to share the monument of the apostles; was 
associated with the honor of their name, and with 
that of the people of God; was honored by the 
performance of the sacred ordinances and mystic 
service; and enjoyed a participation in the 
prayers of the saints. Thus, too, he continued to 
possess imperial power even after death, 
controlling, as though with renovated life, a 
universal dominion, and retaining in his own name, 
as Victor, Maximus, Augustus, the sovereignty of 
the Roman world. (2)

CHAPTER LXXII. Of the Phoenix.
WE cannot compare him with that bird of Egypt, the 
only one, as they say, of its kind, which dies,

559

self-sacrificed, in the midst of aromatic 
perfumes, and, rising from its own ashes with new 
life, soars aloft in the same form which it had 
before. Rather did he resemble his Saviour, who, 
as the sown corn which is multiplied from a single 
grain, had yielded abundant increase through the 
blessing of God, and had overspread the whole 
world with his fruit. Even so did our thrice 
blessed prince become multiplied, as it were, 
through the succession of his sons. His statue was 
erected along with theirs in every province; and 
the name of Constantine was owned and honored even 
after the close of his mortal life.

CHAPTER LXXIII.

How Constantine is represented on Coins in the
Act of ascending to Heaven.

A COINAGE Was also struck which bore the following 
device. On one side appeared the figure of our 
blessed prince, with the head closely veiled: the 
reverse exhibited him sitting as a charioteer, 
drawn by four horses, with a hand stretched 
downward from above to receive him up to heaven.

CHAPTER LXXIV.

The God whom he had honored deservedly hon-
ored him in Return.

SUCH are the proofs by which the Supreme God has 
made it manifest to us, in the person of 
Constantine, who alone of all sovereigns had 
openly professed the Christian faith, how great a 
difference he perceives between those whose 
privilege it is to worship him and his Christ, and 
those who have chosen the contrary part, who 
provoked his enmity by daring to assail his 
Church, and whose calamitous end, in every 
instance, afforded tokens of his displeasure, as 
manifestly as the death of Constantine conveyed to 
all men an evident assurance of his Divine love.

CHAPTER LXXV.

He surpassed all Preceding Emperors in Devo-
tion to God.

STANDING, as he did, alone and pre-eminent among 
the Roman emperors as a worshiper of God; alone as 
the bold proclaimer to all men of the doctrine of 
Christ; having alone rendered honor, as none 
before him had ever done, to his Church; having 
alone abolished utterly the error of polytheism, 
and discountenanced idolatry in every form: so, 
alone among them both during life and after death, 
was he accounted worthy of such honors as none can 
say have been attained to by any other; so that no 
one, whether Greek or Barbarian, nay, of the 
ancient Romans themselves, has ever been presented 
to us as worthy of comparison with him. (1)


THE ORATION

OF

THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE,

WHICH HE ADDRESSED

"TO THE ASSEMBLY OF THE SAINTS."

CHAPTER L

	   Preliminary Remarks on the Feast of Easter: 
and how the Word of God, having conferred Manifold 
Benefits on Mankind, was betrayed by his 
Beneficiaries.

THAT light which far outshines the day and sun, 
first pledge of resurrection, and renovation of 
bodies long since dissolved, (1) the divine token 
(2) of promise, the path which leads to 
everlasting life -- in a word, the day of the 
Passion -- is arrived, best beloved doctors, and 
ye, my friends who are assembled here, ye blessed 
multitudes, who worship him who is the author of 
all worship, and praise him continually with heart 
and voice, according to the precepts of his holy 
word. But thou, Nature, (3) parent of all things, 
what blessing like to this hast thou ever 
accomplished for mankind? Nay rather, what is in 
any sense thy workmanship, since he who formed the 
universe is himself the author of thy being? For 
it is he who has arrayed thee in thy beauty; and 
the beauty of Nature is life according to Nature's 
laws. But principles quite opposed to Nature have 
mightily prevailed; in that men have agreed in 
withholding his rightful worship from the Lord of 
all, believing that the order of the universe 
depended, not on his providence, but, on the blind 
uncertainty of chance: and this notwithstanding 
the clearest announcement of the truth by his 
inspired prophets, whose words should have claimed 
belief, but were in every way resisted by that 
impious wickedness which hates the light of truth, 
and loves the ob-

scure mazes of darkness. Nor was this error 
unaccompanied by violence and cruelty, especially 
in that the will of princes encouraged the blind 
impetuosity of the multitude, or rather itself led 
the way in the career of reckless folly. Such 
principles as these, confirmed by the practice of 
many generations, became the source of terrible 
evils in those early times: but no sooner had the 
radiance of the Saviour's presence appeared, than 
justice took the place of wrong, a calm succeeded 
the confusion of the storm, and the predictions of 
the prophets were all fulfilled. For after he had 
enlightened the world by the glorious discretion 
and purity of his character, and had ascended to 
the mansions of his father's house, he founded his 
Church on earth, as a holy temple of virtue, an 
immortal, imperishable temple, wherein the worship 
due to the Supreme Father and to himself should be 
piously performed. But what did the insane malice 
of the nations hereupon devise? Their effort was 
to reject the grace of Christ, and to ruin that 
Church which was ordained for the salvation of 
all, though they thus ensured the overthrow of 
their own superstition. (4) Once more then unholy 
sedition, once more war and strife prevailed, with 
stiff-neckedness, luxurious riot, and that craving 
for wealth which now soothes its victims with 
specious hope, now strikes them with groundless 
fear; a craving which is contrary to nature, and 
the very characteristic of Vice herself. Let her, 
however, lie prostrate in the dust, and own the 
victorious power of Virtue; and let her rend and 
tear herself, as well she may, in the bitterness 
of repentance. But let us now proceed to speak of 
topics which pertain to the Divine doctrine.


562

CHAPTER II.

An Appeal to the Church and to his Hearers to 
pardon and correct the Errors of his Speech.

HEAR then, thou master (1) of the ship, possessor 
of virgin purity, and thou Church, the cherisher 
of tender and inexperienced age, guardian of truth 
and gentleness, through whose perennial fountain 
the stream" of salvation flows! Be ye also 
indulgent, my hearers, who worship God sincerely, 
and are, therefore, the objects of his care: 
attending, not to the language, but to the truth 
of what is said; not to him who speaks, but rather 
to the pious zeal which hallows his discourse! For 
what will be the use of words when the real 
purpose of the speaker remains unknown? It may be, 
indeed, that I essay great things; the love of God 
which animates my soul, a love which overpowers 
natural reserve, is my plea for the bold attempt. 
On you, then, I call, who are best instructed in 
the mysteries of God, to aid me with your counsel, 
to follow me with your thoughts, and correct 
whatever shall savor of error in my words, 
expecting no display of perfect knowledge, but 
graciously accepting the sincerity of my endeavor. 
And may the Spirit of the Father and the Son 
accord his mighty aid, while I utter the words 
which he shall suggest to speech or thought. (8) 
For if any one, whether in the practice of 
eloquence, or any other art, expects to produce a 
finished work without the help of God, both the 
author and his efforts will be found alike 
imperfect; while he has no cause to fear, no room 
for discouragement, (4) who has once been blessed 
with the inspiration of Heaven. Wherefore asking 
your indulgence for the length of this preface, 
let us attempt the theme in its utmost scope. (5)

CHAPTER III.

	   That God is the Father of the Word, and the 
Creator of  all Things; and that Material Objects 
could not continue to exist, were their Causes 
Various.

GOD, who is ever above all existence, and the good 
which all things desire, has no origin, and 
therefore no beginning, being himself the 
originator (1) of all things which receive 
existence.

But he who proceeds from him is again united to 
him; and this separation from and union with him 
is not local, but intellectual in its character. 
For this generation was accompanied by no 
diminution of the Father's substance (as in the 
case of generation by seed); but by the 
determining act of foreknowledge God manifested a 
Saviour presiding over (2) this sensible world, 
and all created things therein. (3) From hence, 
then, is the source of existence and life to all 
things which are within the compass of this world; 
hence proceed the soul, and every sense; (4) hence 
those organs through which the sense-perceptions 
are perfected. What, then, is the object of this 
argument? To prove that there is One director of 
all things that exist, and that all things, 
whether in heaven or on earth, both natural and 
organized bodies, (5) are subject to his single 
sovereignty. For if the dominion of these things, 
numberless as they are, were in the hands, not of 
one but of many, there must be a partition and 
distribution of the elements, and the old fables 
would be true; (6) jealousy, too, and ambition, 
striving for superior power, would destroy the 
harmonious concord of the whole, while each of the 
many masters would regulate in a manner different 
from the rest the portion subject to his control. 
The fact, however, that this universal order is 
ever one and the same, is the proof that it is 
under the care of a superior power, and that its 
origin cannot be ascribed to chance. Else how 
could the author of universal nature ever be 
known? To whom first, or last, could prayers and 
supplications be addressed? Whom could I choose 
(7) as the object of my worship, without being 
guilty of impiety towards the rest? Again, if 
haply I desired to obtain some temporal blessing, 
should I not, while expressing my gratitude to the 
Power who favored my request, convey a reproach to 
him who opposed it? Or to whom should I pray, when 
desiring to know the cause of my calamity, and to 
obtain deliverance? Or let us suppose that the 
answer is given by oracles and prophecies,


563

but that the case is not within the scope of their 
authority, being the province of some other 
deity.s Where, then, is mercy? where is the 
provident care of God for the human race? Unless, 
indeed, some more benevolent Power assuming a 
hostile attitude against another who has no such 
feeling, be disposed to accord me his protection. 
Hence anger, discords, mutual censure, and finally 
universal confusion, would ensue, while each 
departed from his proper sphere of action, 
dissatisfied, through ambitious love of power, 
with his allotted portion. What, then, would be 
the result of these things? Surely this discord 
among the heavenly powers would prove destructive 
to the interests of earth the orderly alternation 
of times and seasons would disappear; the 
successive productions of the earth would be 
enjoyed no more: the day itself, and the repose of 
night which follows it, would cease to be. But 
enough on this subject: let us once more resume 
that species of reasoning which admits of no 
reply.

CHAPTER IV.

On the Error of Idolatrous Worship.

WHATEVER has had a beginning, has also an end. Now 
that which is a beginning in respect of time, is 
called a generation: and whatever is by generation 
is subject to corruption, and its beauty (1) is 
impaired by the lapse of time. How, then, can they 
whose origin is from corruptible generation, be 
immortal? Again, this supposition has gained 
credit with the ignorant multitude, that 
marriages, and the birth of children, are usual 
among the gods. Granting, then, such offspring to 
be immortal, and continually produced, the race 
must of necessity multiply to excess: and if this 
were so, where is the heaven, or the earth, which 
could contain so vast and still increasing a 
multitude of gods? But what shall we say of those 
men who represent these celestial beings as joined 
in incestuous union with their sister goddesses, 
and charge them with adultery and impurity? (2) We 
declare, further, with all confidence, that the 
very honors and worship which these deities 
receive from men are accompanied by acts of 
wantonness and profligacy. Once more; the 
experienced and skillful sculptor, having formed 
the conception of his design, perfects his work 
according to the rifles of art; and in a little 
while, as if forgetful of himself, idolizes his 
own creation, and adores it as an immortal god, 
while yet he admits that himself, the author and 
maker of the image, is a mortal man. Nay, they 
even show the graves and monuments of those whom 
they deem immortal, and bestow divine honors on 
the dead: not knowing that that which is truly 
blessed and incorruptible needs no distinction 
which perishable men can give: for that Being, who 
is seen by the mental eye, and conceived by the 
intellect alone, requires to be distinguished by 
no external form, and admits no figure to 
represent its character and likeness. But the 
honors of which we speak are given to those who 
have yielded to the power of death: they once were 
men, and tenants, while they lived, of a mortal 
body.

CHAPTER V.

	   That Christ, the Son of God, created All 
Things, and has appointed to Every Thing the Term 
of its Existence.

BUT why do I defile my tongue with unhallowed 
words, when my object is to sound the praises of 
the true God? Rather let me cleanse myself, as it 
were, from this bitter draught by the pure stream 
which flows from the everlasting fountain of the 
virtue (1) of that God who is the object of my 
praise. Be it my special province to glorify 
Christ, as well by the actions of my life, as by 
that thanksgiving which is due to him for the 
manifold and signal blessings which he has 
bestowed. I affirm, therefore, that he (2) has 
laid the foundations of this universe; and 
conceived the race of men, ordaining these things 
by his word. And immediately he transferred our 
newly created parents (ignorant at first, 
according to his will, of good and evil) to a 
happy region, abounding in flowers and fruits of 
every kind. (3) At length, however, he appointed 
them a seat on earth befitting creatures endued 
with reason; and then unfolded to their faculties, 
as intelligent beings, the knowledge of good and 
evil. Then, too, he bade the race increase; and 
each healthy region of the world, as far as the 
bounds of the circumambient ocean, became the 
dwelling-place of men; while with this increase of 
numbers the invention of the useful arts went hand 
in


564

hand. Meantime the various species of inferior (4) 
animals increased in due proportion, each kind 
discovering some characteristic quality, the 
special gift of nature: the tame distinguished by 
gentleness and obedience to man; the wild by 
strength and swiftness, and an instinctive 
foresight which warned them to escape from peril. 
The gentler animals he placed entirely beneath 
man's protecting care, but entailed on him the 
necessity of strife with those of fiercer nature. 
He next created the feathered race, manifold in 
number, diverse in character and habits; brilliant 
with every variety of color, and endued with 
native powers of melody. Finally, having arranged 
with wise discrimination whatever else the compass 
of this world contains, and having assigned to 
every creature the stated term of its existence, 
he thus completed the beautiful order of the 
perfect whole.

CHAPTER VI.

	   The Falsity of the General Opinion respecting 
Fate (1) is proved by the Consideration of Human 
Laws, and by the Works of Creation, the Course of 
which is not Fortuitous, but according to an 
Orderly Arrangement which evinces the Design of 
the Creator.

THE great majority, however, in their folly, 
ascribe the regulation of the universe to nature, 
while some imagine fate, or accident, (2) to be 
the cause. With regard to those who attribute the 
control of all things to fate, they know not that 
in using this term they utter a mere word, but 
designate no active power, nor anything which has 
real and substantial existence. For what can this 
fate be, considered in itself, if nature be the 
first cause of all things? Or what shall we 
suppose nature itself to be, if the law of fate be 
inviolable? Indeed, the very assertion that there 
is a law of fate implies that such law is the work 
of a legislator: if, therefore, fate itself

be a law, it must be a law devised by God. All 
things, therefore, are subject to God, and nothing 
is beyond the sphere of his power. If it be said 
that fate is the will (3) of God, and is so 
considered, we admit the fact. But in what respect 
do justice, (4) or self-control, (5) or the other 
virtues, depend on fate? From whence, if so, do 
their contraries, as injustice and intemperance, 
proceed? For vice has its origin from nature, not 
from fate; and virtue is the due regulation of 
natural character and disposition. But, granting 
that the varied results of actions, whether right 
or erroneous in themselves, depend on fortune or 
fate: in what sense can the general principle of 
justice, (6) the principle of rendering to every 
one his due, be ascribed to fate? (7) Or how can 
it be said that laws, encouragements to virtue and 
dissuasives from what is evil, praise, blame, 
punishment, in short whatever operates as a motive 
to virtue, and deters from the practice of vice, 
derive their origin from fortune or accident, and 
not rather from that of justice, (8) which is a 
characteristic attribute of the God of providence? 
For the events which befall men are consequent 
upon the tenor of their lives. Hence  pestilence 
or sedition, famine and plenty, succeed in turn, 
declaring plainly and emphatically that all these 
things are regulated with reference to our course 
of life. For the Divine Being delights in 
goodness, but turns with aversion from all 
impiety; looks with acceptance on the humble 
spirit, but abhors presumption, and that pride 
which exalts itself above what becomes a creature. 
And though the proofs of these truths are clear 
and manifest to our sight, they appear in a still 
stronger light, when we collect, and as it were 
concentrate our thoughts within ourselves, and 
ponder their causes with deep attention. I say, 
then, that it becomes us to lead a life of modesty 
and gentleness, not suffering our thoughts to rise 
proudly above our natural condition, and ever 
mindful that God is near us,


565

and is the observer of all our actions. But let us 
still farther test the truth of the proposition, 
that the order of the universe depends on chance 
(9) or accident. (1) Are we then to suppose that 
the stars and other heavenly bodies, the earth and 
sea fire and wind, water and air, the succession 
of the seasons, the recurrence of summer and 
winter, that all these have an undesigned and 
fortuitous existence, and not rather that they 
proceed from the creative hand of God? Some 
indeed, are so senseless as to say that most of 
these things have been devised by mankind because 
of their need of them. Let it be admitted that 
this opinion has a semblance of reason in regard 
to earthly and corruptible things (though Nature 
herself supplies every good with a lavish hand); 
yet can we believe that things which are immortal 
and unchangeable are the inventions of men? These, 
indeed, and all things else which are beyond the 
reach of our senses, and comprehended by the 
intellect (11) alone, receive their being, not 
from the material life of man, but from the 
intellectual and eternal essence of God. Again, 
the orderly arrangement of these things is the 
work of his providence: for instance, that the 
day, deriving radiance from the sun, is bright; 
that night succeeds his setting, and the starry 
host (12) by which night itself is redeemed from 
total darkness. And what shall we say of the moon, 
which when most distant from, and opposite to the 
sun, is filled with light, but wanes in proportion 
to the nearness of her approach to him? Do not 
these things manifestly evince the intelligence 
(13) and sagacious wisdom of God? Add to this that 
needful warmth of the solar rays which ripens the 
fruits of the earth; the currents of wind, so 
conducive to the fertility of the seasons; the 
cool and refreshing showers; and the harmony of 
all these things in accordance with which all are 
reasonably and systematically conducted: lastly, 
the everlasting order of the planets, which return 
to the selfsame place at their appointed times: 
are not all these, as well as the perfect ministry 
of the stars, obedient to a divine law, evident 
proofs of the ordinance (14) of God? Again, do the 
mountain heights, the deep and hollow valleys, the 
level and extensive plains, useful as they are, as 
well as pleasing to the eye, appear to exist 
independently of the will of God? Or do not the 
proportion and alternate succession of land and 
water, serviceable, the one for husbandry, the 
other for the transport of such foreign products 
as we need, afford a clear demonstration of his 
exact and proportionate providential care? For 
instance, the mountains contain a store of water, 
which the level ground receives, and after 
imbibing sufficient for the renovation of the 
soil, sends forth the residue into the sea, and 
the sea in turn passes it onward to the ocean. And 
still we dare to say that all these things happen 
by chance (15) and accident; unable though we be 
to show by what shape or form this chance is 
characterized; a thing which has no foundation 
either in intellect or sense existence; which 
rings in our ears as the mere sound of an 
unsubstantial name!

CHAPTER VII.

In regard to Things above our Comprehension,
we should glorify the Creator's Wisdom, and 
attribute their Causes to him alone, and not
to Chance.

IN fact, this word "chance" is the expression of 
men who think in haphazard and illogical fashion; 
who are unable to understand the causes of these 
things, and who, owing to the feebleness of their 
own apprehensions, conceive that those things for 
which they cannot assign a reason, are ordered 
without reason. There are, unquestionably, some 
things which possess wonderful natural properties, 
and the full apprehension of which is very 
difficult: for example, the nature of hot springs. 
For no one can easily explain the cause of so 
powerful a fire; and it is indeed surprising that 
though surrounded on all sides by a body of cold 
water, it loses none of its native heat. These 
phenomena appear to be of rare occurrence 
throughout the world, being intended, I am 
persuaded, to afford to mankind convincing 
evidence of the power of that Providence which 
ordains that two directly opposite natures, heat 
and cold, should thus proceed from the self-same 
source. Many indeed, yea, numberless, are the 
gifts which God has bestowed for the comfort and 
enjoyment of man; and of these the fruit of the 
olive-tree and the vine deserve especial notice; 
the one for its power of renovating and cheering 
the soul, (1) the other because it ministers to 
our enjoyment, and is likewise adapted for the 
cure of bodily disease. Marvelous, too, is the 
course of rivers, flowing night and day with 
unceasing motion, and presenting a type of 
ever-flowing, never-ceasing life: and equally 
wonderful is the alternate succession of day and 
night.


566

CHAPTER VIII.

	  That God bestows an Abundant Supply of whatever 
is suited to the Wants of Man, and ministers but 
sparingly to his Pleasures; in Both Cases with a 
View to his Advantage.

LET what has been said suffice to prove that 
nothing exists without reason and intelligence, 
and that reason itself and providence are of God. 
It is he who has also distributed the metals, as 
gold, silver, copper, and the rest, in due 
proportion; ordaining an abundant supply of those 
which would be most needed and generally employed, 
while he dispensed those which serve the purposes 
merely of pleasure in adornment of luxury with a 
liberal and yet a sparing hand, holding a mean 
between parsimony and profusion. For the searchers 
for metals, were those which are employed for 
ornament procured in equal abundance with the 
rest, would be impelled by avarice to despise and 
neglect to gather those which, like iron or 
copper, are serviceable for husbandry, or 
house-building, or the equipment of ships; and 
would care for those only which conduce to luxury 
and a superfluous excess of wealth. Hence it is, 
as they say, that the search for gold and silver 
is far more difficult and laborious than that for 
any other metals, the violence of the toil thus 
acting as a counterpoise to the violence of the 
desire. And how many instances might still further 
be enumerated of the workings of that Divine 
Providence which, in all the gifts which it has so 
unsparingly conferred upon us, plainly urges us to 
the practice of self-control and all other 
virtues, and leads us away from unbefitting 
covetousness! To trace the secret reasons of all 
these things is indeed a task which exceeds the 
power of human faculties. For how can the 
intellect of a frail and perishable being arrive 
at the knowledge of perfect truth, or apprehend in 
its purity the counsel of God from the beginning?

CHAPTER IX.

Of the Philosophers, who fell into Mistaken
Notions, and Same of them into Danger, by their
Desire of Universal Knowledge. -- Also of the 
Doctrines of Plato.

WE ought, therefore, to aim at objects which are 
within our power, and exceed not the capacities of 
our nature. For the persuasive influence of 
argument has a tendency to draw most of us away 
from the truth of things, which has happened to 
many philosophers, who have employed themselves in 
reasoning, and the study of natural science, and 
who, as often as the

magnitude of the subject surpasses their powers of 
investigation, adopt various devices for obscuring 
the truth. Hence their diversities of judgment, 
and contentious opposition to each others' 
doctrines, and this notwithstanding their 
pretensions to wisdom. Hence, too, popular 
commotions have arisen, and severe sentences, 
passed by those in power, apprehensive of the 
overthrow of hereditary institutions, have proved 
destructive to many of the disputants themselves. 
Socrates, for example, elated by his skill in 
argumentation, indulging his power of making the 
worse appear the better reason, (1) and playing 
continually with the subtleties of controversy, 
fell a victim to the slander of his own countrymen 
and fellow-citizens. Pythagoras, too, who laid 
special claim to the virtues of silence and 
self-control, was convicted of falsehood. For he 
declared to the Italians that the doctrines which 
he had received during his travels in Egypt, and 
which had long before been divulged by the priests 
of that nation, were a personal revelation to 
himself from God. Lastly, Plato himself, the 
gentlest and most refined of all, who first 
essayed to draw men's thoughts from sensible to 
intellectual and eternal objects, and taught them 
to aspire to sublimer speculations, in the first 
place declared, with truth, a God exalted above 
every essence, but to him he added also a second, 
distinguishing them numerically as two, though 
both possessing one perfection, and the being of 
the second Deity proceeding from (2) the first. 
For he is the creator and controller of the 
universe, and evidently supreme: while the second, 
as the obedient agent of his commands, refers the 
origin of all creation to him as the cause. In 
accordance, therefore, with  the soundest reason, 
we may say that there is one Being whose care and 
providence are over all things, even God the Word, 
who has ordered all things; but the Word being God 
himself is also the Son of God. For by what name 
can we designate him except by this title of the 
Son, without falling into the most grievous error? 
For the Father of all things is properly 
considered the Father of his own Word. Thus far, 
then, Plato's sentiments were sound; but in what 
follows he appears to have wandered from the 
truth, in that he introduces a plurality of gods, 
to each of whom he assigns specific forms. And 
this has given occasion to still greater error 
among the unthinking portion of


567

mankind, who pay no regard to the providence of 
the Supreme God, but worship images of their own 
devising, made in the likeness of men or other 
living beings. Hence it appears that the 
transcendent nature and admirable learning of this 
philosopher, tinged as they were with such errors 
as these, were by no means free from impurity and 
alloy. And yet he seems to me to retract, and 
correct his own words, when he-plainly declares 
that a rational soul is the breath (3) of God, and 
divides all things into two classes, intellectual 
and sensible: [the one simple, the other] (4) 
consisting of bodily structure; the one 
comprehended by the intellect alone, the other 
estimated by the judgment and the senses. The 
former class, therefore, which partakes of the 
divine spirit, and is uncompounded and immaterial, 
is eternal, and inherits everlasting life; but the 
latter, being entirely resolved into the elements 
of which it is composed, has no share in 
everlasting life. He farther teaches the admirable 
doctrine, that those who have passed a life of 
virtue, that is, the spirits of good and holy men, 
are enshrined, after their separation from the 
body, in the fairest mansions of heaven. A 
doctrine not merely to be admired, but profitable 
too. (3) For who can believe in such a statement, 
and aspire to such a happy lot, without desiring 
to practice righteousness and temperance, and to 
turn aside from vice? Consistently with this 
doctrine he represents the spirits of the wicked 
as tossed like wreckage on the streams of Acheron 
and Pyriphlegethon.

CHAPTER X.

	  Of those who reject the Doctrines of 
Philosophers, as well as those of Scripture: and 
that we ought to believe the Poets in All Things, 
or disbelieve them in All.

THERE are, however, some persons so infatuated, 
that when they meet with such sentiments as these, 
they are neither converted or alarmed: nay, they 
even treat them with contempt and scorn, as if 
they listened to the inventions of fable; 
applauding, perhaps, the beauty of the eloquence, 
but abhorring the severity of the precepts. And 
yet they give credence to the fictions of the 
poets, and make both civilized and

barbarous (1) countries ring with exploded and 
false tales. For the poets assert that the 
judgment of souls after death is committed to men 
whose parentage they ascribe to the gods, (2) 
ex-tolling their righteousness and impartiality 
and represent them as guardians of the dead. The 
same poets describe the battles of the gods and 
certain usages of war among them, and speak of 
them as subject to the power of fate. Some of 
these deities they picture to us as cruel, others 
as strangers to all care for the human race, and 
others again as hateful in their character. They 
introduce them also as mourning the slaughter of 
their own children, thus implying their inability 
to succor, not strangers merely, but those most 
dear to them. They describe them, too, as subject 
to human passions, and sing of their battles and 
wounds, their joys and sorrows. And in all this 
they appear worthy of belief. (3) For if we 
suppose them to be moved by a divine impulse to 
attempt the poetic art, we are bound to believe 
them and to be persuaded of what they utter under 
this inspiration. They speak, then, of the 
calamities to which their divinities are subject; 
calamities which of course are altogether true! 
But it will be objected that it is the privilege 
of poets to lie, since the peculiar province of 
poetry is to charm (4) the spirits of the hearers, 
while the very essence of truth is that things 
told be in reality exactly what they are said to 
be. (5) Let us grant that it is a characteristic 
of poetry occasionally to conceal the truth. But 
they who speak falsehood do it not without an 
object; being influenced either by a desire of 
personal gain or advantage, or possibly, being 
conscious of some evil conduct, they are induced 
to disguise the truth by dread of the threatening 
vengeance of the laws. But surely it were possible 
for them (in my judgment), by adhering faithfully 
to truth at least while treating of the nature of 
the Supreme Being, to avoid the guilt at once of 
falsehood and impiety.


568

CHAPTER XI.

On the Coming of our Lord in the Flesh; its
Nature and Cause. (1)

WHOEVER, then, has pursued a course unworthy of a 
life of virtue, and is conscious of having lived 
an irregular and disorderly life, let him repent, 
and turn with enlightened spiritual vision to God; 
and let him abandon his past career of wickedness, 
content if he attain to wisdom even in his 
declining years. We, however, have received no aid 
from human instruction; nay, whatever graces of 
character are esteemed of good report by those who 
have understanding, are entirely the gift of God. 
And I am able to oppose no feeble buckler against 
the deadly weapons of Satan's armory; I mean the 
knowledge I possess of those things which are 
pleasing to him: and of these I will select such 
as are appropriate to my present design, while I 
proceed to sing the praises of the Father of all. 
But do thou, O Christ Saviour of mankind, be 
present to aid me in my hallowed task! Direct the 
words which celebrate thy virtues, (2) and 
instruct me worthily to sound thy praises. And 
now, let no one expect to listen to the graces of 
elegant language: for well I know that the 
nerveless eloquence of those who speak to charm 
the ear, and whose aim is rather applause than 
sound argument, is distasteful to hearers of sound 
judgment. It is asserted, then, by some profane 
and senseless persons, that Christ, whom we 
worship, was justly condemned to death, and that 
he who is the author of life to all, was himself 
deprived of life. That such an assertion should be 
made by those who have once dared to enter the 
paths of impiety, who have cast aside all fear, 
and all thought of concealing their own depravity, 
is not surprising. But it is beyond the bounds of 
folly itself that they should be able, as it 
seems, really to persuade themselves that the 
incorruptible God yielded to the violence of men, 
and not rather to that love alone which he bore to 
the human race: that they should fail to perceive 
that divine magnanimity and forbearance is changed 
by no insult, is moved from its intrinsic 
steadfastness by no revilings; but is ever the 
same, breaking down and repelling, by the spirit 
of wisdom and greatness of soul, the savage 
fierceness of those who assail it. The gracious 
kindness of God had determined to abolish 
iniquity, and to exalt order and justice. 
Accordingly, he gathered a

company of the wisest among men, (3) and ordained 
that most noble and useful doctrine, which is 
calculated to lead the good and blessed of mankind 
to an imitation of his own providential care. And 
what higher blessing can we speak of than this, 
that God should prescribe the way of 
righteousness, and make those who are counted 
worthy of his instruction like himself; that 
goodness might be communicated to all classes of 
mankind, and eternal felicity be the result? This 
is the glorious victory: this the true power: this 
the mighty work, worthy of its author, the 
restoration of all people to soundness of mind: 
and the glory of this triumph we joyfully ascribe 
to thee, thou Saviour of all! But thou, vile and 
wretched blasphemy, whose glory is in lies and 
rumors and calumny; thy power is to deceive and 
prevail with the
inexperience of youth, and with men who still 
retain the folly of youth. These thou seducest 
from the service of the true God, and settest up 
false idols as the objects of their worship and 
their prayers; and thus the reward of their folly 
awaits thy deluded victims: for they calumniate 
Christ, the author of every blessing, who is God, 
and the Son of God. Is not the worship of the best 
and wisest of the nations of this world worthily 
directed to that God, who, while possessing 
boundless power, remains immovably true to his own 
purpose, and retains undiminished his 
characteristic kindness and love to man? Away, 
then, ye impious, for still ye may while vengeance 
on your transgressions is yet withheld; begone to 
your sacrifices, your feasts, your scenes of 
revelry and drunkenness, wherein, under the 
semblance of religion, your hearts are devoted to 
profligate enjoyment, and pretending to perform 
sacrifices, yourselves are the willing slaves of 
your own pleasures. No knowledge have ye of any 
good, nor even of the first commandment of the 
mighty God, who both declares his will to man, and 
gives commission to his Son to direct the course 
of human life, that they who have passed a career 
of virtue and self-control may obtain, according 
to the judgment of that Son, a second, yea, a 
blessed and happy existence. (4) I have now 
declared the decree of God respecting the life 
which he prescribes to man, neither ignorantly, as 
many have done, nor


569

resting on the ground of opinion or conjecture. 
But it may be that some will ask, Whence this 
title of Son? Whence this generation of which we 
speak, if God be indeed only One, and incapable of 
union with another? We are, however, to consider 
generation as of two kinds; one in the way of 
natural birth, which is known to all; the other, 
that which is the effect of an eternal cause, the 
mode of which is seen by the prescience of God, 
and by those among men whom he loves. For he who 
is wise will recognize the cause which regulates 
the harmony of creation. Since, then, nothing 
exists without a cause, of necessity the cause of 
existing substances preceded their existence. But 
since the world and all things that it contains 
exist, and are preserved, (5) their preserver must 
have had a prior existence; so that Christ is the 
cause of preservation, and the preservation of 
things is an effect: (6) even as the Father is the 
cause of the Son, and the Son the effect of that 
cause. Enough, then, has been said to prove his 
priority of existence. But how do we explain his 
descent to this earth, and to men? His motive in 
this, (7) as the prophets had foretold, originated 
in his watchful care for the interests of all: for 
it needs must be that the Creator should care for 
his own works. But when the time came for him to 
assume a terrestrial body, and to sojourn on this 
earth, the need requiring, he devised for himself 
a new mode (8) of birth. Conception was there, yet 
apart from marriage: childbirth, yet pure 
virginity: and a maiden became the mother of God! 
An eternal nature received a beginning of temporal 
existence: a sensible form of a spiritual essence, 
a material manifestation of incorporeal 
brightness, (9) appeared. Alike wondrous were the 
circumstances which attended this great event. A 
radiant dove, like that which flew from the
ark of Noah, (10) alighted on the Virgin's bosom:

and accordant with this impalpable union, purer 
than chastity, more guileless than innocence 
itself, were the results which followed. From 
infancy possessing the wisdom of God, received 
with reverential awe by the Jordan, in whose 
waters he was baptized, gifted with that royal 
unction, the spirit of universal intelligence; 
with knowledge and power to perform miracles, and 
to heal diseases beyond the reach of human art; he 
yielded a swift and unhindered assent to the 
prayers of men, to whose welfare, indeed, his 
whole life was devoted without reserve. His 
doctrines instilled, not prudence only, (11) but 
real wisdom: his hearers were instructed, not in 
the mere social virtues, (12) but in the ways 
which conduct to the spiritual world; and devoted 
themselves to the contemplation of immutable and 
eternal things, and the knowledge of the Supreme 
Father. The benefits which he bestowed were no 
common blessings: for blindness, the gift of 
sight; for helpless weakness, the vigor of health; 
in the place of death, restoration to life again. 
I dwell not on that abundant provision in the 
wilderness, whereby a scanty measure of food 
became a complete and enduring supply (13) for the 
wants of a mighty multitude? Thus do we render 
thanks to thee, our God and Saviour, according to 
our feeble power; unto thee, O Christ, supreme 
Providence of the mighty Father, who both savest 
us from evil, and impartest to us thy most blessed 
doctrine: for I say these things, not to praise, 
but to give thanks. For what mortal is he who 
shall worthily declare thy praise, of whom we 
learn that thou didst from nothing call creation 
into being, and illumine it with thy light; that 
thou didst regulate the confusion of the elements 
by the laws of harmony and order? But chiefly we 
mark thy loving-kindness, (15) in that thou hast 
caused those


570

whose hearts inclined to thee to desire earnestly 
a divine and blessed life, and hast provided that, 
like merchants of true blessings, they might 
impart to many others the wisdom and good fortune 
they had received; themselves, meanwhile, reaping 
the everlasting fruit of virtue. Freed from the 
trammels of vice, and imbued with the love of 
their fellow-men, they keep mercy ever before 
their eyes, and hoping for the promises of faith; 
(16) devoted to modesty, and all those virtues 
which the past career of human life had thrown 
aside [but which were now restored by him whose 
providence is over all]. (17) No other power could 
be found to devise a remedy for such evils, and 
for that spirit of injustice which had heretofore 
asserted its dominion over the race of men. 
Providence, however, could reach the circumstances 
even here, and with ease restored whatever had 
been disordered by violence and the licentiousness 
of human passion. And this restoring power he 
exercised without concealment. For he knew that, 
though there were some whose thoughts were able to 
recognize and understand his power, others there 
were whose brutish and senseless nature led them 
to rely exclusively on the testimony of their own 
senses. In open day, therefore, that no one, 
whether good or evil, might find room for doubt, 
he manifested his blessed and wondrous healing 
power; restoring the dead to life again, and 
renewing with a word the powers of those who had 
been bereft of bodily sense. (18) Can we, in 
short, suppose, that to render the sea firm as the 
solid ground, to still the raging of the storm, 
and finally to ascend to heaven, after turning the 
unbelief of men to steadfast faith by the 
performance of these wondrous acts, demanded less 
than almighty power, was less than the work of 
God? Nor was the time of his passion unaccompanied 
by like wonders: when the sun was darkened, and 
the shades of night obscured the light of day. 
Then terror everywhere laid hold upon the people, 
and the thought that the end of all things was 
already come, and that chaos, such as had been ere 
the order of creation began, would once more 
prevail. Then, too, the cause was sought of so 
terrible an evil, and in what respect the 
trespasses of men had provoked the wrath of 
Heaven; until God himself, who surveyed with calm 
dignity the arrogance of the ungodly, renewed the 
face of heaven, and adorned it with the host of 
stars. Thus the be-clouded face of Nature was 
again restored to her pristine beauty.

CHAPTER XII.

	  Of those who are Ignorant of this Mystery; and 
that their Ignorance is Voluntary. The Blessings 
which await those who know it, especially such as 
die in the Confession of the Faith. (1)

BUT it will be said by some, who love to 
blaspheme, that it was in the power of God to 
ameliorate and soften the natural will of man. 
What better way, I ask, what better method could 
be devised, what more effectual effort put forth 
for reclaiming evil man, than converse with God 
himself? Was not he visibly present to teach them 
the principles of virtuous conduct? And if the 
personal instructions of God were without effect, 
how much more, had he continued absent and 
unheard? What, then, had power to hinder this most 
blessed doctrine? The perverse folly of man. For 
the clearness of our perceptions is at once 
obscured, as often as we receive with angry 
impatience those precepts which are given for our 
blessing and advantage. In truth, it was the very 
choice of men to disregard these precepts, and to 
turn a deaf ear to the commandments so distasteful 
to them; though had they listened, they would have 
gained a reward well worthy such attention, and 
that not for the present only, but the future 
life, which is indeed the only true life. For the 
reward of obedience to God is imperishable and 
everlasting life, to which they may aspire who 
know him, (2) and frame their course of life so as 
to afford a pattern to others, and as it were a 
perpetual standard for the imitation of those who 
desire to excel in virtue. Therefore was the 
doctrine committed to men of understanding, that 
the truths which they communicated might be kept 
with care and a pure conscience by the members of 
their households, and that thus a truthful and 
steadfast observance of God's commands might be 
secured, the fruit of which is that boldness in 
the prospect of death which springs from pure 
faith and genuine holiness before God. He who is 
thus armed can withstand the tempest of the world, 
and is sustained even to martyrdom by the 
invincible power of God, whereby he boldly 
overcomes the greatest terrors, and is accounted 
worthy of a crown of glory by him to whom he has 
thus nobly testi-


571

fied. (3) Nor does he himself assume the praise, 
knowing full well that it is God who gives the 
power both to endure, and to fulfill with ready 
zeal the Divine commands. And well may such a 
course as this receive the meed of never-failing 
remembrance and everlasting honor. For as the 
martyr's life is one of sobriety and obedience to 
the will of God, so is his death an example of 
true greatness and generous fortitude of soul. 
Hence it is followed by hymns and psalms, words 
and songs of praise to the all-seeing God: and a 
sacrifice of thanksgiving is offered in memory of 
such men, a bloodless, a harmless sacrifice, 
wherein is no need of the fragrant frankincense, 
no need of fire; but only enough of pure light (4) 
to suffice the assembled worshipers. Many, too, 
there are whose charitable spirit leads them to 
prepare a temperate banquet for the comfort of the 
needy, and the relief of those who had been driven 
from their homes: a custom which can only be 
deemed burdensome (5) by those whose thoughts are 
not accordant with the divine and sacred doctrine.

CHAPTER XIII.

	  That there is a Necessary Difference between 
Created Things. That the Propensity to Good and 
Evil depends on the Will of Man; and that, 
consequently, Judgment is a Necessary and 
Reasonable Thing.

THERE are, indeed, some who venture with childish 
presumption to find fault with God in respect of 
this also, and ask why it is that he has not 
created one and the same natural disposition for 
all, but rather has ordained the existence of many 
things different, nay, contrary in their nature, 
whence arises the dissimilarity of our moral 
conduct and character. Would it not (say they) 
have been better, both as regards obedience to the 
commands of God, and a just apprehension of 
himself, and for the confirmation of individual 
faith, that all mankind should be of the same 
moral character? It is indeed ridiculous to expect 
that this could be the case, and to forget that 
the constitution of the world is different from 
that of the things that are in the world; that 
physical and moral objects are not identical in 
their nature, nor the affections of the body the 
same as those of the soul. [For the immortal soul 
far exceeds the material world

in dignity, and is more blessed than the 
perishable and terrestrial creation, in proportion 
as it is noble and more allied to God. (1)] Nor is 
the human race excluded from participation in the 
divine goodness; though this is not the lot of all 
indiscriminately, but of those only who search 
deeply into the Divine nature, and propose the 
knowledge of sacred things as the leading object 
of their lives.

CHAPTER XIV.

	  That Created Nature differs infinitely from 
Un-created Being; to which Man makes the Nearest 
Approach by a Life of Virtue.

SURELY it must be the very height of folly to 
compare created with eternal things, which latter 
have neither beginning nor end, while the former, 
having been originated and called into being, and 
having received a commencement of their existence 
at some definite time, must consequently, of 
necessity have an end. How then can things which 
have thus been made, bear comparison with him who 
has ordained their being? Were this the case, (1) 
the power to command their existence could not 
rightly be attributed to him. Nor can celestial 
things be compared to him, any more than the 
material (2) with the intellectual (3) world, or 
copies with the models from which they are formed. 
Nay, is it not absurd thus to confound all things, 
and to obscure the honor of God by comparing him 
with men, or even with beasts? And is it not 
characteristic of madmen, utterly estranged from a 
life of sobriety and virtue, to affect a power 
equivalent to that of God? If indeed we in any 
sense aspire to blessedness like that of God, our 
duty is to lead a life according to his 
commandments: so shall we, having finished a 
course consistent with the laws which he has 
prescribed, dwell for ever superior to the power 
of fate, in eternal and undecaying mansions. For 
the only power in man which can be elevated to a 
comparison with that of God, is sincere and 
guileless service and devotion of heart to 
himself, with the contemplation and study of 
whatever pleases him, the raising our affections 
above the things of earth, and directing our 
thoughts, as far as we may, to high and heavenly 
objects: for from such endeavors, it is said, a 
victory accrues to us more valuable than


572

many blessings. (4) The cause, then, of that 
difference which subsists, as regards the 
inequality both of dignity and power in created 
beings, is such as I have described. In this the 
wise acquiesce with abundant thankfulness and joy: 
while those who are dissatisfied, display their 
own folly, and their arrogance will reap its due 
reward.

CHAPTER XV.

	  Of the Saviour's Doctrines and Miracles; and 
the Benefits he confers on those who own 
Subjection to him.

THE Son of God invites all men to the practice of 
virtue, and presents himself to all who have 
understanding hearts, as the teacher of his saving 
precepts. (1) Unless, indeed, we will deceive 
ourselves; and remain in wretched ignorance of the 
fact, that for our advantage, that is, to secure 
the blessing of the human race, he went about upon 
earth; and, having called around him the best men 
of their age, committed to them instructions full 
of profit, and of power to preserve them in the 
path of a virtuous life; teaching them the faith 
and righteousness which are the true remedy 
against the adverse power of that malignant spirit 
whose delight it is to ensnare and delude the 
inexperienced. Accordingly he visited the sick, 
relieved the infirm from the ills which afflicted 
them, and consoled those who felt the extremity of 
penury and want. He commended also sound and 
rational sobriety of character, enjoining his 
followers to endure, with dignity and patience, 
every kind of injury and contempt: teaching them 
to regard such as visitations permitted by their 
Father, and the victory is ever theirs who nobly 
bear the evils which befall them. For he assured 
them that the highest strength of all consisted in 
this steadfastness of soul, combined with that 
philosophy which is nothing else than the 
knowledge of truth and goodness, producing in men 
the generous habit of sharing with their poorer 
brethren those riches which they have themselves 
acquired by honorable means. At the same time he 
utterly forbade all proud oppression, declaring 
that, as he had come to associate with the lowly, 
so those who despised the lowly would be excluded 
from his favor. Such and so great was the test 
whereby he proved the faith of those who owned 
allegiance to his authority, and thus he not only 
prepared them for the contempt of danger and

terror, but taught them at the same time the most 
genuine confidence in himself. Once, too, his 
rebuke was uttered to restrain the zeal of one of 
his companions, who yielded too easily to the 
impulse of passion, when he assaulted with the 
sword, and, eager to protect his Saviour's life, 
exposed his own. Then it was that he bade him 
desist, and returned his sword to its sheath, 
reproving him for his distrust of refuge and 
safety in himself, and declaring solemnly that all 
who should essay to retaliate an injury by like 
aggression, or use the sword, should perish by a 
violent death. (2) This is indeed heavenly wisdom, 
to choose rather to endure than to inflict injury, 
and to be ready, should necessity so require, to 
suffer, but not to do, wrong. For since injurious 
conduct is in itself a most serious evil, it is 
not the injured party, but the injuring, on whom 
the heaviest punishment must fall. It is indeed 
possible for one who is subject to the will of God 
to avoid the evil both of committing and of 
suffering injury, provided his confidence be firm 
in the protection of that God whose aid is ever 
present to shield his servants from harm. For how 
should that man who trusts in God attempt to seek 
for resources in himself? In such a case he must 
abide the conflict with uncertainty of victory: 
and no man of understanding could prefer a 
doubtful to a certain issue. Again, how can that 
man doubt the presence and aid of God, who has had 
experience of manifold dangers, and has at all 
times been easily delivered, at his simple nod, 
from all terrors: who has passed, as it were, 
through the sea which was leveled by the Saviour's 
word, and afforded a solid road for the passage of 
the people? This is, I believe, the sure basis of 
faith, the true foundation of confidence, that we 
find such miracles as these performed and 
perfected at the command of the God of Providence. 
Hence it is that even in the midst of trial we 
find no cause to repent of our faith, but retain 
an unshaken hope in God; and when this habit of 
confidence is established in the soul, God himself 
dwells in the inmost thoughts. But he is of 
invincible power: the soul, therefore, which has 
within it him who is thus invincible, will not be 
overcome by the perils which may surround it. 
Likewise, (3) we learn this truth from the victory 
of God himself, who, while intent on providing for 
the blessing of mankind, though grievously 
insulted by the malice of the ungodly, yet passed 
unharmed through the sufferings of his passion, 
and gained a mighty conquest, an everlasting crown 
of triumph, over all


573

iniquity; thus accomplishing the purpose of his 
own providence and love as regards the just, and 
destroying the cruelty of the impious and unjust.

CHAPTER XVI.

	  The Coming of Christ was predicted by the 
Prophets; and was ordained to be the Overthrow of 
Idols and Idolatrous Cities.

LONG since had his passion, as well as his advent 
in the flesh, been predicted by the prophets. The 
time, too, of his incarnation had been foretold, 
and the manner in which the fruits of iniquity and 
profligacy, so ruinous to the works and ways of 
righteousness, should be destroyed, and the whole 
world partake of the virtues of wisdom and sound 
discretion, through the almost universal 
prevalence of those principles of con-

duct which the Saviour should promulgate, over the 
minds of men; whereby the worship of God should be 
confirmed, and the rites of superstition utterly 
abolished. By these not the slaughter of animals 
alone, but the sacrifice of human victims, and the 
pollutions of an accursed worship, had been 
devised: as, for example, by the laws of Assyria 
and Egypt, the lives of innocent men were offered 
up in images of brass or earth. Therefore have 
these nations received a recompense worthy so foul 
a worship. Memphis and Babylon [it was declared] 
(1) shall be wasted, and left desolate with their 
fathers' gods. Now these things I speak not from 
the report of others, but having myself been 
present, and actually seen the most wretched of 
these cities, the unfortunate Memphis. (2) Moses 
desolated, at the Divine command, the land of the 
once mighty Pharaoh, whose arrogance was his 
destruction, (3) and destroyed his army (which had 
proved victorious over numerous and mighty 
nations, an army strong in defenses and in arms), 
not by the flight of arrows or the hurling of 
hostile weapons, but by holy prayer alone, and 
quiet supplication.

CHAPTER XVII.

	  Of the Wisdom of Moses, which was an Object of 
Imitation to the Wise among Heathen Nations. Also 
concerning Daniel, and the Three Children.

No nation has ever been more highly blessed than 
that which Moses led: none would have continued to 
enjoy higher blessings, had they not willingly 
withdrawn themselves from the guidance of the Holy 
Spirit. But who can worthily describe the praises 
of Moses himself; who, after reducing to order an 
unruly nation, and disciplining their minds (1) to 
habits of obedience and respect, out of captivity 
restored them to a state of freedom, turned their 
mourning into gladness, and so far elevated their 
minds, (1) that, through the excess of contrast 
with their

former circumstances, and the abundance of their 
prosperity, the spirit of the people was elated 
with haughtiness and pride? So far did he surpass 
in wisdom those who had lived before him, that 
even the wise men and philosophers (2) who are 
extolled by heathen nations aspired to imitate his 
wisdom. For Pythagoras, following his wisdom, 
attained to such a pitch of self-control, that he 
became to Plato, himself a model of discretion, 
the standard of his own self-mastery. Again, how 
great and terrible the cruelty of that ancient 
Syrian king, over whom Daniel triumphed, the 
prophet who unfolded the secrets of futurity, 
whose actions evinced transcendent greatness of 
soul, and the

luster of whose character and life shone 
conspicuous above all? The name of this tyrant was 
Nebuchadnezzar, whose race afterward became 
extinct, and his vast and mighty power was 
transferred to Persian hands. The wealth of this 
tyrant was then, and is even now, celebrated far 
and wide, as well as his ill-timed devotion to 
unlawful worship, his idol statues, lifting their 
heads to heaven, and formed of various metals, and 
the terrible and savage laws ordained to uphold 
this worship. These terrors Daniel, sustained by 
genuine piety towards the true God, utterly 
despised, and predicted that the tyrant's 
unseasonable zeal would be productive of fearful 
evil to himself. He failed, however, to convince 
the tyrant (for excessive wealth is an effectual 
barrier to true soundness of judgment), and at 
length the monarch displayed the savage cruelty of 
his character, by commanding that the righteous 
prophet should be exposed to the fury of wild 
beasts. Noble, too, indeed was the united spirit 
exhibited by those brethren (3) (whose example 
others have since followed, and


574

have won surpassing glory by their faith in the 
Saviour's name), (4) those, I mean, who stood 
unharmed in the fiery furnace, and the terrors 
appointed to devour them, repelling by the holy 
touch of their bodies the flame by which they were 
surrounded. On the overthrow of the Assyrian 
Empire, which was destroyed by thunderbolts from 
Heaven, (5) the providence of God conducted Daniel 
to the court of Cambyses the Persian king. Yet 
envy followed him even here; nor envy only, but 
the deadly plots of the magians against his life, 
with a succession of many and urgent dangers, from 
all which he was easily delivered by the 
providential care of Christ, (6) and shone 
conspicuous in the practice of every virtue. Three 
times in the day did he present his prayers to 
God, and memorable were the proofs of supernatural 
power which he displayed: and hence the magians, 
filled with envy at the very efficacy of his 
petitions, represented the possession of such 
power to the king

as fraught with danger, and prevailed on him to 
adjudge this distinguished benefactor of the 
Persian people to be devoured by savage lions. 
Daniel, therefore, thus condemned, was consigned 
to the lions' den (not indeed to suffer death, but 
to win unfading glory); and though surrounded by 
these ferocious beasts of prey, he found them more 
gentle than the men who had enclosed him there. 
Supported by the power of calm and steadfast 
prayer, he was enabled to subdue all these 
animals, ferocious as, by nature, they were. 
Cambyses, on learning the event (for so mighty a 
proof of Divine power could not possibly be 
concealed), amazed at the marvelous story, and 
repenting the too easy credence he had given to 
the slanderous charges of the magians, resolved, 
notwithstanding, to be himself a witness of the 
spectacle. But when he saw the prophet with 
uplifted hands rendering praises to Christ, and 
the lions crouching, and as it were worshiping, at 
his feet, immediately he adjudged the magians, to 
whose persuasions he had listened, to perish by 
the self-same sentence, and shut them up in the 
lions' den. (7) The beasts, erewhile so gentle, 
rushed at once upon their victims, and with all 
the fierceness of their nature tore and destroyed 
them all. (8)

CHAPTER XVIII.

Of the Erythraean Sibyl, who pointed in a 
Prophetic Acrostic at our Lord and his Passion. 
The Acrostic is "Jesus Christ, Son of God, 
Saviour, Cross."

My desire, however, is to derive even from foreign 
sources a testimony to the Divine nature of 
Christ. For on such testimony it is evident that 
even those who blaspheme his name must acknowledge 
that he is God, and the Son of God if indeed they 
will accredit the words of those whose sentiments 
coincided with their own. (1) The Erythraean 
Sibyl, then, who herself assures us that she lived 
in the sixth generation after the flood, was a 
priestess of Apollo, who wore the sacred fillet in 
imitation of the God she served, who guarded also 
the tripod encompassed with the serpent's folds, 
and returned prophetic answers to those who 
approached her shrine; having been devoted by the 
folly of her parents to this service, a service 
productive of nothing good or noble, but only of 
indecent

fury, such as we find recorded in the case of 
Daphne. (2) On one occasion, however, having 
rushed into the sanctuary of her vain 
superstition, she became really filled with 
inspiration from above, and declared in prophetic 
verses the future purposes of God; plainly 
indicating the advent of Jesus by the initial 
letters of these verses, forming an acrostic in 
these words: JESUS CHRIST, SON OF GOD, SAVIOUR, 
CROSS. The verses themselves are as follows:

Judgment! Earth's oozing pores (3) shall mark the 
day; Earth's heavenly king his glories shall 
display: Sovereign of all, exalted on his throne,
Unnumbered multitudes their God shall own;
Shall sea their Judge, with mingled joy and fear, 
Crowned with his saints, in human form appear.
How vain, while desolate earth's glories lie,
Riches, and pomp, and man's idolatry!
In that dread hour, when Nature's fiery doom
Startles the slumb'ring tenants of the tomb,
Trembling all flesh shall stand; each secret wile,
Sins long forgotten, thoughts of guilt and guile,
Open beneath God's searching light shall lie:
No refuge then, but hopeless agony.
O'er heaven's expanse shall gathering shades of 
night From earth, sun, stars, and moon, withdraw 
their light; God's arm shall crush each mountain's 
towering pride; On ocean's plain no more shall 
navies ride.
Dried at the source, no river's rushing sound
Shall soothe, no fountain slake the parched 
ground. Around, afar, shall roll the trumpet's 
blast,
Voice of wrath long delayed, revealed at last.
In speechless awe, while earth's foundations 
groan,
On judgment's seat earth's kings their God shall 
own.


575

Uplifted then, in majesty divine,
Radiant with light, behold Salvation's Sign! Cross 
of that Lord, who, once for sinners given, Reviled 
by man, now owned by earth and heaven, O'er every 
land extends his iron sway.
Such is the name these mystic lines display; 
Saviour, eternal king, who bears our sins away. 
(4)

It is evident that the virgin uttered these verses 
under the influence of Divine inspiration. And I 
cannot but esteem her blessed, whom the Saviour 
thus selected to unfold his gracious purpose 
towards us.

CHAPTER XIX.

	  That this Prophecy respecting our Saviour was 
not the Fiction of any Member of the Christian 
Church, but the Testimony of the Erythraean Sibyl, 
whose Books were translated into Latin by Cicero 
before the coming of Christ. Also that Virgil 
makes mention of the same, and of the Birth of the 
Virgin's Child: though he spoke obscurely of this 
Mystery from Fear of the Ruling Powers.

MANY, however, who admit that the Erythraean Sibyl 
was really a prophetess, yet refuse to credit this 
prediction, and imagine that some one professing 
our faith, and not unacquainted with the poetic 
art, was the composer of these verses. They hold, 
in short, that they are a forgery, and alleged to 
be the prophecies of the Sibyl on the ground of 
their containing useful moral sentiments, tending 
to restrain licentiousness, and to lead man to a 
life of sobriety and decorum. Truth, however, in 
this case is evident, since the diligence of our 
countrymen (1) has made a careful computation of 
the times; so that there is no room to suspect 
that this poem was composed after the advent and 
condemnation of Christ, or that the general report 
is false, that the verses were a prediction of the 
Sibyl in an early age. For it is allowed that 
Cicero was acquainted with this poem, which he 
translated into the Latin tongue, and incorporated 
with his own works. (2) This writer was put to 
death during the ascendancy of Antony, who in his 
turn was conquered by Augustus, whose reign lasted 
fifty-six years. Tiberius succeeded, in whose age 
it was that the Saviour's advent enlightened the 
world, the mystery of our most holy religion began 
to prevail, and as it were a new race of men 
commenced: of which, I suppose, the prince of 
Latin poets thus speaks:

Behold, a new, a heaven-born race appears. (3) And 
again, in another passage of the Bucolics:
Sicilian Muses, sound a loftier strain. What can 
be clearer than this? For he adds,
The voice of Cuma's oracle is heard again. (4)

Evidently referring to the Cumaean Sibyl. Nor was 
even this enough: the poet goes further, as if 
irresistibly impelled to bear his testimony. What 
then does he say?

Behold! the circling years new blessings bring:
The virgin comes, with her the long-desired king. 
(5)


576

Who, then, is the virgin who was to come? Is it 
not she who was filled with, and with child of the 
Holy Spirit? And why is it impossible that she who 
was with child of the Holy Spirit should be, and 
ever continue to be a virgin? This king, too, will 
return, and by his coming lighten the sorrows of 
the world. The poet adds,
	Thou, chaste Lucina, greet the new-born child, 
Beneath whose reign the iron offspring ends,
A golden progeny from heaven descends;
His kingdom banished virtue shall restore,
And crime shall threat the guilty world no more.

We perceive that these words are spoken plainly 
and at the same time darkly, by way of allegory. 
Those who search deeply for the import of the 
words, are able to discern the Divinity of Christ. 
But lest any of the powerful in the imperial city 
might be able to accuse the poet of writing 
anything contrary to the laws of the country, and 
subverting the religious sentiments which had 
prevailed from ancient times, he intentionally 
obscures the truth. For he was acquainted, as I 
believe, with that blessed mystery which gave to 
our Lord the name of Saviour: (6) but, that he 
might avoid the severity of creel men, he drew the 
thoughts of his hearers to objects with which they 
were familiar, saying that altars must be erected, 
temples raised, and sacrifices offered to the 
new-born child. His concluding words also are 
adapted to the sentiments of those who were 
accustomed to such a creed; for he says:

CHAPTER XX.

A	Farther Quotation from Virgilius Maro respecting 
Christ, with its Interpretation, showing that the 
Mystery was indicated therein darkly, as might be 
expected from a Poet.

	A life immortal he shall lead, and be
	By heroes seen, himself shall heroes see;
	
evidently meaning the righteous.

	The jarring nations he in peace shall bind, And 
with paternal virtues rule mankind. Unbidden earth 
her earliest fruits shall bring, And fragrant 
herbs, to greet her infant king.
	
Well indeed was this admirably wise and 
accomplished man acquainted with the cruel 
character of the times. He proceeds:

	The goats, uncall'd, full udders home shall bear; 
The lowing herds no more fierce lions fear.
	
Truly said: for faith will not stand in awe of the 
mighty in the imperial palace.

His cradle shall with rising flowers be crown'd:
The serpent's brood shall die; the sacred ground
Shall weeds and poisonous plants refuse to bear;
Each common bush th' Assyrian rose (1) shall wear.

Nothing could be said more true or more consistent 
with the Saviour's excellency than this. For the 
power of the Divine Spirit presents the very 
cradle of God, like fragrant flowers, to the 
new-born race. (2) The serpent, too, and the venom 
of that serpent, perishes, who originally beguiled 
our first parents, and drew their thoughts from 
their native innocence (3) to the enjoyment of 
pleasures, that they might experience (4) that 
threatened death. For before the Saviour's advent, 
the serpent's power was shown in subverting the 
souls of those who were sustained by no 
well-grounded hope, and ignorant of that 
immortality which awaits the righteous. But after 
that he had suffered, and was separated for a 
season from the body which he had assumed, the 
power of the resurrection was revealed to man 
through the communication of the Holy Spirit: and 
whatever stain of human guilt might yet remain was 
removed by the washing of sacred lustrations.

Then indeed could the Saviour bid his followers be 
of good cheer, and, remembering his adorable and 
glorious resurrection, expect the like for 
themselves. Truly, then, the poisonous race may be 
said to be extinct. Death himself is extinct, and 
the truth of the resurrection sealed. Again, the 
Assyrian race is gone, which first led the way to 
faith in God. (5) But when he speaks of the growth 
of amomum every where, he alludes to the multitude 
of the true worshipers of God. (6) For it is as 
though a multitude of branches, crowned with 
fragrant flowers, and fitly watered, sprung from 
the self-same root. Most justly said, Maro, thou 
wisest of poets! and with this all that follows is 
consistent.

But when heroic worth his youth shall hear, And 
learn his father's virtues to revere.

By the praises of heroes, he indicates the works 
of righteous men: by the virtues of his Father he 
speaks of the creation and everlasting structure 
of the world: and, it may be, of those laws by 
which God's beloved Church is guided, and ordered 
in a course of righteousness and virtue. 
Admirable, again, is the advance to higher


577

things of that state of life which is 
intermediate, as it were, between good and evil, 
and which seldom admits a sudden change:

Unlabored harvests shall the fields adorn, (7)

that is, the fruit of the Divine law springs up 
for the service of men.

And clustered gropes shall blush on every thorn.

Far otherwise has it been during the corrupt and 
lawless period of human life.
The knotted oaks shall showers of honey weep. (8)

He here describes the folly and obduracy of the 
men of that age; and perhaps he also intimates 
that they who suffer hardships in the cause of 
God, shall reap sweet fruits of their own 
endurance.
Yet, of old fraud some footsteps shall remain;
The merchant still shall plough the deep for gain: 
Great cities shall with walls be compassed round, 
And sharpened shares shall vex the fruitful 
ground: Another Tiphys shall new seas explore;
Another Argo land the chiefs upon the Iberian 
shore; Another Helen other wars create,
And great Achilles urge the Trojan fate.

Well said, wisest of bards! Thou hast carried the 
license of a poet precisely to the proper point. 
For it was not thy purpose to assume the functions 
of a prophet, to which thou hadst no claim. I 
suppose also he was restrained by a sense of the 
danger which threatened one who should assail the 
credit of ancient religious practice. Cautiously, 
therefore, and securely, as far as possible, he 
presents the truth to those who have faculties to 
understand it; and while he denounces the 
munitions and conflicts of war (9) (which indeed 
are still to be found in the course of human 
life), he describes our Saviour as proceeding to 
the war against Troy, understanding by Troy the 
world itself. (10) And surely he did maintain the 
struggle against the opposing powers of evil, sent 
on that mission both by the designs of his own 
providence and the commandment of his Almighty 
Father. How, then, does the poet proceed?

But when to ripen'd manhood he shall grow,

that is, when, having arrived at the age of 
manhood, he shall utterly remove the evils which 
encompass the path of human life, and tranquilize 
the world by the blessings of peace

The greedy sailor shall the seas forego;
No keel shall cut the waves for foreign ware,
For every soil shall every product bear.
The laboring hind his oxen shall disjoin;

But the luxurious father of the fold,
With native purple, and unborrow'd gold,
Beneath his pompous fleece shall proudly sweat;
And under Tyrian robes the lamb shall bleat.
Mature in years, to ready honors move,
O of celestial seed, O foster son of Jove!
See, laboring nature calls thee to sustain
The nodding flame of heaven, and earth, and main! 
See to their base restored earth seas, and air;
And joyful ages, from behind, in crowing ranks 
appear. To ring thy praise, would heaven my breath 
prolong. Infusing spirits worthy such a song,
Not Thracian Orpheus should transcend my lays,
Nor Linus, crown'd with never-fading bays;
Though each his heavenly parent should inspire;
The Muse instruct the voice, and Phoebus tune the 
lyre. Should Pan contend in verse, and thou my 
theme, Arcadian judges should their God condemn. 
(11)

Behold (says he) how the mighty world and the 
elements together manifest their joy.

CHAPTER XXI.

	  That these Things cannot have been spoken of a 
Mere Man: and that Unbelievers, owing to their 
Ignorance of Religion, know not even the Origin of 
their own Existence.

IT may be some will foolishly suppose that these 
words were spoken of the birth of a mere ordinary 
mortal. But if this were all, what reason could 
there be that the earth should need neither seed 
nor plough, that the vine should require no 
pruning-hook, or other means of culture? How can 
we suppose these things to be spoken of a mere 
mortal's birth? For nature is the minister of the 
Divine will not an instrument obedient to the 
command of man. Indeed, the very joy of the 
elements indicates the advent of God, not the 
conception of a human being. The prayer, too, of 
the poet that his life might be prolonged is a 
proof of the Divinity of him whom he invoked; for 
we desire life and preservation from God, and not 
from man. Indeed, the Erythraean Sibyl thus 
appeals to God: "Why, O Lord, dost thou compel me 
still to foretell the future, and not rather 
remove me from this earth to await the blessed day 
of thy coming?" And Maro adds to what he had said 
before:


578

Begin, sweet boy! with smiles thy mother know,
Who ten long months did with thy burden go.
No mortal parents smiled upon thy birth:
No nuptial joy thou know'st, no feast of earth.

How could his parents have smiled on him? For his 
Father (1) is God, who is a Power without sensible 
quality, (2) existing, not in any definite shape, 
but as comprehending other beings, (3) and not, 
therefore, in a human body. And who knows not that 
the Holy Spirit has no participation in the 
nuptial union? For what desire can exist in the 
disposition of that good which all things rise 
desire? What fellowship, in short, can wisdom hold 
with pleasure? But let these arguments be left to 
those who ascribe to him a human origin, and who 
care not to purify themselves from all evil in 
word as well as deed. On thee, Piety, I call to 
aid my words, on thee who art the very law of 
purity, most desirable of all blessings, teacher 
of holiest hope, assured promise of immortality! 
Thee, Piety, and thee, Clemency, I adore. We who 
have obtained thine aid (4) owe thee everlasting 
gratitude for thy healing power. But the 
multitudes whom their innate hatred of thyself 
deprives of thy succor, are equally estranged from 
God himself, and know not that the very cause of 
their life and being, and that of all the ungodly, 
is connected with the rightful worship of him who 
is Lord of all: for the world itself is his, and 
all that it contains.

CHAPTER XXII.

	  The Emperor thankfully ascribes his Victories 
and all other Blessings to Christ; and condemns 
the Conduct of the Tyrant Maximin, the Violence of 
whose Persecution had enhanced the Glory of 
Religion.

To thee, Piety, I ascribe the cause of my own 
prosperity, and of all that I now possess. To this 
truth the happy issue of all my endeavors

the great city itself allows with joy and praise. 
The people, too, of that much-loved city accord in 
the same sentiment, though once, deceived by 
ill-grounded hopes, they chose a ruler unworthy of 
themselves, (1) a ruler who speedily received the 
chastisement which his audacious deeds deserved. 
But be it far from me now to recall the memory of 
these events, while hold-

gentle words. Yet will I say one thing, which hazy 
shall not be unbefitting or unseemly. A furious, a 
cruel, and implacable war was maintained by the 
tyrants against thee, Piety, and thy holy 
churches: nor were there wanting some in Rome 
itself who exulted at a calamity so grievous to 
the public weal. Nay, the battlefield was 
prepared; when thou disdst stand forth, (2) and 
present thyself a voluntary victim, supported by 
faith in God. Then indeed it was that the cruelty 
of ungodly men, which raged incessantly like a 
devouring fire, wrought for thee a wondrous and 
ever memorable glory. Astonish-merit seized the 
spectators themselves, when they beheld the very 
executioners who tortured the bodies of their holy 
victims wearied out, and disgusted at the 
cruelties; (3) the bonds loosened, the engines of 
torture powerless, the flames extinguished, while 
the sufferers preserved their constancy unshaken 
even for a moment. What, then, hast thou gained by 
these atrocious deeds, most impious of men? (4) 
And what was the cause of thy insane fury? Thou 
wilt say, doubtless, these acts of thine were done 
in honor of the gods. What gods are these? or what 
worthy conception hast thou of the Divine nature? 
Thinkest thou the gods are subject to angry 
passions as thou art? Were it so indeed, it had 
been better for thee to wonder at their strange 
determination than obey their harsh command, when 
they urged thee to the unrighteous slaughter of 
innocent men. Thou wilt allege, perhaps, the 
customs of thy ancestors and the opinion of 
mankind in general, as the cause of this conduct. 
I grant the fact: for those customs are very like 
the acts themselves, and proceed from the 
self-same source of folly. Thou thoughtest, it may 
be, that some special power resided in images 
formed and fashioned by human art; and hence thy 
reverence, and diligent care lest they should be 
defiled: those mighty and highly exalted gods, 
thus dependent on the care of men!

CHAFFER XXIII.

	  Of Christian Conduct. That God is pleased with 
those who lead a Life of Virtue: and that we must 
expect a Judgment and Future Retribution.

COMPARE our religion with your own. Is


579

there not with us genuine concord, and un-

we not exercise,, not only sincere faith towards 
God, but fidelity in the relations of social life? 
Do we not pity the unfortunate? Is not ours a life 
of simplicity which disdains to cover evil beneath 
the mask of fraud and hypocrisy? Do we not 
acknowledge the true God, and his un-

is the life of wisdom; and they who have it are 
travelers, as it were, on a noble road which

the pollutions of the body, does not wholly die: 
rather may he be said to complete the service 
appointed him by God, than to die. Again, he who 
confesses allegiance to God is not easily 
overborne by insolence or rage, but nobly stands 
under the pressure of necessity and the trial of 
his constancy is as it were, a passport to the 
favor of God. For we cannot doubt that the Deity 
is pleased with excellence in human conduct. For 
it would be absurd indeed if the powerful and the 
humble alike acknowledge gratitude to those from 
whose services they receive benefit, and repay 
them by services in return, and yet that he who is 
supreme and sovereign of all, nay, who is Good 
itself should be negligent in this respect. Rather 
does he follow us throughout the course of our 
lives, is near us in every act of goodness, 
accepts, and at once rewards our virtue and 
obedience; though he defers the full recompense to 
that future period, when the actions of our lives 
shall pass under his review and when those who are 
clear in that account shall receive the reward of 
everlasting life, while the wicked shall be 
visited with the penalties due to their crimes.

CHAPTER XXIV.

	  Of Decius, Valerian, and Aurelian who 
experienced a Miserable End in consequence of 
their Persecution of the Church.

To thee, Decius, (1) I now appeal, who has 
trampled with insult on the labors of the 
righteous: to thee, the hater of the Church, the 
punisher of those who lived a holy life: what is 
now thy condition after death? How hard and 
wretched thy present circumstances!  Nay, the
thy miserable fate, when overthrown with all thine 
army on the plains of Scythia, thou didst expose 
the vaunted power of Rome to the contempt of the 
Goths. Thou, too, Valerian, who didst manifest the 
same spirit of cruelty towards the servants of 
God, hast afforded an example of righteous 
judgment. A captive in the enemies' hands, led in 
chains while yet arrayed in the purple and 
imperial attire, and at last thy skin stripped 
from thee, and preserved by command of Sapor the 
Persian king, thou hast left a perpetual trophy of 
thy calamity. And thou, Aurelian, fierce 
perpetrator of every wrong, how signal was thy 
fall, when, in the midst of thy wild career in 
Thrace, thou wast slain on the

CHAPTER XXV.

	  Of Diocletian, who ignobly abdicated (1) the 
Imperial Throne, and was terrified by the Dread of 
Lightning for his Persecution of the Church.

DIOCLETIAN, however, after the display of 
relentless cruelty as a persecutor, evinced a 
consciousness of his own guilt and owing to the 
affliction of a disordered mind, endured the 
confinement of a mean and separate dwelling. (2) 
What then, did he gain by his active hostility 
against our God? Simply this I believe, that he 
passed the residue of his life in continual dread 
of the lightning's stroke. Nicomedia attests the 
fact; eyewitnesses, of whom I myself am one, 
declare it. The palace, and the emperor's private 
chamber were destroyed, consumed by lightning, 
devoured by the fire of heaven. Men of 
understanding hearts had indeed predicted the 
issue of such conduct; for they could not keep 
silence, nor conceal their grief at such unworthy 
deeds; but boldly and openly expressed their 
feeling, saying one to another: "What madness is 
this? and what an insolent abuse of power, that 
man should dare to fight against God; should 
deliberately insult the most holy and just of alI 
religions; and plan, without the slightest 
provocation, the destruction of so great a 
multitude of righteous persons? O rare example of 
moderation to his subjects! Worthy instructor of 
his army in the care and protection due to their 
fellow-citizens! Men who had never seen the backs 
of a retreating army plunged their swords into the 
breasts of their own countrymen!" So great was the 
effusion of blood shed, that if shed in battle 
with barbarian enemies, it had been sufficient to 
pur-


580

chase a perpetual peace. (3) At length, indeed, 
the providence of God took vengeance on these 
unhallowed deeds; but not without severe damage to 
the state. For the entire army of the emperor of 
whom I have just spoken, becoming subject to the 
authority of a worthless person, (4) who had 
violently usurped the supreme authority at Rome 
(when the providence of God restored freedom to 
that great city), was destroyed in several 
successive battles. And when we remember the cries 
with which those who were oppressed, and who 
ardently longed for their native liberty implored 
the help of God; and their praise and thanksgiving 
to him on the removal of the evils under which 
they had groaned, when that liberty was regained, 
and free and equitable intercourse restored: do 
not these things every way afford convincing 
proofs of the providence of God, and his 
affectionate regard for the interests of mankind?

CHAPTER XXVI.

The Emperor ascribes his Personal Piety to God;
and shows that we are bound to seek Success from 
God, an attribute it to him; but to consider 
Mistakes as the Result of our own Negligence.

WHEN men commend my services, which owe their 
origin to the inspiration of Heaven, do they not 
dearly establish the truth that God is

the cause of the exploits I have performed? 
Assuredly they do: for it belongs to God to do 
whatever is best, and to man,, to perform the 
commands of God. I believe, indeed, the best and 
noblest course of action is, when, before an 
attempt is made, we provide as far as possible for 
a secure result: and surely all men know that the 
holy service in which these hands have been 
employed has originated in pure and genuine faith 
towards God; that whatever has been done for the 
common welfare has been effected by active 
exertion combined with supplication and prayer; 
the consequence of which has been as great an 
amount of individual and public benefit as each 
could venture to hope for himself and those he 
holds most dear. They have witnessed battles, and 
have been spectators of a war in which the 
providence of God has granted victory to this 
people: (1) they have seen how he has favored and 
seconded our prayers. For righteous prayer is a 
thing invincible; and no one fails to attain his 
object who addresses holy supplication to God: nor 
is a refusal possible, except in the case of 
wavering faith; (2) for God is ever favorable, 
ever ready to approve of human virtue. While, 
therefore, it is natural for man occasionally to 
err, yet God is not the cause

first for our own individual security and then for 
the happy posture of public affairs: at the same 
time intreating the favor of Christ with holy 
prayers and constant supplications, that he would 
continue to us our present blessings. For he is 
the invincible ally and protector of the 
righteous: he is the supreme judge of all things, 
the prince of immorality, the Giver of everlasting 
life.


THE ORATION

EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS,

IN PRAISE OF

THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE.

PRONOUNCED ON THE THIRTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS 
REIGN.

I COME not forward prepared with a fictitious 
narrative, nor with elegance of language to 
captivate the ear, desiring to charm my hearers as 
it were, with a siren's voice; nor shall I present 
the draught of pleasure in cups of gold decorated 
with lorry flowers (I mean the graces of style) to 
those who are pleased with such things. Rather 
would I follow the precepts of the wise, and 
admonish all to avoid and turn aside from the 
beaten road, and keep themselves from
2 contact with the vulgar crowd. I come,
then, prepared to celebrate our emperor's
praises in a newer strain; and, though the
number be infinite of those who desire to be
my companions in my present task, I am re-
solved to shun the common track of men, (2) and
to pursue that untrodden path which it is unlawful
to enter on with unwashed feet. Let those who
admire a vulgar style, abounding in puerile 
subtleties, and who court a pleasing and popular
muse, essay, since pleasure is the object they
have in view, to charm the earn of men by a
narrative of merely human merits. Those, how-
ever who are initiated into the universal science, 
(3)
and have attained to Divine as well as human

knowledge, and account the choice of the latter
as the real excellence, will prefer those virtues
of the emperor which Heaven itself approves,
and his pious actions, to his merely human
accomplishments; and will leave to inferior 
encomiasts the task of celebrating his lesser
merits. For since our emperor is gifted as3
well with that sacred wisdom which has immediate 
reference to God, as with the knowledge
which concerns the interests of men; let those
who are competent to such a task describe his
secular acquirements, great and transcendent as
they are, and fraught with advantage to man-
kind (for all that characterizes the emperor is
great and noble), yet still inferior to his 
diviner
qualifies, to those who stand without the
sacred precincts. Let those, however, who 4
are within the sanctuary, and have access to
its inmost and untrodden recesses, close the doors 
against every profane ear, and unfold, as it were, 
the secret mysteries of our emperors character to 
the initiated alone. And let those who have 
purified their ears in the streams of piety, and 
raised their thoughts on the soaring wing of the 
mind itself, join the company which surrounds the 
Sovereign Lord of all, and
learn in silence the divine mysteries. Mean- 5
while let the sacred oracles, given, not by
the spirit of divination (or rather let me say of 
madness and folly), but by the inspiration of
Divine truth, (4) be our instructors in these 
mysteries; speaking to us of sovereignty, 
generally: the heavenly array which surrounds the 
Lord of all; of that exemplar of imperial power 
which


582

is before us, and that counterfeit coin: and, 
lastly, of the consequences which result from 
both. With these oracles, then, to initiate us in 
the knowledge of the sacred rites, let us essay, 
as follows, the commencement of our divine 
mysteries.

CHAPTER I.

The Oration.

1   TO-DAY iS the festival of our great emperor: 
and we his children rejoice therein,
feeling the inspiration of our sacred theme. He 
who presides over our solemnity is the Great 
Sovereign himself; he, I mean, who is truly great; 
of whom I affirm (nor will the sovereign
who hears me be offended, but will rather ap-
	    repels the gaze of every eye from his
	Divine majesty. His ministers are the heavenly 
hosts; his armies the supernal powers,
			
angels, the companies of archangels, the chorus of 
holy spirits, draw from and reflect his radiance 
as from the fountains of everlasting light. Yea 
every light, and specially those divine and 
incorporeal intelligences whose place is beyond 
the heavenly sphere, celebrate this august 
Sovereign with lofty and sacred strains of praise. 
The vast expanse of heaven, like an azure veil is 
interposed between those without, and those who 
inhabit his royal mansions: while round this 
expanse the sun and moon, with the rest of the 
heavenly luminaries (like torch-bearers around the 
entrance of the imperial palace), perform, in 
honor of their sovereign, their appointed courses; 
holding forth, at the word of his command, an 
ever-burning light to those whose lot is cast in 
the darker regions with-
3 out the pale of heaven. And surely when
I remember that our own victorious emperor renders 
praises to this Mighty Sovereign, I do well to 
follow him, knowing as I do that to him alone we 
owe that imperial power under which we live.  The 
pious Caesars, instructed by their father's 
wisdom, acknowledge him as the source of every 
blessing: the soldiery, the entire body of the 
people, both in the country and in the cities of 
the empire, with the governors of the several 
provinces, assembling together in accordance with 
the precept of their great Saviour and Teacher,, 
worship him. In short, the whole family of 
mankind, of every nation, tribe, and tongue, both 
collectively and severally, however diverse their 
opinions on other subjects, are unanimous in this 
one confession; and, in obedience to the reason 
implanted in them, and the spontaneous and 
uninstructed impulse of their own minds, unite in 
calling on
the One and only God. (2) Nay, does not the 4
universal frame of earth acknowledge him
her Lord, and declare, by the vegetable and animal 
life which she produces her subjection to the will 
of a superior Power? The rivers, flowing with 
abundant stream, and the perennial fountains, 
springing from hidden and exhaust-less depths, 
ascribe to him the cause of their marvellous 
source. The mighty waters of the
sea, enclosed in chambers of unfathomable ing 
currents of the winds, and the airy courses
of the clouds, all reveal his presence to those to 
whom his Person is invisible. The 5 all-radiant 
sun, who holds his constant career through the 
lapse of ages, owns him Lord  alone, and obedient 
to his will, dares not depart from his appointed 
path. The inferior splendor of the moon, 
alternatively diminished and increased at stated 
periods, is subject to his Divine command. The 
beauteous mechanism of the heavens, glittering 
with the hosts of stars, moving in harmonious 
order, and preserving the measure of each several 
orbit, proclaims him the giver of all light: yea, 
all the heavenly luminaries maintaining at his 
will and word a grand and perfect unity of motion, 
pursue the track of their ethereal career, and 
complete in the lapse of revolving ages their 
distant course. The alternate recurrence of day 
and night, the changing seasons, the order and 
proportion of the universe, all declare the 
manifold wisdom of [his boundless power]. To him 
the unseen agencies which hold their course 
throughout the expanse of space, render the due 
tribute of praise. To him this terrestrial globe 
itself, to him the heavens above, and the choirs 
beyond the vault of heaven, give honor as to their 
mighty Sovereign: the angelic hosts  greet him 
with ineffable songs of Praise; and the spirits 
which draw their being from incorporeal light, 
adore him as their Creator. The


583

everlasting ages which were before this heaven and 
earth, with other periods beside them, infinite, 
and antecedent to all visible creation
acknowledge him the sole and supreme
6 Sovereign and Lord. Lastly, he who is in
all, before, and after all, [3] his only begotten,
pre-existent Word, the great High Priest of the 
mighty God, elder than all time and every age, 
devoted to his Father's glory, first and alone 
makes intercession with him for the salvation of 
mankind. [4] Supreme and pre-eminent Ruler of the 
universe, he shares the glory of his Father's 
kingdom: for he is that Light, which, transcendent 
above the universe, encircles the Father's Person, 
interposing and dividing between the eternal and 
uncreated Essence and all derived existence: that 
Light which, streaming from on high, proceeds from 
that Deity who knows not origin or end, and 
illumines the super-celestial regions, and all 
that heaven itself contains, with the radiance of 
wisdom bright beyond the splendor of the sun. This 
is he who holds a supreme dominion over this whole 
world, [5] who is over and in all things, and 
pervades all things [6] visible and invisible; the 
Word of God. From whom and by whom our divinely 
favored emperor, receiving, as it were a 
transcript of the Divine sovereignty, directs, in 
imitation of God himself, the administration of 
this world's affairs.

CHAPTER II.

1   THIS only begotten Word of God reigns,
from ages which had no beginning, to infinite and 
endless ages, the partner of his Father's kingdom. 
And [our emperor] ever beloved by him, who derives 
the source of imperial authority from above, and 
is strong in the power of his sacred title, [1] 
has controlled the empire of the world for a long 
period of years. Again, that Preserver of the 
universe orders these heavens and earth, and the 
celestial kingdom, consistently with his Father's 
will. Even so our emperor whom he loves, by 
bringing those whom he rules on earth to the only 
begotten Word and Saviour renders them fit 
subjects of his
3 kingdom. And as he who is the common
Saviour of mankind, by his invisible and
Divine power as the good shepherd, drives far

away from his flock, like savage beasts, those 
apostate spirits which once flew through the airy 
tracts above this earth, and fastened on the souls 
of men; [2] so this his friend, graced by his 
heavenly favor with victory over all his foes, 
subdues and chastens the open adversaries of the 
truth in accordance with the usages of
war. He who is the pre-existent Word, the 4
Preserver of all things, imparts to his disciples 
the seeds of true wisdom and salvation, and at 
once enlightens and gives them understanding in 
the knowledge of his Father's kingdom. Our 
emperor, his friend, acting as interpreter to the 
Word of God, aims at recalling the whole human 
race to the knowledge of God; proclaiming clearly 
in the ears of all, and declaring with powerful 
voice the laws of truth and godliness to all who 
dwell on the earth. Once more, the universal 
Saviour opens the heavenly gates of his Father's 
kingdom to those whose course is thitherward from 
this world. Our emperor, emulous of his Divine 
example, having purged his earthly dominion from 
every stain of impious error, invites each holy 
and pious worshiper within his imperial mansions, 
earnestly desiring to save with all its crew that 
mighty vessel of which he is the appointed pilot. 
And he alone of all who have wielded the imperial 
power of Rome, being honored by the Supreme 
Sovereign with a reign of three decennial periods, 
now celebrates this festival, not,
his ancestors might have done, in honor of 
infernal demons, or the apparitions of seducing 
spirits, or of the fraud and deceitful arts of 
impious men; but as an act of thanksgiving to him 
by whom he has thus been honored, and in 
acknowledgment of the blessings he has received at 
his hands. He does not, in imitation of ancient 
usage, defile his imperial mansions with blood and 
gore, nor propitiate the infernal deities with 
fire and smoke, and sacrificial offerings; but 
dedicates to the universal Sovereign a pleasant 
and acceptable sacrifice, even his own imperial 
soul, and a mind truly fitted for the service of 
God. For this sacrifice alone is grateful to him: 
and this sacrifice our emperor has learned, with 
purified mind and thoughts, to present as an 
offering without the intervention of fire and 
blood, while his own piety, strengthened by the 
truthful doctrines with which his soul is stored, 
he sets forth in magnificent language the praises 
of God, and


584

imitates his Divine philanthropy by his own 
imperial acts. Wholly devoted to him, he dedicates 
himself as a noble offering, a first-fruit of that 
world, the government of which is intrusted to his 
charge. This first and greatest sacrifice our 
emperor first dedicates to God; and then, as a 
faithful shepherd, he offers, not "famous 
hecatombs of firstling lambs," but the souls of 
that flock which is the object of his care, those 
rational beings whom he leads to the knowledge and 
pious worship of God.

CHAPTER III.

1   AND gladly does he accept and welcome
this sacrifice, and commend the presenter
of so august and noble an offering, by protracting 
his reign to a lengthened period of years, giving 
larger proofs of his beneficence in proportion to 
the emperor's holy services to himself. 
Accordingly he permits him to celebrate each 
successive festival during great and general 
prosperity throughout the empire, advancing one of 
his sons, at the recurrence of each decennial 
period, to a share of his own imperial
2 power. [1] The eldest, who bears his father's
name, he received as his partner in the empire 
about the close of the first decade of his reign: 
the second, next in point of age, at the second; 
and the third in like manner at the third 
decennial period, the occasion of this our present 
festival. And now that the fourth period has 
commenced, and the time of his reign is still 
further prolonged, he desires to extend his 
imperial authority by calling still more of his 
kindred to partake his power; and, by the 
appointment of the Caesars, [2] fulfills the 
predictions
	  of the holy prophets, according to what they 
uttered ages before: "And the saints of the Most 
High shall take the kingdom." [3] And thus the 
Almighty Sovereign himself accords an increase 
both of years and of children to our most pious 
emperor, and renders his sway over the nations of 
the world still fresh and flourishing, as though 
it were even now springing up in its earliest 
vigor. He it is who appoints him this present 
festival, in that he has made him victorious over 
every enemy that disturbed his peace: 
he it is who displays him as an example of
4 true godliness to the human race. And
thus our emperor, like the radiant sun, 
illuminates the most distant subjects of his 
empire

through the presence of the Caesars, as with the 
far piercing rays of his own brightness. To us who 
occupy the eastern regions he has given a son 
worthy of himself; [4] a second and a third 
respectively to other departments of his empire, 
to be, as it were, brilliant reflectors of the 
light which proceeds from himself. Once more, 
having harnessed, as it were, under the self-same 
yoke the four most noble Caesars [5] as horses in 
the imperial chariot, he sits on high and directs 
their course by the reins of holy harmony and 
concord; and, himself every where present, and 
observant of every event, thus traverses every
region of the world. Lastly, invested as he 5 is 
with a semblance of heavenly sovereignty, he 
directs his gaze above, and frames his earthly 
government according to the pattern of that Divine 
original, feeling strength in its conformity to 
the monarchy of God. And this conformity is 
granted by the universal Sovereign to man alone of 
the creatures of this earth: for he only is the 
author of sovereign power, who decrees that all 
should be subject to the rule of one.
And surely monarchy far transcends every 6 other 
constitution and form of government: for that 
democratic equality of power, which is its 
opposite, may rather be described as anarchy and 
disorder. Hence there is one God, and not two, or 
three, or more: for to assert a plurality of gods 
is plainly to deny the being of God at all. There 
is one Sovereign; and his Word and royal Law is 
one: a Law not expressed in syllables and words, 
not written or engraved on tablets, and therefore 
subject to the ravages of time; but the living and 
self-subsisting Word, who himself is God, and who 
administers his Father's kingdom on behalf of all 
who are after him
and subject to his power. His attendants are 7 the 
heavenly hosts; the myriads of God's angelic 
ministers; the super-terrestrial armies, of 
unnumbered multitude; and those unseen spirits 
within heaven itself, whose agency is employed in 
regulating the order of this world. Ruler and 
chief of all these is the royal Word, acting as 
Regent of the Supreme Sovereign. To him the names 
of Captain, and great High Priest, Prophet of the 
Father, Angel of mighty counsel, Brightness of the 
Father's light, Only begotten Son, with a thousand 
other titles, are ascribed in the oracles of the 
sacred writers. And the Father, having constituted 
him the living Word, and Law and Wisdom the 
fullness of all blessing, has presented this best 
and greatest gift to all who are the subjects of 
his sovereignty. And he himself, who pervades 8
all things, and is every where present, un-
folding his Father's bounties to all with 
unsparing hand, has accorded a specimen of his 
sov-


585

ereign power even to his rational creatures of 
this earth, in that he has provided the mind of 
man, who is formed after his own image, with 
Divine faculties, whence it is capable of other 
virtues also, which flow from the same heavenly 
source. For he only is wise, who is the only God: 
he only is essentially good: he only is of mighty 
power, the Parent of justice, the Father of reason 
and wisdom, the Fountain of light and life, the 
Dispenser of truth and virtue: in a word, the 
Author of empire itself, and of all dominion and 
power.

CHAPTER IV.
1   BUT whence has man this knowledge, and
who has ministered these truths to mortal
ears? Or whence has a tongue of flesh the power to 
speak of things so utterly distinct from fleshly 
or material substance? Who has gazed on the 
invisible King, and beheld these perfections in 
him? The bodily sense may comprehend elements and 
their combinations, of a nature kindred to its 
own: but no one yet has boasted to have scanned 
with corporeal eye that unseen kingdom which 
governs all things nor has mortal nature yet 
discerned the beauty of perfect wisdom. Who has 
beheld the face of righteousness through the 
medium of flesh? And whence came the idea of 
legitimate sovereignty and imperial power to man? 
Whence the thought of absolute dominion to a being 
composed of flesh and blood? Who declared those 
ideas which are invisible and undefined, and that 
incorporeal essence which has no external form, to 
the mortals of this earth?
2  Surely there was but one interpreter of
these things; the all-pervading Word of
God. [1] For he is the author of that rational and 

intelligent being which exists in man; and, being
himself one with his Father's Divine nature, he
sheds upon his offspring the out-flowings of his
Father's bounty. Hence the natural and un-
taught powers of thought, which all men, Greeks
or Barbarians, alike possess: hence the perception 
of reason and wisdom, the seeds of integrity and 
righteousness, the understanding of the
arts of life, the knowledge of virtue, the 
precious
name of wisdom, and the noble love of philosophic 
learning. Hence the knowledge of all
that is great and good: hence apprehension of
God himself, and a life worthy of his worship:
hence the royal authority of man, and his 
invincible lordship over the creatures of this
world. And when that Word, who is the
Parent of rational beings, had impressed a 
character on the mind of man according to the 
image and likeness of God, [2] and had made him a 
royal creature, in that he gave him alone of all 
earthly creatures capacity to rule and to obey (as 
well as forethought and foreknowledge even here, 
concerning the promised hope of his heavenly 
kingdom, because of which he himself came, and, as 
the Parent of his children, disdained not to hold 
converse with mortal men); he continued to cherish 
the seeds which himself had sown, and renewed his 
gracious favors from above; holding forth to all 
the promise of sharing his heavenly kingdom. 
Accordingly he called men, and exhorted them to be 
ready for their heavenward journey, and to provide 
themselves with the garment which became their 
calling. And by an indescribable power he filled 
the world in every part with his doctrine, 
expressing by the similitude of an earthly kingdom 
that heavenly one to which he earnestly invites 
all mankind, and presents it to them as a worthy 
object of their hope.

CHAPTER V.

AND in this hope our divinely-favored 1
emperor partakes even in this present life,
gifted as he is by God with native virtues, and 
having received into his soul the out-flowings of 
his favor. His reason he derives from the great 
Source of all reason: he is wise, and good, and 
just, as having fellowship with perfect Wisdom, 
Goodness, and Righteousness: virtuous, as 
following the pattern of perfect virtue: valiant,
as partaking of heavenly strength. And 2 truly may 
he deserve the imperial title, who has formed his 
soul to royal virtues, according to the standard 
of that celestial kingdom. But he who is a 
stranger to these blessings, who denies the 
Sovereign of the universe, and owns no allegiance 
to the heavenly Father of spirits; who invests not 
himself with the virtues which become , an 
emperor, but overlays his soul with moral 
deformity and baseness; who for royal clemency 
substitutes the fury of a savage beast; for a 
generous temper, the incurable venom of malicious 
wickedness; for prudence, folly; for reason and 
wisdom, that recklessness which is the most odious 
of all vices, for from it, as from a spring of 
bitterness, proceed the most pernicious fruits; 
such as inveterate profligacy of life, 
covetousness, murder, impiety and defiance of God; 
surely one abandoned to; such vices as these, 
however he may be deemed powerful through despotic 
violence, has no true title to the name
of Emperor. For how should he whose soul 3 is 
impressed with a thousand absurd images of


586

false deities, [1] be able to exhibit a 
counterpart of the true and heavenly sovereignty? 
Or how can he be absolute lord of others, who has 
subjected himself to the dominion of a thousand 
cruel masters? a slave of low delights and 
un-governed lust, a slave of wrongfully-extorted 
wealth, of rage and passion, as well as of 
cowardice and terror; a slave of ruthless demons, 
and soul-destroying spirits? Let then, our 
emperor, on the testimony of truth itself, be 
declared alone worthy of the title; who is dear to 
the Supreme Sovereign himself; who alone is free, 
nay, who is truly lord: above the thirst of 
wealth, superior to sexual desire; victorious even 
over natural pleasures; controlling, not 
controlled by, anger and passion. [2] He is indeed 
an emperor, and bears a title corresponding to his 
deeds; a VICTOR in truth, who has gained the 
victory over those passions which overmaster the 
rest of men: whose character is formed after the 
Divine original a of the Supreme Sovereign, and 
whose mind reflects, as in a mirror, the radiance 
of his virtues. Hence is our emperor perfect in 
discretion, in goodness, in justice, in courage, 
in piety, in devotion to God: he truly and only is 
a philosopher, since he knows himself, and is 
fully aware that supplies of every blessing are 
showered on him from a source quite external to 
himself, even from heaven itself. Declaring the 
august title of supreme authority by the splendor 
of his vesture, he alone worthily wears that 
imperial purple which so well becomes
5 him. He is indeed an emperor, who calls
on and implores in prayer the favor of his
heavenly Father night and day, and whose ardent

desires are fixed on his celestial kingdom. For he 
knows that present things, subject as they are to 
decay and death, flowing on and disappearing like 
a river's stream, are not worthy to be compared 
with him who is sovereign of all; therefore it is 
that he longs for the incorruptible and 
incorporeal kingdom of God. And this kingdom he 
trusts he shall obtain, elevating his mind as he 
does in sublimity of thought above the vault of 
heaven, and filled with inexpressible longing for 
the glories which shine there, in comparison with 
which he deems the precious things of this present 
world but darkness. For he sees earthly 
sovereignty to be but a petty and fleeting 
dominion over a mortal and temporary life, and 
rates it not much higher than the goatherd's, or 
shepherd's, or herdsman's power: nay, as more 
burdensome than theirs, and exercised over more 
stubborn subjects. The acclamations of the people, 
and the voice of flattery, he reckons rather 
troublesome than pleasing, because of the steady 
constancy of his character, and genuine discipline 
of his
mind. Again, when he beholds the mili- 6 tary 
service of his subjects, the vast array of his 
armies, the multitudes of horse and foot, entirely 
devoted to his command, he feels no astonishment, 
no pride at the possession of such mighty power; 
but turns his thoughts inward on himself, and 
recognizes the same common nature there. He smiles 
at his vesture, embroidered with gold and flowers, 
and at the imperial purple and diadem itself, when 
he sees the multitude gaze in wonder, like 
children at a bugbear, on the splendid spectacle. 
[4] Himself superior to such feelings, he clothes 
his soul with the knowledge of God, that vesture, 
the broidery of which is temperance, 
righteousness, piety, and all other virtues; a 
vesture
such as truly becomes a sovereign. The 7 wealth 
which others so much desire, as gold, silver, or 
precious gems, he regards to be, as they really 
are, in themselves mere stones and worthless 
matter, of no avail to preserve or defend from 
evil. For what power have these things to free 
from disease, or repel the approach of death? And 
knowing as he does this truth by personal 
experience in the use of these things, he regards 
the splendid attire of his subjects with calm 
indifference, and smiles at the childishness of 
those to whom they prove attractive. Lastly, he 
abstains from all excess in food and wine, and 
leaves superfluous dainties to gluttons, judging 
that such indulgences, I however suitable to 
others, are not so to him, and
deeply convinced of their pernicious tendency, and 
their effect in darkening the intellectual powers 
of the soul. For all these reasons, 8


587

our divinely taught and noble-minded emperor, 
aspiring to higher objects than this life affords, 
calls upon his heavenly Father as one who longs 
for his kingdom; exhibits a pious spirit in each 
action of his life; and finally, as a wise and 
good instructor, imparts to his subjects the 
knowledge of him who is the Sovereign Lord of all.

CHAPTER VI.

1   AND God himself, as an earnest of future
reward, assigns to him now as it were tricennial 
crowns [1] composed of prosperous periods of time; 
and now, after the revolution of three circles of 
ten years, he grants permission to
all mankind to celebrate this general, nay rather, 
this universal festival. And while those on earth 
thus rejoice, crowned as it were with the flowers 
of divine knowledge, surely, we may not unduly 
suppose that the heavenly choirs, attracted by a 
natural sympathy, unite their joy with the joy of 
those on earth: nay, that the Supreme Sovereign 
himself, as a gracious father, delights in the 
worship of duteous children, and for this reason 
is pleased to honor the author and cause of their 
obedience through a lengthened period of time; 
and, far from limiting his reign to three 
decennial circles of years, he extends it to the 
remotest period, even to far distant eternity. Now 
eternity [2] in its whole extent is beyond the 
power of decline or death: its beginning and 
extent alike incapable of being scanned by mortal 
thoughts. Nor will it suffer its central point to 
be perceived, nor that which is termed its present 
duration to be grasped by the inquiring mind. Far 
less, then, the future, or the past: for the one 
is not, but is already gone; while the future has 
not yet arrived, and therefore is not. As regards 
what is termed the present time, it vanishes even 
as we think or speak, more swiftly than the word 
itself is uttered. Nor is it possible in any sense 
to apprehend this time as present; for we must 
either expect the future, or contemplate the past; 
the present slips from us, and is gone, even in 
the act of thought. Eternity, then, in its whole 
extent,
resists and refuses subjection to mortal rea-
4 son. But it does not refuse to acknowledge
its own Sovereign and Lord, [3] and bears him
as it were mounted on itself, rejoicing in the

fair trappings which he bestows. [4] And he 
himself, not binding it, as the poet imagined, 
with a golden chain, [5] but as it were 
controlling its movements by the reins of 
ineffable wisdom, has adjusted its months and 
seasons, its times and years, and the alterations 
of day and night, with perfect harmony, and has 
thus attached to it  limits and measures of 
various kinds. For eternity, being in its nature 
direct, and stretching onward into infinity, and 
receiving its name, eternity, as having an 
everlasting existence, [6] and being similar in 
all its parts, or rather having no division or 
distance, progresses only in a line of direct 
extension. But God, who has distributed it by 
intermediate sections, and has divided it, like a 
far extended line, in many points, has included in 
it a vast number of portions; and though it is in 
its nature one, and resembles unity itself, he has 
attached to it a multiplicity of numbers, and has 
given it, though formless in itself, an endless 
variety of forms
For first of all he framed in it formless matter 
5, as a substance capable of receiving all forms. 
He next, by the power of the number two, imparted 
quality to matter, and gave beauty to that which 
before was void of all grace. Again, by means of 
the number three, he framed a body compounded of 
matter and form, and presenting the three 
dimensions of breadth, and length, and depth. 
Then, from the doubling of the number two, he 
devised the quaternion of the elements, earth, 
water, air, and fire, and ordained them to be 
everlasting sources for the supply of this 
universe. Again, the number four produces the 
number ten. For the aggregate of one, and two, and 
three, and four, is ten. [7] And three multiplied 
with ten discovers the period of a month: and 
twelve successive months complete the course of 
the sun. Hence the revolutions of years, and 
changes of the seasons, which give grace, like 
variety of color in painting, to that eternity 
which before was formless and devoid of beauty, 
for the refreshment and delight of those whose lot 
it is to traverse
therein the course of life. For as the ground 6
is defined by stated distances for those who
run in hope of obtaining the prize; and as the 
road of those who travel on a distant journey is 
marked by resting-places and measured intervals, 
that the traveler's courage may not fail at the 
interminable prospect; even so the Sovereign of 
the universe, controlling eternity itself within


588

the restraining power of his own wisdom, directs
and turns its course as he judges best. The
same God, I say, who thus clothes the once un-
defined eternity as with fair colors and blooming 
flowers, gladdens the day with the solar
rays; and, while he overspreads the night with
a covering of darkness, yet causes the glittering
stars, as golden spangles, to shine therein. It
is he who lights up the brilliancy of the morning
stab the changing splendor of the moon, and
the glorious companies of the starry host, and
has arrayed the expanse of heaven, like some
vast mantle, in colors of varied beauty. Again,
having created the lofty and profound expanse
of air, and caused the world in its length and
breadth to feel its cooling influence, he decreed
that the air itself should be graced with birds of
every kind, and left open this vast ocean of space
to be traversed by every creature, visible or
invisible, whose course is through the tracts of
heaven. In the midst of this atmosphere he
poised the earth, as it were its center, and en-
compassed it with the ocean as with a beautiful 7 
azure vesture. Having ordained this
earth to be at once the home, the nurse,
and the mother of all the creatures it contains, 
and watered it both with rain and water-springs, 
he caused it to abound in plants and flowers of 
every species, for the enjoyment of life. And when 
he had formed man in his own likeness, the noblest 
of earthly creatures, and dearest to himself, a 
creature gifted with intellect and knowledge, the 
child of reason and wisdom, he gave him dominion 
over all other animals which move and live upon 
the earth. For man was in truth of all earthly 
creatures the dearest to God: man, I say, to whom, 
as an indulgent Father, he has subjected the brute 
creation; for whom he has made the ocean 
navigable, and crowned the earth with a profusion 
of plants of every kind; to whom he has granted 
reasoning faculties for acquiring all science; 
under whose control he has placed even the 
creatures of the deep, and the winged inhabitants 
of the air; to whom he has permitted the 
contemplation of celestial objects, and revealed 
the course and changes of the sun and moon, and 
the periods of the planets and fixed stars. In 
short, to man alone of earthly beings has he given 
commandment to acknowledge him as his heavenly 
Father,
and to celebrate his praises as the Supreme
8  Sovereign of eternity itself. But the un-
changeable course of eternity the Creator
has limited by the four seasons of the year, 
terminating the winter by the approach of spring, 
and regulating as with an equal balance that 
season which commences the annual period. Having 
thus graced the eternal course of time with the 
varied productions of spring, he added the 
summer's heat; and then granted as it were

a relief of toil by the interval of autumn: and
lastly, refreshing and cleansing the season by the
showers of winter, he brings it, rendered sleek
land glossy, like a noble steed, by these abundant 
rains, once more to the gates of spring.
As soon, then, as the Supreme Sovereign 9
had thus connected his own eternity by
these cords of wisdom with the annual circle, he 
committed it to the guidance of a mighty Governor, 
even his only begotten Word, to whom, as the 
Preserver of all creation, he yielded the reins of 
universal power. And he, receiving this 
inheritance as from a beneficent Father, and 
uniting all things both above and beneath the 
circumference of heaven in one harmonious whole, 
directs their uniform course; providing with 
perfect justice whatever is expedient for his 
rational creatures on the earth, appointing its 
allotted limits to human life, and granting to all 
alike permission to anticipate even here the 
commencement of a future existence. For he has 
taught them that beyond this present world there 
is a divine and blessed state of being, reserved 
for those who have been supported here by the hope 
of heavenly blessings; and that those who have 
lived a virtuous and godly life will remove hence 
to a far better habitation; while he adjudges to 
those who have been guilty and wicked here a place 
of punishment ac-
cording to their crimes. Again, as in the 10
distribution of prizes at the public games,
he proclaims various crowns to the victors, and 
invests each with the rewards of different 
virtues: but for our good emperor, who is clothed 
in the very robe of piety, he declares that a 
higher recompense of his toils is prepared; and, 
as a prelude to this recompense, permits us now to 
assemble at this festival, which is composed_ of 
perfect numbers, of decades thrice, and
triads ten times repeated. The first of 11
these, the triad, is the offspring of the unit,
while the unit is the mother of number itself, and 
presides over all months, and seasons, and years, 
and every period of time. It may, indeed, be 
justly termed the origin, foundation, and 
principle of all number, and derives its name from 
its abiding character. [8] For, while every other 
number is diminished or increased according to the 
subtraction or addition of others, the unit alone 
continues fixed and steadfast, abstracted from all 
multitude and the numbers which are formed from 
it, and resembling that indivisible essence which 
is distinct from all things beside, but by virtue 
of participation in which the nature
of all things else subsists. For the unit is 12
the originator of every number, since all


589

multitude is made up by the composition and 
addition of units; nor is it possible without the 
unit to conceive the existence of number at all. 
But the unit itself is independent of multitude, 
apart from and superior to all number; forming, 
indeed, and making all, but receiving
13 no increase from any. Kindred to this is
the triad; equally indivisible and perfect,
the first of those sums which are formed of even 
and uneven numbers. For the perfect number two, 
receiving the addition of the unit, forms the 
triad, the first perfect compound number. And the 
triad, by explaining what equality is, first 
taught men justice, having itself an equal 
beginning, and middle, and end. And it is also an 
image of the mysterious, most holy, and royal 
Trinity, which, though itself without beginning or 
origin, yet contains the germs, the reasons, and 
causes of the existence of all created
14 things. Thus the power of the triad may
justly be regarded as the first cause of all
things. Again, the number ten, which contains the 
end of all numbers, and terminates them in itself, 
may truly be called a full and perfect number, as 
comprehending every species and every measure of 
numbers, proportions, concords, and harmonies. For 
example, the units by addition form and are 
terminated by the number ten; and, having this 
number as their parent, and as it were the limit 
of their course they round this as the goal of 
their career.
15 Then they perform a second circuit, and
again a third, and a fourth, until the tenth
and thus by ten decades they complete the 
hundredth number. Returning thence to the first 
starting point, they again proceed to the number 
ten, and having ten times completed the hundredth 
number, again they recede, and perform round the 
same barriers their protracted course, proceeding 
from themselves back to themselves again, with 
revolving motion. For the unit is the tenth of 
ten, and ten units make up a decade, which is 
itself the limit, the settled goal and boundary of 
units: it is that which terminates the infinity of 
number; the term and end of units. Again, the 
triad combined with the decade, and performing a 
threefold circuit of tens, produces that most 
natural number, thirty. For as the triad is in 
respect to units, so is the number thirty in
17 respect to tens. It is also the constant
limit to the course of that luminary which
is second to the sun in brightness. For the course 
of the moon from one conjunction with the sun to 
the next, completes the period of a month; after 
which, receiving as it were a second birth, it 
recommences a new light, and other days, being 
adorned and honored with thirty
18 units, three decades, and ten triads. In the
same manner is the universal reign of our

victorious emperor distinguished by the giver of 
all good, and now enters on a new sphere of 
blessing, accomplishing, at present, this 
tricennalian festival, but reaching forward beyond 
this to far more distant intervals of time, and 
cherishing the hope of future blessings in the 
celestial kingdom; where, not a single sun, but 
infinite hosts of light surround the Almighty 
Sovereign, each surpassing the splendor of the 
sun, glorious and resplendent with rays derived 
from the everlasting source of light. There the 
soul enjoys its existence, surrounded by fair and 
unfading blessings; there is a life beyond the 
reach of sorrow; there the enjoyment of pure and 
holy pleasures, and a time of un-measured and 
endless duration, extending into illimitable 
space; not defined by intervals of  days and 
months, the revolutions of years, or the 
recurrence of times and seasons, but commensurate 
with a life which knows no end. And this life 
needs not the light of the sun, nor the lustre of 
the moon or the starry host, since it has the 
great Luminary himself, even God the Word, the 
only begotten Son of the Almighty Sovereign. Hence 
it is that the mystic and sacred oracles reveal 
him to be the Sun of righteousness, and the Light 
which far transcends all light. We believe that he 
illumines also the thrice-blessed powers of heaven 
with the rays of righteousness, and the brightness 
of wisdom, and that he receives truly pious souls, 
not within the sphere of heaven alone, but into 
his own bosom, and confirms indeed the assurances 
which he himself has given. No mortal eye has 
seen, nor ear heard, nor can the mind in its 
vesture of flesh understand what things are 
prepared for those who have been here adorned with 
the graces of godliness; blessings which await 
thee too, most pious emperor, to whom alone since 
the world began has the Almighty Sovereign of the 
universe granted power to purify the course of 
human life: to whom also he has revealed his own 
symbol of salvation, whereby he overcame the power 
of death, and triumphed over every enemy. And this 
victorious trophy, the scourge of evil spirits, 
thou hast arrayed against the errors of idol 
worship, and hast obtained the victory not only 
over all thy impious and savage foes, but over 
equally barbarous adversaries, the evil spirits 
themselves.

CHAPTER VII.

FOR whereas we are composed of two distinct 
natures, I mean of body and spirit,
of which the one is visible to all, the other i 
invisible, against both these natures two kinds
of barbarous and savage enemies, the one 
invisibly, the other openly, are constantly 
arrayed.


590

	  The one oppose our bodies with bodily force the 
other with incorporeal assaults besiege the naked 
soul itself. Again, the visible barbarians, like 
the wild nomad tribes, no better than savage 
beasts, assail the nations of civilized men, 
ravage their country, and enslave their cities, 
rushing on those who inhabit them like ruthless 
wolves of the desert, and destroying all who fall 
under their power. But those unseen foes, more 
cruel far than barbarians, I mean the 
soul-destroying demons whose course is through the 
regions of the air, had succeeded, through the 
snares of vile polytheism, in enslaving the entire 
human race, insomuch that they no longer 
recognized the true God, but wandered in the mazes 
of atheistic error. For they procured, I know not 
whence, gods who never anywhere
	  existed, and set him aside who is the only and 
the true God, as though he were not. Accordingly 
the generation of bodies was esteemed by them a 
deity, and so the opposite principle to this, 
their dissolution and destruction, was also 
deified. The first, as the author of generative 
power, was honored with rites under the name of 
Venus: [1] the second, as rich, and mighty in 
dominion over the human race, received the names 
of Pluto, and Death. For men in those ages, 
knowing no other than naturally generated life, 
declared the cause and origin of that life to be 
divine: and again, believing in no existence after 
death, they proclaimed Death himself a universal 
conqueror and a mighty god. Hence, unconscious of 
responsibility, as destined to be annihilated by 
death, they lived a life unworthy of the name, in 
the practice of actions deserving a thousand 
deaths. No thought of God could enter their minds, 
no expectation of Divine judgment, no recollection 
of, no reflection on, their spiritual existence: 
acknowledging one dread superior, Death, and 
persuaded that the dissolution of their bodies by 
his power was final annihilation, they bestowed on 
Death the title of a mighty, a wealthy god, and 
hence the name of Pluto. [2] Thus, then, Death 
became to them a god; nor only so, but
	  whatever else they accounted precious in 
comparison with death, whatever contributed to
4 the luxuries of life. Hence animal pleasure
became to them a god; nutrition, and its
production, a god; the fruit of trees, a god; 
drunken riot, a god; carnal desire and pleasure, a 
god. Hence the mysteries of Ceres and Proserpine, 
the rape of the latter, and her subsequent 
restoration, by Pluto: hence the orgies of 
Bacchus, and Hercules overcome by drunkenness as 
by a mightier god: hence the adulterous rites of 
Cupid and of Venus: hence Jupiter him-

self infatuated with the love of women, and of 
Ganymede: [8] hence the licentious legends of 
deities abandoned to effeminacy and pleasure. Such 
were the weapons of superstition 5
whereby these cruel barbarians and enemies
of the Supreme God afflicted, and indeed entirely 
subdued, the human race; erecting everywhere the 
monuments of impiety, and rearing in every corner 
the shrines and temples of
their false religion. Nay, so far were the 6
ruling powers of those times enslaved by
the force of error, as to appease their gods with 
the blood of their own countrymen and kindred; to 
whet their swords against those who stood forward 
to defend the truth; to maintain a ruthless war 
and raise unholy hands, not against foreign or 
barbarian foes, but against men l bound to them by 
the ties of family and affection, against 
brethren, and kinsmen, and dearest friends, who 
had resolved, in the practice of virtue and true 
piety, to honor and worship
God. Such was the spirit of madness with 7
which these princes sacrificed to their de-
mon deities men consecrated to the service of
the King of kings. On the other hand their
victims, as noble martyrs in the cause of true
godliness, resolved to welcome a glorious death
in preference to life itself, and utterly despised
these cruelties. Strengthened, as soldiers of
God, with patient fortitude, they mocked at
death in all its forms; at fire, and sword, and
the torment of crucifixion; at exposure to savage 
beasts, and drowning in the depths of the
sea; at the cutting off and searing of limbs, the
digging out of eyes, the mutilation of the whole
body; lastly, at famine, the labor of the mines,
and captivity: nay, all these sufferings they
counted better than any earthly good or pleasure, 
for the love they bore their heavenly King.
In like manner women also evinced a spirit of
constancy and courage not inferior to that
of men. Some endured the same conflicts 8
with them, and obtained a like reward of
their virtue: others, forcibly carried off to be 
the victims of violence and pollution, welcomed 
death rather than dishonor; while many, very many 
more, endured not even to hear the same threats 
wherewith they were assailed by the provincial 
governors, but boldly sustained every variety of 
torture, and sentence of death in every form? Thus 
did these valiant soldiers of the Almighty 
Sovereign maintain the conflict with steadfast 
fortitude of soul against the hostile forces of 
polytheism: and thus did these enemies of God and 
adversaries of man's salvation, more cruel far 
than the ferocious savage, delight in libations of 
human blood: thus did


591

their ministers drain as it were the cup of 
un-righteous slaughter in honor of the demons whom 
they served, and prepare for them this
dread and impious banquet, to the ruin of
9 the human race. In these sad circum-
stances, what course should the God and
King of these afflicted ones pursue? Could he be 
careless of the safety of his dearest friends or 
abandon his servants in this great extremity? 
Surely none could deem him a wary pilot, who, 
without an effort to save his fellow-mariners 
should suffer his vessel to sink with all her 
crew: surely no general could be found so reckless 
as to yield his own allies, without resistance, to 
the mercy of the foe: nor can a faithful shepherd 
regard with unconcern the straying of a single 
sheep from his flock, but will rather leave the 
rest in safety, and dare all things for the 
wanderer's sake, even, if need be, to contend
10 with savage beasts. The zeal, however, of
the great Sovereign of all was for no unconscious 
[5] sheep: his care was exercised for his own 
faithful host, for those who sustained the battle 
for his sake: whose conflicts in the cause of 
godliness he himself approved, and honored those 
who had returned to his presence with the prize of 
victory which he only can bestow, uniting them to 
the angelic choirs. Others he still preserved on 
earth, to communicate the living seeds of piety to 
future generations; to be at once eye-witnesses of 
his vengeance on the ungodly, and narrators
11 of the events. After this he outstretched
his arm in judgment on the adversaries, and
utterly destroyed them with the stroke of Divine 
wrath, compelling them, how reluctant soever to 
confess with their own lips and recant their 
wickedness, but raising from the ground and
exalting gloriously those who had long been
12 oppressed and disclaimed by all. Such
were the dealings of the Supreme Sovereign, who 
ordained an invincible champion to be the minister 
of his heaven-sent vengeance (for our emperor's 
surpassing piety delights in the title of Servant 
of God), and him he has, proved victorious over 
all that opposed him, having raised him up, an 
individual against many foes. For they were indeed 
numberless, being the friends of many evil spirits 
(though in reality they were nothing, and hence 
are now no more); but our emperor is one, 
appointed by, and the representative of, the one 
Almighty Sovereign. And they, in the very spirit 
of impiety, destroyed the righteous with cruel 
slaughter: but he, in imitation of his Saviour, 
and knowing only how to save men's lives, has 
spared and instructed in godliness the impious 13 
themselves. And so, as truly worthy
the name of VICTOR, he has subdued the

twofold race of barbarians; soothing the savage 
tribes of men by prudent embassies, compelling 
them to know and acknowledge their superiors, and 
reclaiming them from a lawless and brutal life to 
the governance of reason and humanity; at the same 
time that he proved by the facts themselves that 
the fierce and ruthless race of unseen spirits had 
long ago been vanquished by a higher power. For he 
who is the preserver of the universe had punished 
these invisible spirits by an invisible judgment: 
and our emperor, as the delegate of the Supreme 
Sovereign, has followed up the victory, bearing 
away the spoils of those who have long since died 
and mouldered into dust, and distributing the 
plunder with lavish hand among the soldiers of his 
victorious Lord. [6]

CHAPTER VIII.

FOR as soon as he understood that the  1
ignorant multitudes were inspired with a
vain and childish dread of these bugbears of
error, wrought in gold and silver, he judged
it right to remove these also, like stumbling-
stones thrown in the path of men walking m
the dark, and henceforward to open a royal
road, plain and unobstructed, to all. Having 2 
formed this resolution, he considered
that no soldiers or military force of any sort
was needed for the repression of the evil: a
few of his own friends sufficed for this service,
and these he sent by a simple expression of
his will to visit each several province. 
Accordingly 3, sustained by confidence in the
emperor's piety and their own personal devotion to 
God, they passed through the midst of
numberless tribes and nations, abolishing this
ancient system of error in every city and country. 
They ordered the priests themselves, in
the midst of general laughter and scorn, to
bring their gods from their dark recesses to the
light of day. They then stripped them of their
ornaments, and exhibited to the gaze of all the
unsightly reality which had been hidden beneath
a painted exterior: and lastly, whatever part of
the material appeared to be of value they scraped
off and melted in the fire to prove its worth,
after which they secured and set apart whatever
they judged needful for their purposes, leaving
to the superstitious worshipers what was 
altogether useless, as a memorial of their
shame. Meanwhile our admirable prince 4
was himself engaged in a work similar to
that we have described. For at the same time that 
these costly images of the dead were stripped, as 
we have said, of their precious


592

materials, he also attacked those composed of 
brass; causing those to be dragged from their 
places with ropes, and, as it were, carried away 
captive, whom the dotage of mythology had esteemed 
as gods. The next care of our august emperor was 
to kindle, as it were, a brilliant torch, by the 
light of which he directed his imperial gaze 
around, to see if any hidden
5 vestiges of error might yet exist. And as
the keen-sighted eagle in its heavenward
flight is able to descry from its lofty height the 
most distant objects on the earth: so did he 
whilst residing in the imperial palace of his own 
fair city, discover, as from a watch-tower, a 
hidden and fatal snare of souls in the province of 
Phoenicia. This was a grove and temple, not 
situated in the midst of any city, or in any 
public place, as for splendor of effect is 
generally 6 the case, but apart from the beaten
and frequented road, on part of the summit
of Mount Lebanon, and dedicated to the foul demon 
known by the name of Venus. It was a school of 
wickedness for all the abandoned rotaries of 
impurity and such as destroyed their bodies with 
effeminacy. Here men undeserving the name forgot 
the dignity of their sex, and propitiated the 
demon by their effeminate conduct: here too 
unlawful commerce of women, and adulterous 
intercourse, with other horrible and infamous 
practices, were perpetrated in this temple as in a 
place beyond the scope and restraint of law.
Meantime these evils remained unchecked by the 
presence of any observer, since no one of fair 
character ventured to visit such scenes.
7 These proceedings, however, could not escape the 
vigilance of our august emperor,
who, having himself inspected them with 
characteristic forethought, and judging that such 
a temple was unfit for the light of heaven, gave 
orders that the building with its offerings should 
be utterly destroyed. Accordingly, in obedience to 
the imperial edict, these engines of an impure 
superstition were immediately abolished, and the 
hand of military force was made instrumental in 
purging the place. And now those who had 
heretofore lived without restraint, learned, 
through the imperial threat of punishment,
8 to practice self-control. Thus did our
emperor tear the mask from this system of
delusive wickedness, and expose it to the public 
gaze, at the same time proclaiming openly his 
Saviour's name to all. No advocate appeared; 
neither god nor demon, prophet nor diviner, could 
lend his aid to the detected authors of the 
imposture. For the souls of men were no longer 
enveloped in thick darkness: but enlightened by 
the rays of true godliness, they deplored the 
ignorance and pitied the blindness of their 
forefathers, rejoicing at the same time in their

own deliverance from such fatal error. [1]
Thus speedily, according to the counsel 9
of the mighty God, and through our emperor's 
agency, was every enemy, whether visible or 
unseen, utterly removed: and henceforward peace, 
the happy nurse of youth, extended her reign 
throughout the world. Wars were no more, for the 
gods were not: no more did warfare in country or 
town, no more did the effusion of human blood, 
distress mankind, as heretofore, when 
demon-worship and the madness of idolatry 
prevailed.

CHAPTER IX.

AND now we may well compare the present 1 with 
former things, and review these
happy changes in contrast with the evils that are 
past, and mark the elaborate care with which in 
ancient times porches and sacred precincts, groves 
and temples, were prepared in every city for these 
false deities, and how their shrines
were enriched with abundant offerings. The 2 
sovereign rulers of those days had indeed a high 
regard for the worship of the gods. The nations 
also and people subject to their power honored 
them with images both in the country and in every 
city, nay, even in their houses and secret 
chambers, according to the religious practice of 
their fathers. The fruit, however, of this 
devotion, far different from the peaceful concord 
which now meets our view, appeared in war, in 
battles, and seditions, which harassed them 
throughout their lives, and deluged their 
countries with blood and civil slaughter.
Again, the objects of their worship could 8 hold 
out to these sovereigns with artful flattery the 
promise of prophecies, and oracles, and the 
knowledge of futurity: yet could they not predict 
their own destruction, nor forewarn themselves of 
the coming ruin: and surely this was the greatest 
and most convincing proof of
their imposture. Not one of those whose 4
words once were heard with awe and wonder, had 
announced the glorious advent of the Saviour of 
mankind, [1] or that new revelation of divine 
knowledge which he came to give. Not Pythius 
himself, nor any of those mighty gods, could 
apprehend the prospect of their approaching 
desolation; nor could their oracles point at him 
who was to be their conqueror and
destroyer. What prophet or diviner could 15 
foretell that their rites would vanish at the 
presence of a new Deity in the world, and that the 
knowledge and worship of the Almighty Sovereign 
should be freely given to all mankind?


593

Which of them foreknew the august and pious reign 
of our victorious emperor, or his triumphant 
conquests everywhere over the false de-
mons, or the overthrow of their high places?
6 Which of the heroes has announced the
melting down and conversion of the lifeless
statues from their useless forms to the necessary 
uses of men? Which of the gods have yet had power 
to speak of their own images thus melted
and contemptuously reduced to fragments?
7 Where were the protecting powers, that they
should not interpose to save their sacred
memorials, thus destroyed by man? Where, I ask, 
are those who once maintained the strife of war, 
yet now behold their conquerors abiding securely 
in the profoundest peace? And where are they who 
upheld themselves in a blind and foolish 
confidence, and trusted in these vanities as gods; 
but who, in the very height of their superstitious 
error, and while maintaining an implacable war 
with the champions of the truth, perished by a 
fate proportioned to their
8 crimes? Where is the giant race whose
arms were turned against heaven itself; the
hissings of those serpents whose tongues were 
pointed with impious words against the Almighty 
King? These adversaries of the Lord of all, 
confident in the aid of a multitude of gods, 
advanced to the attack with a powerful array of 
military force, preceded by certain images of the 
dead, and lifeless statues, as their defense. On 
the other, side our emperor, secure in the armor 
of godliness, opposed to the numbers of the enemy 
the salutary and life-giving Sign, as at the same 
time a terror to the foe, and a protection against 
every harm; and returned victorious at once over 
the enemy and the demons whom they served? And 
then, with thanksgiving and praise, the tokens of 
a grateful spirit, to the Author of his victory, 
he proclaimed this triumphant Sign, by monuments 
as well as words, to all mankind, erecting it as a 
mighty trophy against every enemy in the midst of 
the imperial city, and expressly enjoining on all 
to acknowledge this imperishable symbol of 
salvation as the safeguard of the power of Rome 
and of the
9 empire of the world. Such were the instructions 
which he gave to his subjects
generally; but especially to his soldiers, whom he 
admonished to repose their confidence, not in 
their weapons, or armor, or bodily strength, but 
to acknowledge the Supreme God as the giver of 
every good, and of victory itself.
10 Thus did the emperor himself, strange and
incredible as the fact may seem, become
the instructor of his army in their religious 
exercises, and teach them to offer pious prayers 
in

accordance with the divine ordinances, uplifting 
their hands towards heaven, and raising their 
mental vision higher still to the King of heaven, 
on whom they should call as the Author of victory, 
their preserver, guardian, and helper. He 
commanded too, that one day should be regarded as 
a special occasion for religious worship; I mean 
that which is truly the first and chief of all, 
the day of our Lord and Saviour; that day the name 
of which is connected with light, and life, and 
immortality, and every good. Prescribing the same 
pious conduct to himself, he honored his Saviour 
in the chambers of his palace, performing his 
devotions according to the Divine commands, and 
storing his mind with instruction through the 
hearing of the sacred word. The entire care of his 
household was intrusted to ministers devoted to 
the service of God, and distinguished by gravity 
of life and every other virtue; while his trusty 
body-guards, strong in affection and fidelity to 
his person, found in their emperor an instructor 
in the practice of a godly life. Again, the honor 
with which he regards the victorious Sign is 
founded on his actual experience of its divine 
efficacy. Before this the hosts of his enemies 
have disappeared: by this the powers of the unseen 
spirits have been turned to flight: through this 
the proud boastings of God's adversaries have come 
to nought, and the tongues of the profane and 
blasphemous been put to silence. By this Sign the 
Barbarian tribes were vanquished: through his the 
rites of superstitious fraud received a just 
rebuke: by this our emperor, discharging as it 
were a sacred debt, has performed the crowning 
good of all, by erecting triumphant memorials of 
its value in all parts of the world, raising 
temples and churches on a scale of royal 
costliness, and commanding all to unite in 
constructing the sacred houses of prayer.
Accordingly these signal proofs of our emperor's 
13 magnificence forthwith appeared in
the provinces and cities of the empire, and soon 
shone conspicuously in every country; convincing 
memorials of the rebuke and overthrow of those 
impious tyrants who but a little while before had 
madly dared to fight against God, and, raging like 
savage dogs, had vented on unconscious buildings 
that fury which they were unable to level against 
him; had thrown to the ground and Upturned the 
very foundations of the houses of prayer, causing 
them to present the appearance of a city captured 
and abandoned to the enemy. Such was the 
exhibition of that wicked spirit whereby they 
sought as it were to assail God himself, but soon 
experienced the result of their own madness and 
folly. But a little time elapsed, when a single 
blast of the storm of Heaven's displeasure swept


594

them utterly away, leaving neither kindred, nor 
offspring, nor memorial of their existence among
	  men: for all, numerous as they were, 
disappeared as in a moment beneath the stroke
14 of Divine vengeance. Such, then, was the
fate which awaited these furious adversaries
of God: but he who, armed with the salutary 
Trophy, had alone opposed them (nay rather, not 
alone, but aided by the presence and the power of 
him who is the only Sovereign), has replaced the 
ruined edifices on a greater scale, and made the 
second far superior to the first. For example, 
besides erecting various churches to the honor of 
God in the city which bears his name, and adorning 
the Bithynian capital with another on the greatest 
and most splendid scale, he has distinguished the 
principal cities of the other provinces by 
structures of a similar
15 kind. Above all, he has selected two places
in the eastern division of the empire, the
one in Palestine (since from thence the 
life-giving stream has flowed as from a fountain 
for the blessing of all nations), the other in 
that metropolis of the East which derives its name 
from that of Antiochus; in which, as the head of 
that portion of the empire, he has consecrated to 
the service of God a church of unparalleled size 
and beauty. The entire building is encompassed by 
an enclosure of great extent, within which the 
church itself rises to a vast elevation, of an 
octagonal form, surrounded by many chambers and 
courts on every side, and decorated with ornaments 
of the richest kind. [3]
16 Such was his work here. Again, in the
province of Palestine, in that city which
was once the seat of Hebrew sovereignty, on the 
very site of the Lord's sepulchre, he has raised a 
church of noble dimensions, and adorned a temple 
sacred to the salutary Cross with rich and lavish 
magnificence, honoring that everlasting monument, 
and the trophies of the Saviour's victory over the 
power of death, with a splendor which no language 
can describe.
17 In the same country he discovered three
places venerable as the localities of three
sacred caves: and these also he adorned with 
costly structures, paying a fitting tribute of 
reverence to the scene of the first manifestation 
of the Saviour's presence; while at the second 
cavern he hallowed the remembrance of his final 
ascension from the mountain top; and celebrated 
his mighty conflict, and the victory which crowned 
it, at the third. [4] All these places our emperor 
thus adorned in the hope of proclaiming the symbol 
of redemption to

all mankind; that Cross which has in- 18
deed repaid his pious zeal; through which
his house and throne alike have prospered, his 
reign has been confirmed for a lengthened series 
of years, and the rewards of virtue bestowed on 
his noble sons, his kindred, and their 
descendants. And surely it is a mighty evidence of 
the power of that God whom he serves, that he has 
held the balances of justice with an equal hand, 
and has apportioned to each party their due 
reward. With regard to the destroyers of the 
houses of prayer, the penalty of their impious 
conduct followed hard upon them: forthwith were 
they swept away, and left neither race, nor house, 
nor family behind. On the other hand, he whose 
pious devotion to his Lord is conspicuous in his 
every act, who raises royal temples to his honor, 
and proclaims his name to his subjects by sacred 
offerings throughout the world, he, I say, has 
deservedly experienced him to be the preserver and 
defender of his imperial house and race. Thus 
clearly have the dealings of God been manifested, 
and this through the sacred efficacy of the 
salutary Sign.

CHAPTER X.

MUCH might indeed be said of this salutary 1 Sign, 
by those who are skilled in the
mysteries of our Divine religion. For it is in
very truth the symbol of salvation, wondrous to
speak of, more wondrous still to conceive; the
appearance of which on earth has thrown the
fictions of all false religion from the beginning
into the deepest shade, has buried superstitious
error in darkness and oblivion, and has revealed
to all that spiritual light which enlightens the
souls of men, even the knowledge of the
only true God. Hence the universal change2
for the better, which leads men to spurn
their lifeless idols, to trample under foot the
lawless rites of their demon deities, and laugh
to scorn the time-honored follies of their 
fathers.
Hence, too, the establishment in every place of
those schools of sacred learning, wherein men
are taught the precepts of saving truth, and
dread no more those objects of creation which
are seen by the natural eye, nor direct a gaze
of wonder at the sun, the moon, or stars; but
acknowledge him who is above all these, that
invisible Being who is the Creator of them
all, and learn to worship him alone. Such 3
are the blessings resulting to mankind from
this great and wondrous Sign, by virtue of which 
the evils which once existed are now no more, and 
virtues heretofore unknown shine everywhere 
resplendent with the light of true godliness. 
Discourses, and precepts, and 4


595

exhortations to a virtuous and holy life, are 
proclaimed in the ears of all nations. Nay, the 
emperor himself proclaims them: and it is indeed a 
marvel that this mighty prince, raising his voice 
in the hearing of all the world, like an 
interpreter of the Almighty Sovereign's will, 
invites his subjects in every country to the
5 knowledge of the true God. No more, as
in former times, is the babbling of impious 
men heard in the imperial palace; but priests
and pious worshipers of God together celebrate
his majesty with royal hymns of praise. The
name of the one Supreme Ruler of the universe
is proclaimed to all: the gospel of glad tidings
connects the human race with its Almighty King,
declaring the grace and love of the heavenly
Father to his children on the earth. His praise is
everywhere sung in triumphant strains: the voice
of mortal man is blended with the harmony 6 of the 
angelic choirs in heaven; and
the reasoning soul employs the body which
invests it as an instrument for sounding forth a 
fitting tribute of praise and adoration to his 
name. The nations of the East and the West are 
instructed at the same moment in his precepts: the 
people of the Northern and Southern regions unite 
with one accord, under the influence of the same 
principles and laws, in the pursuit of a godly 
life, in praising the one Supreme God, in 
acknowledging his only begotten Son their Saviour 
as the source of every blessing, and our emperor 
as the one ruler on the earth, together with his 
pious sons. He himself, as a skillful pilot, sits 
on high at the helm of state, and directs the 
vessel with unerring course, conducting his people 
as it were with favoring breeze to a secure and 
tranquil haven. Meanwhile God himself, the great 
Sovereign, extends the right hand of his power 
from above for his protection, giving him victory 
over every foe, and establishing his empire by a 
lengthened period of years: and he will bestow on 
him yet higher blessings, and confirm in every 
deed the truth of his own promises. But on these 
we may not at present dwell; but must await the 
change to a better world: for it is not given to 
mortal eyes or ears of flesh, fully to apprehend 
the things of God. [1]

CHAPTER XI.

1   AND now, victorious and mighty Constantine, in 
this discourse, whose noble
argument is the glory of the Almighty King, let me 
lay before thee some of the mysteries of his 
sacred truth: not as presuming to instruct thee, 
who art thyself taught of God; nor to disclose

to thee those secret wonders which he himself, not 
through the agency of man, but through our common 
Saviour, and the frequent light of his Divine 
presence has long since revealed and unfolded to 
thy view: but in the hope of leading the unlearned 
to the light, and displaying before those who know 
them not the causes and motives of thy pious 
deeds. True it is that thy noble efforts for the 
daily worship and honor of the Supreme God 
throughout the habitable world, are the theme of 
universal praise. But those records of gratitude 
to thy Saviour and Preserver which thou hast 
dedicated in our own province of Palestine, and in 
that city from which as from a fountain-head the 
Saviour Word [1] has issued forth to all mankind; 
and again, the hallowed edifices and consecrated 
temples which thou hast raised as trophies of his 
victory over death; and those lofty and noble 
structures, imperial monuments of an imperial 
spirit, which thou hast erected in honor of the 
everlasting memory of the Saviour's tomb
the cause, I say, of these things is not equally 
obvious to all. Those, indeed, who are enlightened 
in heavenly knowledge by the power of the Divine 
Spirit, well understand the cause, and justly 
admire and bless thee for that counsel and 
resolution which Heaven itself inspired. On the 
other hand the ignorant and spiritually blind 
regard these designs with open mockery and scorn, 
and deem it a strange and unworthy thing indeed 
that so mighty a prince should waste his zeal on 
the graves and
monuments of the dead. "Were it not 4
better," such a one might say, "to cherish
those rites which are hallowed by ancient usage
to seek the favor of those gods and heroes whose 
worship is observed in every province; instead of 
rejecting and disclaiming them, because subject to 
the calamities incident to man? Surely they may 
claim equal honors with him who himself has 
suffered: or, if they are to be rejected, as not 
exempt from the sorrows of humanity, the same 
award would justly be pronounced respecting him." 
Thus, with important and contracted brow, might he 
give utterance in pompous language to his 
self-imagined wisdom. Filled with compassion for 
this ignorance, the gracious Word of our most 
beneficent Father freely invites, not such a one 
alone, but all who are in the path of error, to 
receive instruction in Divine knowledge; and has 
ordained the means of such instruction throughout 
the world, in every country and village, in 
cultivated and desert lands alike, and in every 
city: and, as a gracious Saviour and Physician of 
the soul, calls on the Greek and the Barbarian, 
the wise and the unlearned, the rich


596

and the poor, the servant and his master, the 
subject and his lord, the ungodly, the profane, 
the ignorant, the evil-doer, the blasphemer, alike 
to draw near, and hasten to receive his heavenly 
cure. And thus in time past had he clearly 
announced to all the pardon of former 
transgressions, saying, "Come unto me, all ye that 
labor and are heavy laden, and I will give you 
rest." [2] And again, "I am not come to call the 
righteous, but sinners, to repentance." [3] And he 
adds the reason, saying, "For they that are whole 
need not a physician, but they that are sick." [4] 
And again, "I desire not the death of a sinner, 
but rather that he
6 should repent." [5] Hence it is only for those
who are themselves instructed in Divine
things and understand the motives of that zeal of 
which these works are the result, to appreciate 
the more than human impulse by which our emperor 
was guided, to admire his piety toward God, and to 
believe his care for the memorial of our Saviour's 
resurrection to be a desire imparted from above, 
and truly inspired by that Sovereign, to be whose 
faithful servant and minister for good is his 
proudest boast. In full persuasion, then, of thy 
approval, most mighty emperor, I desire at this 
present time to proclaim to all the reasons and 
motives of thy pious works. I desire to stand as 
the interpreter of thy designs, to explain the 
counsels of a soul devoted to the love of God. I 
propose to teach all men, what all should know who 
care to understand the principles on which our 
Saviour God employs his power, the reasons for 
which he who was the pre-existent Controller of 
all things at length descended to us from heaven: 
the reasons for which he assumed our nature, and 
submitted even to the power of death. I shall 
declare the causes of that immortal life which 
followed, and of his resurrection from the dead. 
Once more, I shall adduce convincing proofs and 
arguments, for the sake of those who yet need such
8	testimony: and now let me commence my
	appointed task.
	Those who transfer the worship due to that
God who formed and rules the world to the works of 
his hand; who hold the sun and moon, or other 
parts of this material system, nay, the elements 
themselves, earth, water, air, and fire, in equal 
honor with the Creator of them all; who give the 
name of gods to things which

never would have had existence, or even name,
except as obedient to that Word of God who
made the world: such persons in my judgment
resemble those who overlook the master hand
which gives its magnificence to a royal palace;
and, while lost in wonder at its roofs and walls,
the paintings of varied beauty and coloring
which adorn them, and its gilded ceilings and
sculptures, ascribe to them the praise of that
skill which belongs to the artist whose work
they are: whereas they should assign the cause
of their wonder, not to these visible objects, but
to the architect himself, and confess that the
proofs of skill are indeed manifest, but that he
alone is the possessor of that skill who has
made them what they are. Again, well
might we liken those to children, who
should admire the seven-stringed lyre, and 
disregard him who invented or has power to use
it: or those who forget the valiant warrior, and
adorn his spear and shield with the chaplet of
victory: or, lastly, those who hold the squares
and streets, the public buildings, temples, and
gymnasia of a great and royal city in equal honor
with its founder; forgetting that their admiration 
is due, not to lifeless stones, but to him
whose wisdom planned and executed these
mighty works. Not less absurd is it for 10
those who regard this universe with the
natural eye to ascribe its origin to the sun, or
moon, or any other heavenly body. Rather let
them confess that these are themselves the
works of a higher wisdom, remember the Maker
and Framer of them all, and render to him the
praise and honor above all created objects. Nay
rather, inspired by the sight of these very 
objects,
let them address themselves with full purpose of
heart to glorify and worship him who is now
invisible to mortal eye, but perceived by the
clear and unclouded vision of the soul, the
supremely sovereign Word of God. To take the
instance of the human body: no one has yet
conferred the attribute of wisdom on the eyes,
or head, the hands, or feet, or other members,
far less on the outward clothing, of a wise and
learned man: no one terms the philosopher's
household furniture and utensils, wise: but
every rational person admires that invisible and
secret power, the mind of the man himself.
How much more, then, is our admiration 11
due, not to the visible mechanism of the
universe, material as it is, and formed of the 
selfsame elements; but to that invisible Word who 
has moulded and arranged it all, who is the 
only-begotten Son of God, and whom the Maker of 
all things, who far transcends all being, has 
begotten of himself, and appointed Lord and 
Governor of this universe? For since it was 
impossible that perishable bodies, or the rational 
spirits which he had created, should


597

approach the Supreme God, by reason of their 
immeasurable distance from his perfections, for he 
is unbegotten, above and beyond all creation, 
ineffable, inaccessible, unapproachable, dwelling, 
as his holy word assures us, [6] in the light 
which none can enter; but they were created from 
nothing, and are infinitely far removed from his 
unbegotten Essence; well has the all-gracious and 
Almighty God interposed as it were an intermediate 
Power [7] between himself and them, even the 
Divine omnipotence of his only-begotten Word. And 
this Power, which is in perfect nearness and 
intimacy of union, with the Father which abides in 
him, and shares his secret counsels, has yet 
condescended, in fullness of grace, as it were to 
conform itself to those who are so far removed 
from the supreme majesty of God. How else, 
consistently with his own holiness could he who is 
far above and beyond all things unite himself to 
corruptible and corporeal matter? Accordingly the 
Divine Word, thus connecting himself with this 
universe, and receiving into his hands the reins, 
as it were, of the world, turns and directs it as 
a skillful charioteer ac-
13 cording to his own will and pleasure, The
proof of these assertions is evident. For
supposing that those component parts of the world 
which we call elements, as earth, water, air, and 
fire, the nature of which is manifestly without 
intelligence, are self-existent; and if they have 
one common essence, which they who are skilled in 
natural science call the great receptacle, mother, 
and nurse of all things; and if this itself be 
utterly devoid of shape and figure, of soul and 
reason; whence shall we say it has obtained its 
present form and beauty? To what shall we ascribe 
the distinction of the elements, or the union of 
things contrary in their very nature? Who has 
commanded the liquid water to sustain the heavy 
element of earth? Who has turned back the waters 
from their downward course, and carried them aloft 
in clouds? Who has bound the force of fire, and 
caused it to lie latent in wood, and to combine 
with substances most contrary to itself? Who has 
mingled the cold air with heat, and thus 
reconciled the enmity of opposing principles? Who 
has devised the continuous succession of the human 
race, and given it as it were an endless term of 
duration? Who has moulded the male and female 
form, adapted their mutual relations with perfect 
harmony, and given one common principle of 
production to every living creature? Who changes 
the character of the fluid and corruptible seed, 
which in itself is void of reason, and gives it 
its prolific power? Who is at this moment working 
these and ten thousand effects more wonderful than 
these, nay, surpassing all wonder, and with 
invisible influence is daily and hourly 
perpetuating the production of them all? Surely 14
the wonder-working and truly omnipotent
Word of God may well be deemed the efficient cause 
of all these things: that Word who, diffusing 
himself through all creation, pervading height and 
depth with incorporeal energy, and embracing the 
length and breadth of the universe within his 
mighty grasp, has compacted and reduced to order 
this entire system, from whose unreasoned and 
formless matter he has framed for himself an 
instrument of perfect harmony, the nicely balanced 
chords and notes of which he touches with all-wise 
and unerring skill. He it is who governs the sun, 
and moon, and the other luminaries of heaven by 
inexplicable laws, and directs their motions
for the service of the universal whole. It 15
is this Word of God who has stooped to the
earth on which we live, and created the manifold 
species of animals, and the fair varieties of the 
vegetable world. It is this same Word who has 
penetrated the recesses of the deep, has given 
their being to the finny race, and produced the 
countless forms of life which there exist. It is 
he who fashions the burden of the womb, and 
informs it in nature's laboratory with the 
principle of life. By him the fluid and heavy 
moisture is raised on high, and then, sweetened by 
a purifying change, descends in measured 
quantities to the earth, and at stated seasons in 
more profuse supply. Like a skillful husbandman, 
he fully irrigates the land, tempers the moist and 
dry in just proportion, diversifying the whole 
with brilliant flowers, with aspects of varied 
beauty, with pleasant fragrance, with alternating 
varieties of fruits, and countless gratifications 
for the taste of men. But why do I dare essay a 
hopeless task, to recount the mighty works of the 
Word of God, and describe an energy which 
surpasses mortal thought? By some, indeed, he has 
been termed the Nature of the universe, by others, 
the World-Soul, by others, Fate. Others again have 
declared him to be the most High God himself, 
strangely confounding things most widely 
different; bringing down to this earth, uniting to 
a corruptible and material body, and assigning to 
that supreme and unbegotten Power who is Lord of 
all an intermediate place between


598

irrational animals and rational mortals on the one 
hand, and immortal beings on the other. [8]

CHAPTER XII.

1   ON the other hand, the sacred doctrine
teaches that he who is the supreme Source
of good, and Cause of all things, is beyond all 
comprehension, and therefore inexpressible by 
word, or speech, or name; surpassing the power, 
not of language only, but of thought itself. 
Un-circumscribed by place, or body; neither in 
heaven, nor in ethereal space, nor in any other 
part of the universe; but entirely independent of 
all things else, he pervades the depths of 
unexplored and secret wisdom. The sacred oracles 
teach us to acknowledge him as the only true God, 
[1] apart from all corporeal essence, distinct 
from all subordinate ministration. Hence it is 
said that all things are from him, but not through 
him. [2] And he himself dwelling as Sovereign in 
secret and undiscovered regions of unapproachable 
light, ordains and disposes all things by the 
single power of his own will. At his will whatever 
is, exists; without that will, it cannot be. And 
his will is in every case for good, since he is 
essentially Goodness itself. But he through whom 
are all things, even God the Word, proceeding in 
an ineffable manner from the Father above, as from 
an everlasting and exhaustless fountain, flows 
onward like a river with a full and abundant 
stream of power for the preservation of the 
universal whole.
3  And now let us select an illustration from
our own experience. The invisible and un-
discovered mind within us, the essential nature of 
which no one has ever known, sits as a monarch in 
the seclusion of his secret chambers, and alone 
resolves on our course of action. From this 
proceeds the only-begotten word from its father's 
bosom, begotten in a manner and by a power 
inexplicable to us; and is the first messenger of 
its father's thoughts, declares his secret
counsels, and, conveying itself to the ears
of others, accomplishes his designs. And 4
thus the advantage of this faculty is enjoyed by 
all: yet no one has ever yet beheld that invisible 
and hidden mind, which is the I parent of the word 
itself. [3] In the same manner, or rather in a 
manner which far surpasses all likeness or 
comparison, the perfect Word of the Supreme God, 
as the only-begotten Son of the Father (not 
consisting in the power of utterance, nor 
comprehended in syllables and parts of speech, nor 
conveyed by a voice which vibrates on the air; but 
being himself the living and effectual Word of the 
most High, and subsisting personally as the Power 
and Wisdom of God), [4] proceeds from his Father's 
Deity and kingdom. [5] Thus, being the perfect 
Offspring of a perfect Father, and the common 
Preserver of all things, he diffuses himself with 
living power throughout creation, and pours from 
his own fullness abundant supplies of reason, [6] 
wisdom, light, and every other blessing, not only 
on objects nearest to himself, but on those most 
remote, whether in earth, or sea,
or any other sphere of being. To all these 5
he appoints with perfect equity their limits,
places, laws, and inheritance, allotting to each
their suited portion according to his sovereign
will. To some he assigns the super-terrestrial
regions, to others heaven itself as their 
habitation: others he places in ethereal space, 
others
in air, and others still on earth. He it is who
transfers mankind from hence to another sphere,
impartially reviews their conduct here, and be-
stows a recompense according to the life and
habits of each. By him provision is made for
the life and food, not of rational creatures only,
but also of the brute creation, for the service of 
men; and while to the latter he 6
grants the enjoyment of a perishable and
fleeting term of existence, the former he invites 
to a share in the possession of immortal life. 
Thus universal is the agency of the Word of God: 
everywhere present, and pervading all things by 
the power of his intelligence, he looks upward to 
his Father, and governs this lower creation, 
inferior to and consequent upon himself, in 
accordance with his will, as the
common Preserver of all things. Interme- 7


599

diate, as it were, and attracting the created to 
the uncreated Essence, this Word of God exists as 
an unbroken bond between the two, uniting things 
most widely different by an inseparable tie. He is 
the Providence which rules the universe; the 
guardian and director of the whole: he is the 
Power and Wisdom of God the only-begotten God, the 
Word begotten of God himself. For "In the 
beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, 
and the Word was God. All things were made by him 
and without him was not any. thing made that hath 
been made"; as we learn from the words of the 
sacred writer? Through his vivifying power all 
nature grows and flourishes, refreshed
by his continual showers, and invested
8 with a vigor and beauty ever new. Guiding
the reigns of the universe, he holds its on-
ward course in conformity to the Father's will and 
moves, as it were, the helm of this mighty ship. 
This glorious Agent, the only-begotten Son of the 
Supreme God, begotten by the Father as his perfect 
Offspring, the Father has given to this world as 
the highest of all goods infusing his word, as 
spirit into a lifeless body, into unconscious 
nature; imparting light and energy to that which 
in itself was a rude, inanimate, and formless 
mass, through the Divine power. Him therefore it 
is ours to acknowledge and regard as everywhere 
present, and giving life to matter and the 
elements of nature: [8] in him we see Light, even 
the spiritual offspring of inexpressible Light: 
one indeed in essence, as being the Son of one 
Father; but
possessing in himself many and varied
9 powers. The world is indeed divided into
many parts; yet let us not therefore sup-
pose that there are many independent Agents nor, 
though creation's works be manifold, let us thence 
assume the existence of many gods. How grievous 
the error of those childish and infatuated 
advocates of polytheistic worship, who deify the 
constituent parts of the universe, and
divide into many that system which is only
10 one! Such conduct resembles theirs who
should abstract the eyes of an individual
man, and term them the man himself, and the ears, 
another man, and so the head: or again, by an 
effort of thought should separate the neck, the 
breast and shoulders, the feet and hands,: or 
other members, nay, the very powers of sense, and 
thus pronounce an individual to be a multitude of 
men. Such folly must surely be rewarded with 
contempt by men of sense. Yet such is he who from 
the component parts of a single world can devise 
for himself a multitude of gods, or even deem that 
world which is the

work of a Creator, and consists of many parts, to 
be itself a god: [9] not knowing that the Divine 
Nature can in no sense be divisible into parts; 
since, if compounded, it must be so through the 
agency of another power; and that which is so 
compounded can never be Divine. How indeed could 
it be so, if composed of unequal and dissimilar, 
and hence of worse and better elements? Simple, 
indivisible, uncompounded, the Divine Nature 
exists at an infinite elevation above the visible 
constitution of this world. And hence we are 
assured by the clear testimony of the sacred 
Herald, [10] that the Word of God, who is before 
all things, must be the sole Preserver of all 
intelligent beings: while God, who is above all, 
and the Author of the generation of the Word, 
being himself the Cause of all things, is rightly 
called the Father of the Word, as of his 
only-begotten Son, himself acknowledging no 
superior Cause. God, therefore, himself is One, 
and from him
proceeds the one only-begotten Word, the 
omnipresent Preserver of all things. And as the 
many-stringed lyre is composed of different 
chords, both sharp and flat, some slightly, others 
tensely strained, and others intermediate 
between-the two extremes, yet all attuned 
according to the rules of harmonic art; even so 
this material world, compounded as it is of many 
elements, containing opposite and antagonist 
principles, as moisture and dryness, cold and 
heat, yet blended into one harmonious whole, may 
justly be termed a mighty instrument framed by the 
hand of God: an instrument on which the Divine 
Word, himself not composed of parts or opposing 
principles, but indivisible and uncompounded, 
performs with perfect skill, and produces a melody 
at once accordant with the will of his Father the 
Supreme Lord of all, and glorious to himself. 
Again, as there are manifold external and internal 
parts and members comprised in a single body, yet 
one invisible soul, one undivided and incorporeal 
mind pervades the whole; so is it in this 
creation, which, consisting of many parts, yet is 
but one: and so the One mighty, yea, Almighty Word 
of God, pervading all things, and diffusing 
himself with undeviating energy throughout this 
universe, is the Cause of all things that exist 
therein. Survey the compass of this visible world. 
Seest thou not how the same heaven contains within 
itself the countless courses and companies of the 
stars?


600

Again, the sun is one, and yet eclipses many, nay 
all other luminaries, by the surpassing glory of 
his rays. Even so, as the Father himself is One, 
his Word is also One, the perfect Son of that 
perfect Father. Should any one object because they 
are not more, as well might he complain that there 
are not many suns, or moons, or worlds, and a 
thousand things beside; like the madman, who would 
fain subvert the fair and perfect course of Nature 
herself. As in the visible, so also in the 
spiritual world: in the one the same sun diffuses 
his light throughout this material earth; in the 
other the One Almighty Word of God illumines all 
things with in-
13 visible and secret power. Again, there is
in man one spirit, and one faculty of reason,
which yet is the active cause of numberless 
effects. The same mind, instructed in many things, 
will essay to cultivate the earth, to build and 
guide a ship, and construct houses: nay, the one 
mind and reason of man is capable of acquiring 
knowledge in a thousand forms: the same mind shall 
understand geometry and astronomy, and discourse 
on the rules of grammar, and rhetoric, and the 
healing art. Nor will it excel in science only, 
but in practice too: and yet no one has ever 
supposed the existence of many minds in one human 
form, nor expressed his wonder at a plurality of 
being in man, because he is thus capable of varied 
knowledge 14. Suppose one were to find a shape-
less mass of clay, to mould it with his hands,
and give it the form of a living creature; the 
head in one figure, the hands and feet in another, 
the eyes and cheeks in a third, and so to fashion 
the ears, the mouth and nose, the breast and 
shoulders, according to the rules of the plastic 
art. The result, indeed, is a variety of figure, 
of parts and members in the one body; yet must we 
not suppose it the work of many hands, but ascribe 
it entirely to the skill of a single artist, and 
yield the tribute of our praise to him who by the 
energy of a single mind has framed it all. The 
same is true of the universe itself, which is one, 
though consisting of many parts: yet surely we 
need not suppose many creative powers, nor invent 
a plurality of gods. Our duty is to adore the 
all-wise and all-perfect agency of him who is 
indeed the Power and the Wisdom of God, whose 
undivided force and energy pervades and penetrates 
the universe, creating and giving life to all 
things, and furnishing to all, collectively and 
severally, those manifold supplies of which he is 
himself the
15 source. Even so one and the same impression of 
the solar rays illumines the air
at once, gives light to the eyes, warmth to the 
touch, fertility to the earth, and growth to 
plants. The same luminary constitutes the course 
of time, governs the motions of the stars, 
performs the circuit of the heavens, imparts 
beauty to the earth, and displays the power of God 
to all: and all this he performs by the sole and 
unaided force of his own nature. In like manner 
fire has the property of refining gold, and fusing 
lead, of dissolving wax, of parching clay, and 
consuming wood; producing these varied
effects by one and the same burning power. 16
So also the Supreme Word of God, pervading all 
things, everywhere existent, everywhere present in 
heaven and earth, governs and directs the visible 
and invisible creation, the sun, the heaven, and 
the universe itself, with an energy inexplicable 
in its nature, irresistible in its effects. From 
him, as from an everlasting fountain, the sun, the 
moon, and stars receive their light: and he 
forever rules that heaven which he has framed as 
the fitting emblem of his own greatness. The 
angelic and spiritual powers, the incorporeal and 
intelligent beings which exist beyond the sphere 
of heaven and earth, are filled by him with light 
and life, with wisdom and virtue, with all that is 
great and good, from Iris own peculiar treasures. 
Once more, with one and the same creative skill, 
he ceases not to furnish the elements with 
substance, to regulate the union and combinations, 
the forms and figures, and the innumerable 
qualities of organized bodies; preserving the 
varied distinctions of animal and vegetable life, 
of the rational and the brute creation; and 
supplying all things to all with equal power: thus 
proving himself the Author, not indeed of the 
seven-stringed lyre, [11] but of that system of 
perfect harmony which is the workmanship of the 
One world-creating Word. [12]

CHAPTER XIII.

AND now let us proceed to explain the  1
reasons for which this mighty Word of God
descended to dwell with men. Our ignorant and 
foolish race, incapable of comprehending him who 
is the Lord of heaven and earth, proceeding from 
his Father's Deity as from the supreme fountain, 
ever present throughout the world, and evincing by 
the clearest proofs his providential care for the 
interests of man; have ascribed the adorable title 
of Deity to the sun, and moon, the heaven and the 
stars of heaven. Nor did they stop here, but 
deified the earth itself, its products, and the 
various substances by which animal life is 
sustained, and devised


601

images of Ceres, of Proserpine, of Bacchus, (1) 2 
and many such as these. Nay, they shrank not from 
giving the name of gods to the very conceptions of 
their own minds, and the speech by which those 
conceptions are expressed; calling the mind itself 
Minerva, and language Mercury, (2) and affixing 
the names of Mnemosyne and the Muses to those 
faculties by means of which science is acquired. 
Nor was even this enough: advancing still more 
rapidly in the career of impiety and folly, they 
deified their own evil passions, which it behooved 
them to regard with aversion, or restrain by the 
principles of self-control. Their very lust and 
passion and impure disease of soul, the members of 
the body which tempt to obscenity, and even the 
very uncontrol (3) in shameful pleasure, they 
described under the titles of Cupid, Priapus 3, 
Venus, (4) and other kindred terms. Nor did they 
stop even here. Degrading their thoughts of God to 
this corporeal and mortal life, they deified their 
fellow-men, conferring the names of gods and 
heroes on those who had experienced the common lot 
of all, and vainly imagining that the Divine and 
imperishable Essence could frequent the tombs and 
monuments of the dead. Nay, more than this: they 
paid divine honors to animals of various species, 
and to the most noxious reptiles: they felled 
trees, and excavated rocks; they provided 
themselves with brass, and iron, and other metals, 
of which they fashioned resemblances of the male 
and female human form, of beasts, and creeping 
things; and these they made the objects of
4 their worship. Nor did this suffice. To
the evil spirits themselves which lurked
within their statues, or lay concealed in secret 
and dark recesses, eager to drink their libations, 
and inhale the odor of their sacrifices, they 
ascribed the same divine honors. Once more, they 
endeavored to secure the familiar aid of these 
spirits, and the unseen powers which move through 
the tracts of air, by charms of forbidden magic, 
and the compulsion of unhallowed songs and 
incantations. Again, different nations have 
adopted different persons as objects of their 
worship. The Greeks have rendered to Bacchus, 
Hercules, AEsculapius, Apollo, and others who were 
mortal men, the titles of gods and heroes. The 
Egyptians have deified Horus and Isis, Osiris, and 
other mortals such as these. And thus they who 
boast of the wondrous skill whereby they have 
discovered geometry, astronomy, and the science of 
number, know not, wise as they are in their own 
conceit, nor understand how to estimate the 
measure of the power of God, or calculate his 
exceeding greatness above the nature of irrational 
and mortal beings. Hence 5
they shrank not from applying the name of
gods to the most hideous of the brute creation, to 
venomous reptiles and savage beasts. The 
Phoenicians deified Melcatharus, Usorus, (5) and  
others; mere mortals, and with little claim to  
honor: the Arabians, Dusaris (6) and Obodas: the  
Getae, Zamolxis: the Cicilians, Mopsus: and the  
Thebans, Amphiaraus: (7) in short, each nation has 
adopted its own peculiar deities, differing in no  
respect from their fellow-mortals, being simply 
and truly men. Again, the Egyptians with one  
consent, the Phoenicians, the Greeks, nay, every  
nation beneath the sun, have united in worshiping 
the very parts and elements of the world, and even 
the produce of the ground itself.  And, which is 
most surprising, though acknowledging the 
adulterous, unnatural, and licentious crimes of 
their deities, they have not only filled every 
city, and village, and district with temples, 
shrines, and statues in their honor, but have 
followed their evil example to the ruin
of their own souls. We hear of gods and 6
the sons of gods described by them as
heroes and good genii, titles entirely opposed to 
truth, honors utterly at variance with the 
qualifies they are intended to exalt. It is as if 
one who desired to point out the sun and the 
luminaries of heaven, instead of directing his 
gaze thitherward, should grope with his hands on 
the ground, and search for the celestial powers in 
the mud and mire. Even so mankind, deceived by 
their own folly and the craft of evil spirits, 
have believed that the Divine and spiritual 
Essence which is far above heaven and earth could 
be compatible with the birth, the affections, and 
death, of mortal bodies here below. To such a 
pitch of madness did they proceed, as to sacrifice 
the dearest objects of their affection to their 
gods, regardless of all natural ties, and urged by 
frenzied feeling to slay their only and best
beloved children. For what can be a 7
greater proof of madness, than to offer
human sacrifice, to pollute every city, and even 
their own houses, with kindred blood? Do not the 
Greeks themselves attest this, and is not all 
history filled with records of the same impiety? 
The Phoenicians devoted their best beloved and 
only children as an annual sacrifice to Saturn. 
The Rhodians, on the sixth day of the month 
Metageitnion, (8) offered human victims to the 
same god. At Salamis, a man was pursued in


602

the temple of Minerva Agraulis and Diomede, 
compelled to run thrice round the altar, 
afterwards pierced with a lance by the priest, and 
consumed as a burnt offering on the blazing pile. 
In Egypt, human sacrifice was most abundant. At 
Heliopolis three victims were daily offered to 
Juno, for whom king Amoses, impressed with the 
atrocity of the practice, commanded the 
substitution of an equal number of waxen figures. 
In Chios, and again in Tenedos, a man was slain 
and offered up to Omadian Bacchus. At Sparta they 
immolated human beings to Mars. In Crete they did 
likewise, offering human sacrifices to Saturn. In 
Laodicea of Syria a virgin was yearly slain in 
honor of Minerva, for whom a hart is now the 
substitute. The Libyans and Carthaginians appeased 
their gods with human victims. The Dumateni of 
Arabia buried a boy annually beneath the altar. 
History informs us that the Greeks without 
exception, the Thracians also, and Scythians, were 
accustomed to human sacrifice before they marched 
forth to battle. The Athenians record the 
immolation of the virgin children of Leus, (9) and 
the daughter of Erechtheus. (10) Who knows not 
that at this day a human victim is offered in Rome 
itself at the festival of Jupiter Latiaris 8? And 
these facts are confirmed by the
testimony of the most approved philosophers. 
Diodorus, the epitomizer of libraries, (11) 
affirms that two hundred of the noblest youths 
were sacrificed to Saturn by the Libyan people, 
and that three hundred more were voluntarily 
offered by their own parents. Dionysius, the 
compiler of Roman history, (12) expressly says 
that Jupiter and Apollo demanded human sacrifices 
of the so-called Aborigines, in Italy. He relates 
that on this demand they offered a proportion of 
all their produce to the gods; but that, because 
of their refusal to slay human victims, they 
became involved in manifold calamities, from which 
they could obtain no release until they had 
decimated themselves, a sacrifice of life which 
proved the desolation of their country. Such and 
so great were the evils which of
9 old afflicted the whole human race. Nor
was this the full extent of their misery:
they groaned beneath the pressure of other evils 
equally numerous and irremediable. All nations, 
whether civilized or barbarous, throughout the 
world, as if actuated by a demoniac frenzy, were 
infected with sedition as with some fierce and

terrible disease: insomuch that the human family 
was irreconcilably divided against itself; the 
great system of society was distracted and torn 
asunder; and in every corner of the earth men 
stood opposed to each other, and strove with 
fierce contention on questions of law and
government. Nay, more than this: with passions 10 
aroused to fury, they engaged in mutual
conflicts, so frequent that their lives were 
passed
as it were in uninterrupted warfare. None could
undertake a journey except as prepared to
encounter an enemy in the very country and
villages the rustics girded on the sword, provided 
themselves with armor rather than with
the implements of rural labor, and deemed it
noble exploit to plunder and enslave any
who belonged to a neighboring state. Nay, 11
more than this: from the fables they had
themselves devised respecting their own deities, 
they deduced occasions for a vile and abandoned 
life, and wrought the ruin of body and soul by 
licentiousness of every kind. Not content with 
this, they even overstepped the bounds which 
nature had defined, and together committed 
incredible and nameless crimes, "men with men (in 
the words of the sacred writer) working 
un-seemliness, and receiving in themselves that 
recompense of their error which was due." Nor did 
they stop even here; but perverted 12 their 
natural thoughts of God, and denied that the 
course of this world was directed by his 
providential care, ascribing the existence and 
constitution of all things to the blind operation 
of chance, or the necessity of fate. Once more: 
believing that soul and body 13 were alike 
dissolved by death, they led a brutish life, 
unworthy of the name: careless of the nature or 
existence of the soul, they dreaded not the 
tribunal of Divine justice, expected no reward of 
virtue, nor thought of chastisement as the penalty 
of an evil life. Hence 14
it was that whole nations, a prey to wickedness in 
all its forms, were wasted by the effects of their 
own brutality: some living in the practice of most 
vile and lawless incest with mothers, others with 
sisters, and others again corrupting their own 
daughters. Some were found who slew their 
confiding guests; others who fed on human flesh; 
some strangled, and then feasted on, their aged 
men; others threw them alive to dogs. The time 
would fail me were I to attempt to describe the 
multifarious symptoms of the inveterate malady 
which had asserted its dominion over the whole 
human race.
Such, and numberless others like these, 15
were the prevailing evils, on account of
which the gracious Word of God, full of compassion 
for his human flock, had long since, by the 
ministry of his prophets, and earlier still, as 
well as later, by that of men distinguished by


603

pious devotion to God, invited those thus 
desperately afflicted to their own cure; and had, 
by means of laws, exhortations, and doctrines of 
every kind, proclaimed to man the principles and 
elements of true godliness. But when for mankind, 
distracted and torn as I have said, not indeed by 
wolves and savage beasts, but by ruthless and 
soul-destroying spirits of evil, human power no 
longer sufficed, but a help was needed superior to 
that of man; then it was that the Word of God, 
obedient to his all-gracious Father's will, at 
length himself appeared, and
most willingly made his abode amongst us. 
16 The causes of his advent I have already 
described, induced by which he condescended
to the society of man; not in his wonted form and 
manner, for he is incorporeal, and present 
everywhere throughout the world, proving by his 
agency both in heaven and earth the greatness of 
his almighty power, but in a character new and 
hitherto unknown. Assuming a mortal

body, he deigned to associate and converse with 
men; desiring, through the medium of
their own likeness, to save our mortal race.

CHAPTER XIV.

1   AND now let us explain the cause for which
the incorporeal Word of God assumed this
mortal body as a medium of intercourse with man. 
How, indeed, else than in human form could that 
Divine and impalpable, that immaterial and 
invisible Essence manifest itself to those who 
sought for God in created and earthly objects, 
unable or unwilling otherwise to discern the 
Author and Maker of all things?
2 As a fitting means, therefore, of communi-
cation with mankind, he assumed a mortal
body, as that with which they were themselves 
familiar; for like, it is proverbially said, loves 
its like. To those, then, whose affections were 
engaged by visible objects, who looked for gods in 
statues and lifeless images, who imagined the 
Deity to consist in material and corporeal 
substance, nay, who conferred on men the title of 
divinity, the Word of God presented him-3 self in 
this form. Hence he procured for himself this body 
as a thrice-hallowed temple, a sensible habitation 
of an intellectual power; a noble and most holy 
form, of far higher worth than any lifeless 
statue. The material and senseless image, 
fashioned by base mechanic hands, of brass or 
iron, of gold or ivory, wood or stone, may be a 
fitting abode for evil spirits: but that Divine 
form, wrought by the power of heavenly wisdom, was 
possessed of life and spiritual being; a form 
animated by every excellence,
the dwelling-place of the Word of God, 4 a holy 
temple of the holy God. Thus the indwelling Word 
(1) conversed with and was known to men, as 
kindred with themselves; yet yielded not to 
passions such as theirs, nor owned, as the natural 
soul, subjection to the body. He parted not with 
aught of his intrinsic greatness, nor changed his 
proper Deity. For as the all-pervading radiance of 
the sun receives no stain from contact with dead 
and impure bodies; much less can the incorporeal 
power of the Word of God be injured in its 
essential purity, or part with any of its 
greatness, from spiritual contact with a human 
body.
Thus, I say, did our common Saviour prove 5
himself the benefactor and preserver of all,
displaying his wisdom through the instrumentality 
of his human nature, even as a musician uses the 
lyre to evince his skill. The Grecian myth tells 
us that Orpheus had power to charm ferocious 
beasts, and tame their savage spirit, by striking 
the chords of his instrument with a master hand: 
and this story is celebrated by

the Greeks, and generally believed, that an 
unconscious instrument could subdue the untamed 
brute, and draw the trees from their places, in 
obedience to its melodious power. But he who is 
the author of perfect harmony, the all-wise Word 
of God, desiring to apply every remedy to the 
manifold diseases of the souls of men, employed 
that human nature which is the workmanship of his 
own wisdom, as an instrument by the melodious 
strains of which he soothed, not indeed the brute 
creation, but savages endued with reason; healing 
each furious temper, each fierce and angry passion 
of the soul, both in civilized and barbarous 
nations, by the remedial power of his Divine 
doctrine. Like a physician of perfect skill, he 
met the diseases of their souls who sought for God 
in nature and in bodies, by a fitting and kindred 
remedy, and showed them God in human
form. And then, with no less care for the  6
body than the soul, he presented before
the eyes of men wonders and signs, as proofs of 
his Divine power, at the same time instilling into 
their ears of flesh the doctrines which he himself 
uttered with a corporeal tongue. In short, he 
performed all his works through the medium of that 
body which he had assumed for the sake of those 
who else were incapable
of apprehending his Divine nature. In all 7 this 
he was the servant of his Father's will, himself 
remaining still the same as when with the Father; 
unchanged in essence, unimpaired in nature, 
unfettered by the trammels of mortal flesh, nor 
hindered by his abode in a human body from being 
elsewhere present. (2)


604

8 Nay, at the very time of his intercourse
with men, he was pervading all things, was
with and in the Father, and even then was caring 
for all things both in heaven and earth. Nor was 
he precluded, as we are, from being present 
everywhere, or from the continued exercise of his 
Divine power. He gave of his own to man, but 
received nothing in return: he imparted of his 
Divine power to mortality, but derived no 
accession from mortality itself.
9 Hence his human birth to him brought no
defilement; nor could his impassible Essence 
suffer at the dissolution of his mortal body. For 
let us suppose a lyre to receive an accidental 
injury, or its chord to be broken; it does not 
follow that the performer on it suffers: nor, if a 
wise man's body undergo punishment, can we fairly 
assert that his wisdom, or the soul within him, 
are maimed or burned.
10 Far less can we affirm that the inherent
power of the Word sustained any detriment
from his bodily passion, any more than, as in the 
instance we have already used, the solar rays 
which are shot from heaven to earth contract 
defilement, though in contact with mire and 
pollution of every kind. We may, indeed, assert 
that these things partake of the radiance of the 
light, but not that the light is contaminated, or 
the sun defiled, by this contact
11 with other bodies. And indeed these things
are themselves not contrary to nature; but
the Saviour, the incorporeal Word of God, being 
Life and spiritual Light itself, whatever he 
touches with Divine and incorporeal power must of
necessity become endued with the intelligence of 
light and life. Thus, if he touch a body, it 
becomes enlightened and sanctified, is at once 
delivered from all disease, infirmity, and 
suffering, and that which before was lacking is 12 
supplied by a portion of his fullness. And such 
was the tenor of his life on earth; now proving 
the sympathies of his human nature with our own, 
and now revealing himself as the Word of God: 
wondrous and mighty in his works as God; 
foretelling the events of the far distant future; 
declaring in every act, by signs, and wonders, and 
supernatural powers, that Word whose presence was 
so little known; and finally, by his Divine 
teaching, inviting the souls of men to prepare for 
those mansions which are above the heavens.

CHAPTER XV.

1   WHAT now remains, but to account for
those which are the crowning facts of all;
I mean his death, so far and widely known, the

manner of his passion, and the mighty miracle
of his resurrection after death: and then to 
establish the truth of these events by the 
clearest
testimonies? For the reasons detailed
above he used the instrumentality of a
mortal body, as a figure becoming his
Divine majesty, and like a mighty sovereign
employed it as his interpreter in his intercourse
with men, performing all things consistently
with his own Divine power. Supposing, then,
at the end of his sojourn among men, he had
by any other means suddenly withdrawn himself
from their sight, and, secretly removing that 
interpreter of himself, the form which he had
assumed, had hastened to flee from death, and
afterwards by his own act had consigned his
mortal body to corruption and dissolution:
doubtless in such a case he would have been
deemed a mere phantom by all. Nor would
he have acted in a manner worthy of himself,
had he who is Life, the Word, and the Power of
God, abandoned this interpreter of himself
to corruption and death. Nor, again, would
his warfare with the spirits of evil have received 
its consummation by conflict. with the
power of death. The place of his retirement
must have remained unknown; nor would his
existence have been believed by those who had
not seen him for themselves. No proof would
have been given that he was superior to death
nor would he have delivered mortality from
the law of its natural infirmity. His name
had never been heard throughout the world
nor could he have inspired his disciples with
contempt of death, or encouraged those who.
embraced his doctrine to hope for the enjoyment of 
a future life with God. Nor would he
have fulfilled the assurances of his own promise, 
nor have accomplished the predictions of
the prophets concerning himself. Nor would
he have undergone the last conflict of all; for
this was to be the struggle with the power
of death. For all these reasons, then, and 4
inasmuch as it was necessary that the mortal
body which had rendered such service to the Divine 
Word should meet with an end worthy its sacred 
occupant, the manner of his death was ordained 
accordingly. For since but two alternatives 
remained: either to consign his body entirely to 
corruption, and so to bring the scene of life to a 
dishonored close, or else to prove himself 
victorious over death, and render mortality 
immortal by the act of Divine power; the former of 
these alternatives would have contravened his own 
promise. For as it is not the property of fire to 
cool, nor of light to darken, no more is it 
compatible with life, to deprive of life, or with 
Divine intelligence, to act in a manner contrary 
to reason. For how would it be consistent,with 
reason, that he who had promised


605

life to others, should permit his own body, the 
form which he had chosen, to perish beneath the 
power of corruption? That he who had inspired his 
disciples with hopes of immortality,
should yield this exponent of his Divine
5	counsels to be destroyed by death? The
	second alternative was therefore needful
I mean, that he should assert his dominion over 
the power of death. But how? should this be a 
furtive and secret act, or openly performed and in 
the sight of all? So mighty an achievement, had it 
remained unknown and unrevealed, must have failed 
of its effect as regards the interests of men; 
whereas the same event, if openly declared and 
understood, would, from its wondrous character, 
redound to the common benefit of all. With reason, 
therefore, since it was needful to prove his body 
victorious over death, and that not secretly but 
before the eyes of men, he shrank not from the 
trial, for this indeed would have argued fear, and 
a sense of inferiority to the power of death, but 
maintained that conflict with the enemy which has 
rendered mortality immortal; a conflict undertaken 
for the life, the immortality, the salvation of 
all. 6 Suppose one desired to show us that a 
vessel could resist the force of fire; how could 
he better prove the fact than by casting it into 
the furnace and thence withdrawing it entire and 
unconsumed? Even thus the Word of God who is the 
source of life to all, desiring to prove the 
triumph of that body over death which he had 
assumed for man's salvation, and to make this body 
partake his own life and immortality, pursued a 
course consistent with this object. Leaving his 
body for a little while, (1) and delivering it up 
to death in proof of its mortal nature, he soon 
redeemed it from death, in vindication of that 
Divine power whereby he has manifested the 
immortality which he has promised to 7 be utterly 
beyond the sphere of death. The reason of this is 
clear. It was needful that l his disciples should 
receive ocular proof of the certainty of that 
resurrection on which he had taught them to rest 
their hopes as a motive for rising superior to the 
fear of death. It was indeed most needful that 
they who purposed to pursue a life of godliness 
should receive a clear impression of this 
essential truth: more needful still for those who 
were destined to declare his name in all the 
world, and to communicate to mankind that 
knowledge of God which he 8 had before ordained 
for all nations. For such the strongest conviction 
of a future life was necessary, that they might be 
able with fearless and unshrinking zeal to 
maintain the conflict with Gentile and 
polytheistic error: a conflict the dangers of 
which they would never,

have been prepared to meet, except as habituated 
to the contempt of death. Accordingly, in arming 
his disciples against the power of this last 
enemy, he delivered not his doctrines in mere 
verbal precepts, nor attempted to prove the soul's 
immortality, by persuasive and probable arguments; 
but displayed to them in his
own person a real victory over death. Such  9
was the first and greatest reason of our
Saviour's conflict with the power of death, 
whereby he proved to his disciples the nothingness 
of that which is the terror of all mankind, and 
afforded a visible evidence of the reality of that 
life which he had promised; presenting as it were 
a first-fruit of our common hope, of future life 
and immortality in the presence of God.
The second cause of his resurrection was, 10
that the Divine power might be manifested
which dwelt in his mortal body. Mankind had 
heretofore conferred Divine honors on men who had 
yielded to the power of death, and had given the 
titles of gods and heroes to mortals like 
themselves. For this reason, therefore, the Word 
of God evinced his gracious character, and proved 
to man his own superiority over death, recalling 
his mortal body to a second life, displaying an 
immortal triumph over death in the eyes of all, 
and teaching them to acknowledge the Author of 
such a victory to be the only
true God, even in death itself. I may 11
allege yet a third cause of the Saviour's
death. He was the victim offered to the Supreme 
Sovereign of the universe for the whole human 
race: a victim consecrated for the need of the 
human race, and for the overthrow of the errors of 
demon worship. For as soon as the one holy and 
mighty sacrifice, the sacred body of our Saviour, 
had been slain for man, to be as a ransom for all 
nations, heretofore involved in the guilt of 
impious superstition, thenceforward the power of 
impure and unholy spirits was utterly abolished, 
and every earth-born and delusive error was at 
once weakened and
destroyed. Thus, then, this salutary victim 12
taken from among themselves, I mean the
mortal body of the Word, was offered on behalf
of the common race of men. This was that
sacrifice delivered up to death, of which the 
sacred oracles speak: "Behold the Lamb of God,
which taketh away the sin of the world." (2) And
again, as follows: "He was led as a sheep to
the slaughter, and as a lamb before the shearer
is dumb." They declare also the cause, saying:
"He bears our sins, and is pained for us: yet
we accounted him to be in trouble, and in 
suffering, and in affliction. But he was wounded 
on
account of our sins, and bruised because of our
iniquities: the chastisement of our peace was


606

upon him; and by his bruises we were healed. All 
we as sheep have gone astray; every one has gone 
astray in this way; and the Lord gave
	him up for our sins.'' (3)
13  Such were the causes which led to the
offering of the human body of the Word of
God. But forasmuch as he was the great high
priest, consecrated to the Supreme Lord and
King, and therefore more than a victim, the
Word, the Power, and the Wisdom of God;
he soon recalled his body from the grasp of
death, presented it to his Father as the 
first-fruit
of our common salvation, and raised this trophy,
a proof at once of his victory over death and
Satan, and of the abolition of human sacrifices,
for the blessing of all mankind.

CHAPTER XVI.

1   AND now the time is come for us to proceed to 
the demonstration of these things;
if indeed such truths require demonstration, and 
if the aid of testimony be needful to confirm the 
certainty of palpable facts. Such testimony, 
however, shall be here given; and let it be 
received with an attentive and gracious ear.
2  Of old the nations of the earth, the entire
human race, were variously distributed into
provincial, national, and local governments, (1) 
subject to kingdoms and principalities of many 
kinds. The consequences of this variety were war 
and strife, depopulation and captivity, which 
raged in country and city with unceasing fury. 
Hence, too, the countless subjects of history, 
adulteries, and rapes of women; hence the woes of 
Troy, and the ancient tragedies, so known 3 among 
all peoples. The origin of these may justly be 
ascribed to the delusion of polytheistic error. 
But when that instrument of our redemption, the 
thrice holy body of Christ, which proved itself 
superior to all Satanic fraud, and free from evil 
both in word and deed, was raised, at once for the 
abolition of ancient evils, and in token of his 
victory over the powers of darkness; the energy of 
these evil spirits was at once destroyed. The 
manifold forms of government, the tyrannies and 
republics, the siege of cities, and devastation of 
countries caused thereby, were now no more, and 
one God 4 was proclaimed to all mankind. At the 
same time one universal power, the Roman empire, 
arose and flourished, while the enduring and 
implacable hatred of nation against nation was now 
removed: and as the knowledge of

one God, and one way of religion and salvation, 
even the doctrine of Christ, was made known to all 
mankind; so at the self-same period, the entire 
dominion of the Roman empire being vested in a 
single sovereign, profound peace reigned 
throughout the world. And thus, by the express 
appointment of the same God, two roots of 
blessing, the Roman empire, and the doctrine of 
Christian piety, sprang up together for the 
benefit of men. For before 5 this time the various 
countries of the world, as Syria, Asia, Macedonia, 
Egypt, and Arabia, had been severally subject to 
different rulers. The Jewish people, again, had 
established their dominion in the laud of 
Palestine. And these nations, in every village, 
city, and district, actuated by some insane 
spirit, were engaged in incessant and murderous 
war and conflict. But two mighty powers, starting 
from the same point, the Roman empire, which 
henceforth was swayed by a single sovereign, and 
the Christian religion, subdued and reconciled 
these contending elements. Our Saviour's mighty 6 
power destroyed at once the many governments and 
the many gods of the powers of darkness, and 
proclaimed to all men, both rude and civilized, to 
the extremities of the earth, the sole sovereignty 
of God himself. Meantime the Roman empire, the 
causes of multiplied governments being thus 
removed, effected an easy conquest of those which 
yet remained; its object being to unite all 
nations in one harmonious whole; an object in 
great measure already secured, and destined to be 
still more perfectly attained, even to the final 
conquest of the ends of the habitable world, by 
means of the salutary doctrine, and through the 
aid of that Divine power which facilitates and 
smooths its way. And surely this must appear a 
wondrous 7 fact to those who will examine the 
question in the love of truth, and desire not to 
cavil at these blessings. (2) The falsehood of 
demon superstition was convicted: the inveterate 
strife and mutual hatred of the nations was 
removed: at the same time One God, and the 
knowledge of that God, were proclaimed to all: one 
universal empire prevailed; and the whole human 
race, subdued by the controlling power of peace 
and concord, received one another as brethren, and 
responded to the feelings of their common nature. 
Hence, as children of one God and Father, and 
owning true religion as their common mother, they 
saluted and welcomed each other with words of 
peace. Thus the whole world appeared like one 
well-ordered and united family: each one might 
journey unhindered as far as and whithersoever he 
pleased: men might

607

securely travel from West to East, and from East 
to West, as to their own native country: in short, 
the ancient oracles and predictions of the  
prophets were fulfilled, more numerous than we can 
at present cite, and those especially which speak 
as follows concerning the saving Word. "He shall 
have dominion from sea to sea, and from the river 
to the ends of the earth." And again, "In his days 
shall righteousness spring up; and abundance of 
peace." "And they shall beat their swords into 
plough-shares, and their spears into sickles: and 
nation shall not take up sword against nation, 
neither shall
8 they learn to war any more.'' (3) These
words, predicted ages before in the Hebrew
tongue, have received in our own day a visible 
fulfillment, by which the testimonies of the 
ancient oracles are clearly confirmed. And now, if 
thou still desire more ample proof, receive it, 
not in words, but from the facts themselves. Open 
the eyes of thine understanding expand the gates 
of thought; pause awhile, and consider; inquire of 
thyself as though thou weft another, and thus 
diligently examine the nature of the case. What 
king or prince in any age of the world, what 
philosopher, legislator, or prophet, in civilized 
or barbarous lands, has attained so great a height 
of excellence, I say not after death, but while 
living still, and full of mighty power, as to fill 
the ears and tongues of all mankind with the 
praises of his name? Surely none save our only 
Saviour has done this, when, after his victory 
over death, he spoke the word to his followers, 
and fulfilled it by the event, saying to them, "Go 
ye, and make disciples of all nations in my 
name.'' (4) He it was who gave the distinct 
assurance, that his gospel must be preached in all 
the world for a tes testimony to all nations, and 
immediately verified  his word: for within a 
little time the world   itself was filled with his 
doctrine. How, then, will those who caviled at the 
commencement of my speech be able to reply to 
this? For surely the force of ocular testimony is 
superior to any verbal argument. Who else than he, 
with an invisible and yet potent hand, has driven 
from human society like savage beasts that ever 
noxious and destructive tribe of evil spirits who 
of old had made all nations their prey, and by the 
motions of their images had practiced many a 
delusion among men? Who else, beside our Saviour, 
by the invocation of his name, and by unfeigned 
prayer addressed through him to the Supreme God, 
has given power to banish from the world the 
remnant of

those wicked spirits to those who with genuine and 
sincere obedience pursue the course of life and 
conduct which he has himself prescribed? Who else 
but our Saviour has taught his followers to offer 
those bloodless and reasonable sacrifices which 
are performed by prayer and the secret worship of 
God? Hence is it that throughout the habitable 
world altars are erected, and churches dedicated, 
wherein these spiritual and rational sacrifices 
are offered as a sacred service by every nation to 
the One Supreme God. Once more, who but he, with 
invisible and secret power, has suppressed and 
utterly abolished those bloody sacrifices which 
were offered with fire and smoke, as well as the 
cruel and senseless immolation of human victims; a 
fact which is attested by the heathen historians 
themselves? For it was not till after the 
publication of the Saviour's Divine doctrine, 
about the time of Hadrian's reign, that the 
practice of human sacrifice was universally
abandoned. Such and so manifest are the 11
proofs of our Saviour's power and energy
after death. Who then can be found of spirit so 
obdurate as to withhold his assent to the truth, 
and refuse to acknowledge his life to be Divine? 
Such deeds as I have described are done by the 
living, not the dead; and visible acts are to us 
as evidence of those which we cannot see. It is as 
it were an event of yesterday that an impious and 
godless race disturbed and confounded the peace of 
human society, and possessed mighty power. But 
these, as soon as life departed, lay prostrate on 
the earth, worthless as dung, breathless, 
motionless, bereft of speech, and have left 
neither fame nor memorial behind. For such is the 
condition of the dead; and he who no longer lives 
is nothing: and how can he who is nothing be 
capable of any act? But how shall his existence be 
called in question, whose active power and energy 
are greater than in those who are still alive? And 
though he be invisible to the natural eye, yet the 
discerning faculty is not in outward sense. We do 
not comprehend the rules of art, or the theories 
of science, by bodily sensation; nor has any eye 
yet discerned the mind of man. Far less, then, the 
power of God: and in such cases our judgment is 
formed from apparent results. Even thus are we 
bound to judge of our Saviour's invisible power, 
and decide by its manifest effects whether we 
shall acknowledge the mighty operations which he 
is even now carrying on to be the works of a 
living agent; or whether they shall be ascribed to 
one who has no existence; or, lastly, whether the 
inquiry be not absurd and inconsistent in itself. 
For with what reason can we assert the existence 
of one who is not? Since all allow that that which 
has no existence


608

is devoid of that power, and energy, and action, 
for these are characteristics of the living, but 
the contrary is characteristic of the dead.

CHAPTER XVII.

1  AND now the time is come for us to consider the 
works of our Saviour in our own
age, and to contemplate the living operations of 
the living God. For how shall we describe these 
mighty works save as living proofs of the power of 
a living agent, who truly enjoys the life of God? 
If any one inquire the nature
2 of these works, let him now attend. But
recently a class of persons, impelled by
furious zeal, and backed by equal power and 
military force, evinced their enmity against God, 
by destroying his churches, and overthrowing from 
their foundations the buildings dedicated to his 
worship. In short, in every way they directed 
their attacks against the unseen God, and assailed 
him with a thousand shafts of impious words. But 
he who is invisible avenged himself with an 
invisible hand. By the single fiat of his will his 
enemies were utterly destroyed, they who a little 
while before had been flourishing in great 
prosperity, exalted by their fellow men as worthy 
of divine honor, and blessed with a continued 
period of power and glory, (1) so long as they had 
maintained peace and amity with him whom they 
afterwards opposed. As soon, however, as they 
dared openly to resist his will, and to set their 
gods in array against him whom we  adore; 
immediately, according to the will and power of 
that God against whom their arms were raised, they 
all received the judgment due to their audacious 
deeds. Constrained to yield and flee before his 
power, together they acknowledged his Divine 
nature, and hastened to reverse the measures which 
they had before essayed.
4 Our Saviour, therefore, without delay erected
trophies of this victory everywhere, and
once more adorned the world with holy temples and 
consecrated houses of prayer; in every city and 
village, nay, throughout all countries, and even 
in barbaric wilds, ordaining the erection of 
churches and sacred buildings to the honor of the 
Supreme God and Lord of all. Hence it is that 
these hallowed edifices are deemed worthy to bear 
his name, and receive not their appellation from 
men, but from the Lord himself, from which 
circumstances they
are called churches (or houses of the 5 Lord). (2) 
And now let him who will stand

forth and tell us who, after so complete a
desolation, has restored these sacred buildings
from foundation to roof? Who, when all hope
appeared extinct, has caused them to rise on a
nobler scale than heretofore? And well may it
claim our wonder, that this renovation was not
subsequent to the death of those adversaries of
God, but whilst the destroyers of these edifices
were still alive; so that the recantation of their
evil deeds came in their own words and edicts. (3)
And this they did, not in the sunshine of 
prosperity and ease (for then we might suppose 
that
benevolence or clemency might be the cause),
but at the very time that they were suffering
under the stroke of Divine vengeance.
Who, again, has been able to retain in6
obedience to his heavenly precepts, after
so many successive storms of persecution, nay,
in the very crisis of danger, so many persons
throughout the world devoted to philosophy,
and the service of God and those holy choirs
of virgins who had dedicated themselves to a
life of perpetual chastity and purity? Who
taught them cheerfully to persevere in the 
exercise of protracted fasting, and to embrace a 
life
of severe and consistent self-denial? Who has
persuaded multitudes of either sex to devote
themselves to the study of sacred things, and
prefer to bodily nutriment that intellectual food
which is suited to the wants of a rational soul? 
(4)
Who has instructed barbarians and peasants,
yea, feeble women, slaves, and children, in
short, unnumbered multitudes of all nations, to
live in the contempt of death; persuaded of
the immortality of their souls, conscious that
human actions are observed by the unerring eye
of justice, expecting God's award to the righteous 
and the wicked, and therefore true to the
practice of a just and virtuous life? For they
could not otherwise have persevered in the
course of godliness. Surely these are the acts
which our Saviour, and he alone, even now per-
forms. And now let us pass from these
topics, and endeavor by inquiries such as 7
these that follow to convince the objector's
obdurate understanding. Come forward, then, 
whoever thou art, and speak the words of reason: 
utter, not the thoughts of a senseless heart, but 
those of an intelligent and enlightened mind: 
speak, I say, after deep solemn converse with 
thyself. Who of the sages whose names have yet 
been known to fame, has ever been fore-known and 
proclaimed from the remotest ages, as our Saviour 
was by the prophetic oracles to the once 
divinely-favored Hebrew nation? But


609

his very birth-place, the period of his advent the 
manner of his life, his miracles, and words and 
mighty acts, were anticipated and recorded
in the sacred volumes of these prophets.
8 Again, who so present an avenger of crimes
against himself; so that, as the immediate
consequence of their impiety, the entire Jewish 
people were scattered by an unseen power, their 
royal seat utterly removed, and their very temple 
with its holy things levelled with the ground? 
Who, like our Saviour, has uttered predictions at 
once concerning that impious nation and the 
establishment of his church throughout the world, 
and has equally verified both by the event? 
Respecting the temple of these wicked men, our 
Saviour said: "Your house is left unto you 
desolate": (5) and, "There shall not be left one 
stone upon another in this place, that shall not 
be thrown down." (6) And again, of his church he 
says: "I will build my church upon a rock, and the 
gates of hell
9 shall not prevail against it." (7) How wondrous, 
too, must that power be deemed
which summoned obscure and unlettered men
from their fisher's trade, and made them the
legislators and instructors of the human race!
And how clear a demonstration of his deity do
we find in the promise so well performed, that
he would make them fishers of men: in the
power and energy which he bestowed, so that
they composed and published writings of such
authority that they were translated into every
civilized and barbarous language,s were read
and pondered by all nations, and the doctrines 14  
contained in them accredited as the
oracles of God! How marvelous his pre-
dictions of the future, and the testimony whereby 
his disciples were forewarned that they should be 
brought before kings and rulers, and should endure 
the severest punishments, not indeed as criminals, 
but simply for their confession of his name! Or 
who shall adequately describe the power with which 
he prepared them thus to suffer with a willing 
mind, and enabled them, strong in the armor of 
godliness, to maintain a constancy of spirit 
indomitable in the midst
11 of conflict? Or how shall we enough
admire that steadfast firmness of soul which
strengthened, not merely his immediate followers,. 
but their successors also, even to our present 
age, in the joyful endurance of every infliction, 
1 and every form of torture, in proof of their   
devotion to the Supreme God? Again, what monarch 
has prolonged his government through so vast a 
series of ages? Who else has power

to make war after death, to triumph over every 
enemy, to subjugate each barbarous and civilized 
nation and city, and to subdue his adversaries 
with an invisible and secret hand? Lastly, and 
chief of all, what slanderous lip shall dare to 
question that universal peace to which we have 
already referred;
established by his power throughout the world
For thus the mutual concord and harmony of all 
nations coincided in point of time with the 
extension of our Saviour's doctrine and preaching 
in all the world: a concurrence of events 
predicted in long ages past by the prophets of 
God. The day itself would fail me, gracious 
emperor, should I attempt to exhibit in a single 
view those cogent proofs of our Saviour's Divine 
power which even now are visible in their effects; 
for no human being, in civilized or barbarous 
nations, has ever yet exhibited such power of 
Divine virtue as our Saviour. But why do I speak 
of men, since of the beings whom all nations have 
deemed divine, none has appeared on earth with 
power like to his? If there has, let the fact now 
be proved. Come forward, ye philosophers, and tell 
us what god or hero has yet been known to fame, 
who has delivered the doctrines of eternal life 
and a heavenly kingdom as he has done who is our 
Saviour? Who, like him, has persuaded multitudes 
throughout the world to pursue the principles of 
Divine wisdom, to fix their hope on heaven itself, 
and look forward to the mansions there reserved 
for them that love God? What god or hero in human 
form has ever held his course from the rising to 
the setting sun, a course co-extensive as it were 
with the solar light, and irradiated mankind with 
the bright and glorious beams of his doctrine, 
causing each nation of the earth to render united 
worship to the One true God? What god or hero yet, 
as he has done, has set aside all gods and heroes 
among civilized or barbarous nations
has ordained that divine honors should be withheld 
from all, and chimed obedience to that command: 
and then, though singly conflicting with the power 
of all, has utterly destroyed the opposing hosts; 
victorious over the gods and heroes of every age, 
and causing himself alone,  in every region of the 
habitable world, to be acknowledged by all people 
as the only Son
of God? Who else has commanded the 14
nations inhabiting the continents and islands
of this mighty globe to assemble weekly on the 
Lord's day, and to observe it as a festival, not 
indeed for the pampering of the body, but for the 
invigoration of the soul by instruction in Divine 
truth? What god or hero, exposed, as our Saviour 
was, to so sore a conflict, has raised


610

the trophy of victory over every foe? For they 
indeed, from first to last, unceasingly assailed 
his doctrine and his people: but he who is 
invisible, by the exercise of a secret power, has 
raised his servants and the sacred houses of their 
worship to the height of glory.
But why should we still vainly aim at detailing 
those Divine proofs of our Saviour's power which 
no language can worthily express; which need 
indeed no words of ours, but themselves appeal in 
loudest tones to those whose mental ears are open 
to the truth? Surely it is a strange, a wondrous 
fact, unparalleled in the annals of human life; 
that the blessings we have described should be 
accorded to our mortal race, and that he who is in 
truth the only, the eternal Son of God, should 
thus be visible on earth.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THESE words of ours, however, [gracious] 
Sovereign, may well appear superfluous in your 
ears, convinced as you are, by frequent and 
personal experience, of our Saviour's Deity; 
yourself also, in actions still more than words, a 
her-aid of the truth to all mankind. Yourself, it 
may be, will vouchsafe at a time of leisure to 
relate to us the abundant manifestations which 
your Saviour has accorded you of his presence, and 
the oft-repeated visions of himself which have 
at-tended you in the hours of sleep. I speak not 
of those secret suggestions which to us are 
un-revealed: but of those principles which he has 
instilled into your own mind, and which are 
fraught with general interest and benefit to the 
human race. You will yourself relate in worthy

terms the visible protection which your Divine 
shield and guardian has extended in the hour of 
battle; the ruin of your open and secret foes; and 
his ready aid in time of peril. To him you will 
ascribe relief in the midst of perplexity; defence 
in solitude; expedients in extremity; 
foreknowledge of events yet future; your fore 
thought for the general weal; your power to 
investigate uncertain questions; your conduct of 
most important enterprises; your administration of 
civil affairs; (1) your military arrangements, and 
correction of abuses in all departments; your 
ordinances respecting public right; and, lastly, 
your legislation for the common benefit of all. 
You will, it may be, also detail to us those 
particulars of his favor which are secret to us, 
but known to you alone, and treasured in your 
royal memory as in secret storehouses. Such, 
doubtless, are the reasons, and such the 
convincing proofs of your Saviour's power, which 
caused you to raise that sacred edifice which 
presents to all, believers and unbelievers alike, 
a trophy of his victory over death, a holy temple 
of the holy God: to consecrate those noble and 
splendid monuments of immortal life and his 
heavenly kingdom: to offer memorials of our 
Almighty Saviour's conquest which well become the 
imperial dignity of him by whom they are bestowed. 
With such memorials have you adorned that edifice 
which witnesses of eternal life: thus, as it were 
in imperial characters, ascribing victory and 
triumph to the heavenly Word of God: thus 
proclaiming to all nations, with clear and 
unmistakable voice, in deed and word, your own 
devout and pious confession of his name.